Debaere assesses the role and performance of the EU during G20 meetings. More precisely, he revie... more Debaere assesses the role and performance of the EU during G20 meetings. More precisely, he reviews and explains processes of EU coordination in the context of the G20 and examines if internal coherence advances or compromises external impact. Therefore, he departs from insights on EU participation in the G8. Illustrated by two case studies on financial affairs and development cooperation, this chapter adds to the evidence that the strategy of speaking with a single voice is not always appropriate. By introducing the mode of interaction during G20 meetings as a key variable, the chapter tries to specify in which contexts this strategy could or could not work.
This chapter examines the European Union’s (EU) position within the newly established forum of th... more This chapter examines the European Union’s (EU) position within the newly established forum of the Group of Twenty (G20). After arguing that the G20 can be seen as an instance of ‘effective minilateralism’, the question is raised as to how the EU has dealt with this new evolution in global governance. First, the EU’s role in the creation and evolution of the G20 over the past five years (‘external reform’) is examined. The next section deals with the relationship between the G20 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the position of the EU in this regard. Subsequently, the way EU decision-making procedures have been coping with the G20 (‘internal reform’) is analysed, with particular attention for the involvement of those EU member states that are not a member of the G20. The chapter will demonstrate that the EU’s internal reform process largely consists of ad hoc and flexible responses to the new external situation and that the EU, including the small member states, have gradually come to accept the G20 as an effective forum for global governance.
The global financial crisis moved the International Monetary Fund (IMF) back to the center
stage... more The global financial crisis moved the International Monetary Fund (IMF) back to the center
stage, after some years of disengagement by major emerging markets and developing
countries (EMDCs). Neo-liberal institutionalism predicts that crises in a highly
interdependent world induce states to strengthen multilateral institutions. In the case of the
IMF, many observers believed that a more effective IMF was contingent on giving EMDCs a
larger voice. However, the 2010 Quota and Governance Reform at the IMF fell below
expectations in this regard. Based on an analysis of the ex ante preferences and power
relations of the major players, we show that this should not come as a surprise and that the
2010 reform agreement has reached the boundaries of the politically possible. Hence, this
empirical case-study brings in power and preferences to qualify the more optimist neo-liberal
institutionalist accounts against the backdrop of an increasingly multipolar world.
Routledge Handbook on the European Union and International Institutions. Performance, Policy, Power., 2012
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the EU’s role in the G7, G8 and G20. It first e... more This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the EU’s role in the G7, G8 and G20. It first explores the way in which the EU is represented in this Gx system and then assesses the extent to which the EU coordinates its position in the context of Gx meetings. In doing so, much attention will be paid to differences across the G7, G8 and G20 forums and to the legitimacy of the EU’s role in the Gx. Particular emphasis lies on the distinctive features of the Gx system. The informal organisation of these forums, their vague and unclear procedures, and the different compositions and competences across the G7, G8 and G20 partly explain why a clear EU representation and coordination is not evident and why the privileges of the EU4 can be maintained.
The G20 has emerged as the premier forum for international economic policy coordination. For smal... more The G20 has emerged as the premier forum for international economic policy coordination. For small EU states, the EU’s participation in the G20 represents a particular challenge as they may be faced with decisions in which they had no say. This article looks at the possibilities for small state involvement in the G20 process and analyses the extent to which they can influence the EU’s participation in the G20. The article suggests two sets of variables to explain the possibilities for influence of small states in the EU’s external relations. Looking into four financial and economic policy dossiers, the article explores the conditions of success of small states’ strategies. The article does not contradict that the big member states dominate the EU presence in the G20, but it does argue that small states may successfully use the EU as a foreign policy platform to pursue national objectives. Their influence varies strongly and is bound to a number of conditions.
Debaere assesses the role and performance of the EU during G20 meetings. More precisely, he revie... more Debaere assesses the role and performance of the EU during G20 meetings. More precisely, he reviews and explains processes of EU coordination in the context of the G20 and examines if internal coherence advances or compromises external impact. Therefore, he departs from insights on EU participation in the G8. Illustrated by two case studies on financial affairs and development cooperation, this chapter adds to the evidence that the strategy of speaking with a single voice is not always appropriate. By introducing the mode of interaction during G20 meetings as a key variable, the chapter tries to specify in which contexts this strategy could or could not work.
This chapter examines the European Union’s (EU) position within the newly established forum of th... more This chapter examines the European Union’s (EU) position within the newly established forum of the Group of Twenty (G20). After arguing that the G20 can be seen as an instance of ‘effective minilateralism’, the question is raised as to how the EU has dealt with this new evolution in global governance. First, the EU’s role in the creation and evolution of the G20 over the past five years (‘external reform’) is examined. The next section deals with the relationship between the G20 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the position of the EU in this regard. Subsequently, the way EU decision-making procedures have been coping with the G20 (‘internal reform’) is analysed, with particular attention for the involvement of those EU member states that are not a member of the G20. The chapter will demonstrate that the EU’s internal reform process largely consists of ad hoc and flexible responses to the new external situation and that the EU, including the small member states, have gradually come to accept the G20 as an effective forum for global governance.
The global financial crisis moved the International Monetary Fund (IMF) back to the center
stage... more The global financial crisis moved the International Monetary Fund (IMF) back to the center
stage, after some years of disengagement by major emerging markets and developing
countries (EMDCs). Neo-liberal institutionalism predicts that crises in a highly
interdependent world induce states to strengthen multilateral institutions. In the case of the
IMF, many observers believed that a more effective IMF was contingent on giving EMDCs a
larger voice. However, the 2010 Quota and Governance Reform at the IMF fell below
expectations in this regard. Based on an analysis of the ex ante preferences and power
relations of the major players, we show that this should not come as a surprise and that the
2010 reform agreement has reached the boundaries of the politically possible. Hence, this
empirical case-study brings in power and preferences to qualify the more optimist neo-liberal
institutionalist accounts against the backdrop of an increasingly multipolar world.
Routledge Handbook on the European Union and International Institutions. Performance, Policy, Power., 2012
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the EU’s role in the G7, G8 and G20. It first e... more This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the EU’s role in the G7, G8 and G20. It first explores the way in which the EU is represented in this Gx system and then assesses the extent to which the EU coordinates its position in the context of Gx meetings. In doing so, much attention will be paid to differences across the G7, G8 and G20 forums and to the legitimacy of the EU’s role in the Gx. Particular emphasis lies on the distinctive features of the Gx system. The informal organisation of these forums, their vague and unclear procedures, and the different compositions and competences across the G7, G8 and G20 partly explain why a clear EU representation and coordination is not evident and why the privileges of the EU4 can be maintained.
The G20 has emerged as the premier forum for international economic policy coordination. For smal... more The G20 has emerged as the premier forum for international economic policy coordination. For small EU states, the EU’s participation in the G20 represents a particular challenge as they may be faced with decisions in which they had no say. This article looks at the possibilities for small state involvement in the G20 process and analyses the extent to which they can influence the EU’s participation in the G20. The article suggests two sets of variables to explain the possibilities for influence of small states in the EU’s external relations. Looking into four financial and economic policy dossiers, the article explores the conditions of success of small states’ strategies. The article does not contradict that the big member states dominate the EU presence in the G20, but it does argue that small states may successfully use the EU as a foreign policy platform to pursue national objectives. Their influence varies strongly and is bound to a number of conditions.
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Papers by Peter Debaere
stage, after some years of disengagement by major emerging markets and developing
countries (EMDCs). Neo-liberal institutionalism predicts that crises in a highly
interdependent world induce states to strengthen multilateral institutions. In the case of the
IMF, many observers believed that a more effective IMF was contingent on giving EMDCs a
larger voice. However, the 2010 Quota and Governance Reform at the IMF fell below
expectations in this regard. Based on an analysis of the ex ante preferences and power
relations of the major players, we show that this should not come as a surprise and that the
2010 reform agreement has reached the boundaries of the politically possible. Hence, this
empirical case-study brings in power and preferences to qualify the more optimist neo-liberal
institutionalist accounts against the backdrop of an increasingly multipolar world.
Talks by Peter Debaere
stage, after some years of disengagement by major emerging markets and developing
countries (EMDCs). Neo-liberal institutionalism predicts that crises in a highly
interdependent world induce states to strengthen multilateral institutions. In the case of the
IMF, many observers believed that a more effective IMF was contingent on giving EMDCs a
larger voice. However, the 2010 Quota and Governance Reform at the IMF fell below
expectations in this regard. Based on an analysis of the ex ante preferences and power
relations of the major players, we show that this should not come as a surprise and that the
2010 reform agreement has reached the boundaries of the politically possible. Hence, this
empirical case-study brings in power and preferences to qualify the more optimist neo-liberal
institutionalist accounts against the backdrop of an increasingly multipolar world.