This chapter investigates the evolution and utilization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s image and ideo... more This chapter investigates the evolution and utilization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s image and ideology, termed “Mujibism,” as a populist tool in Bangladesh’s political landscape. Through a detailed examination of two distinct periods, the chapter elucidates how Mujib’s persona and the concept of Mujibism have been harnessed to foster a specific brand of populism, referred to here as “memorial populism.” The first period under scrutiny spans from the independence struggle culminating in the 1971 Liberation War to Mujib’s assassination in 1975. During this time, Mujib was celebrated as the quintessential leader of the new nation, embodying the will and spirit of the Bengali people. His leadership style and the cult of personality surrounding him were instrumental in the nation’s fight for independence and its immediate aftermath. However, internal conflicts, governance challenges, and a devastating famine in 1974 eroded his and his party’s popularity, leading to a brief experiment with one-party rule before his assassination. The second period begins with the return to democracy in 1991 and extends to the contemporary era under the leadership of his daughter, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Here, the chapter explores how Mujib’s legacy has been revived and reconstituted as a central ideological pillar of the Awami League’s populist strategies. This period is characterized by a strategic rearticulation of Mujib’s memory to legitimize political authority and foster an antagonistic narrative against perceived enemies of the nation, such as the opposition parties and their allies. By analyzing these periods, the chapter introduces the concept of memorial populism, where the past is selectively remembered and instrumentalized to serve contemporary political needs. It discusses how Mujib’s image has been transformed into an “empty signifier,” a term borrowed from Ernesto Laclau, representing a set of ideals that can be molded to fit current political contexts. This chapter contributes to the broader discourse on populism by highlighting how historical figures and events are repurposed to create a unified national identity and sustain political power.
This article seeks to comprehend the way the illegal timber economy in the Bodoland Territorial A... more This article seeks to comprehend the way the illegal timber economy in the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Council (BTAD) in Assam is integrated within a constellation of power and authority. Based on over ten months of ethnographic field research, our analysis shows that the timber trade is indeed characterized by what can be conceptualized as an excess of sovereignty. However, a burdened agency is still exercised by those in the timber trade. Moreover, the authority structure consisting of state, rebel and non-armed actors do not directly engage violently in the trade, but are more interested in taxation, governance, or indeed wildlife protection, showing the other side of this multiple authoruty structure. As the article shows, different ethnic groups, which are often thought to be diametrically opposed to each other, collaborate in the local timber commodity chain. However, these collaborations are characterized by highly unequal relations of exchange. As we argue, those that ha...
This article aims to conceptualize political relations in Bangladesh by building a descriptive mo... more This article aims to conceptualize political relations in Bangladesh by building a descriptive model of these relations. It draws on the concept of segmentary opposition developed by Evans-Pritchard in his study of the Nuer political system and on the concept of vertical integration used in the study of both industrial relations and party structures in federal states. It is argued that the structure of political relations in Bangladesh is based on the interaction of the logic of segmentary opposition and of vertical integration under leader-based groups. The descriptive model is then applied to two cases, based on qualitative fieldwork in Dhaka and Chittagong, to further clarify the model and illustrate its use as an analytical tool.
Leukocyte traffic out of the blood stream is crucial for an adequate immune response. Leukocyte e... more Leukocyte traffic out of the blood stream is crucial for an adequate immune response. Leukocyte extravasation is critically dependent on the binding of leukocyte integrins to their endothelial counterreceptors. This interaction enables the firm adhesion of leukocytes to the luminal side of the vascular wall and allows for leukocyte polarization, crawling and diapedesis. Leukocyte adhesion, polarization and migration requires the orchestrated regulation of integrin adhesion/deadhesion dynamics and actin cytoskeleton rearrangements. Adhesion strength depends on conformational changes of integrin molecules (affinity) as well as the number of integrin molecules engaged at adhesion sites (valency). These two processes can be independently regulated and several molecules modulate either one or both processes. Cholesterol-rich membrane domains (lipid rafts) participate in integrin regulation and play an important role in leukocyte adhesion, polarization and motility. In particular, lipid raft-resident glycosyl-phosphatidyl-inositol-anchored proteins (GPI-APs) have been reported to regulate leukocyte adhesion, polarization and motility in both integrin-dependent and independent manners. Here, we present our recent discovery concerning the novel role of the GPI-AP prion protein (PrP) in the regulation of b1 integrin-mediated monocyte adhesion, migration and shape polarization in the context of existing literature on GPI-AP-dependent regulation of integrins.
Although the Naxalite (Maoist) influence in India stretches from the north of Bihar to the south ... more Although the Naxalite (Maoist) influence in India stretches from the north of Bihar to the south of Andhra Pradesh, their impact on the political economy of the Indian countryside -and specifically the tribal livelihood economyremains understudied. This article examines how resource access is mediated in areas where both the state and the Naxalites hold some degree of public authority, using as a case study the trade in tendu leaves, used to make beedi cigarettes. This low-profile, lootable resource provides the single most important source of income both for the tribals in North Telangana (during the summer season), and for the Maoists. The article presents a commodity chain framework, adapted to the concerns of multiple public authorities, to throw light on the linkages both between tribal procurement and Naxalite taxation and between government and Naxalite authority. The author argues that in a situation of long-term conflict, relatively stable joint extraction regimes can be organized, by which all parties can benefit from multiple authority over certain resources.
This article examines two conflicting narratives concerning the relationship between tribals and ... more This article examines two conflicting narratives concerning the relationship between tribals and forests in India - narratives that have been counterpoised in India at least since colonial times. The first narrative sees tribals as the natural protectors of the forest; the second ...
Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at t... more Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus violence accounted for 13 per cent of political violence in the country. If all off- campus political violence in which one or more student groups participated is included, this increases to over 27 percent, making them one of the most active groups engaging in political violence. Important to note is that in some urban areas (such as Rajshahi and Sylhet), student groups participate in around 50 per cent of all political violence. At the same time, non-violent roles of student groups remain important given that student organizations remain one of the single most important breeding grounds for future political leaders. Given the importance of student politicians in organizing and participating in political violence, as well as student politics’ formative role in the making of party politicians, it is surprising that we still have a limited understanding of how student politics operates across Bangladesh. This report aims to build on the work already done, but to radically expand our comparative understanding of student politics by looking beyond Dhaka, where most of the research till date has focused on. Our research focused on five major cities which are also major centers of higher education – Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet, the important district headquarters of Bogra and one rural university (the Islamic University in Kushtia). Interviews were conducted – with both ruling party and opposition student activists, general students and university or college staff – to gain insights in the profile of student politicians, the organization of student politics in the specific locations, the relations between city politics and student politics, and factionalism and student violence.
... Record Details. Record ID, 950543. Record Type, journalArticle. Author, Bert Suykens [8020000... more ... Record Details. Record ID, 950543. Record Type, journalArticle. Author, Bert Suykens [802000083797] - Ghent University [email protected]. Title, 'You know we are Indians too': Tribal displacement and violent encounters with a 'blind' state in Andhra Pradesh. ...
This chapter investigates the evolution and utilization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s image and ideo... more This chapter investigates the evolution and utilization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s image and ideology, termed “Mujibism,” as a populist tool in Bangladesh’s political landscape. Through a detailed examination of two distinct periods, the chapter elucidates how Mujib’s persona and the concept of Mujibism have been harnessed to foster a specific brand of populism, referred to here as “memorial populism.” The first period under scrutiny spans from the independence struggle culminating in the 1971 Liberation War to Mujib’s assassination in 1975. During this time, Mujib was celebrated as the quintessential leader of the new nation, embodying the will and spirit of the Bengali people. His leadership style and the cult of personality surrounding him were instrumental in the nation’s fight for independence and its immediate aftermath. However, internal conflicts, governance challenges, and a devastating famine in 1974 eroded his and his party’s popularity, leading to a brief experiment with one-party rule before his assassination. The second period begins with the return to democracy in 1991 and extends to the contemporary era under the leadership of his daughter, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Here, the chapter explores how Mujib’s legacy has been revived and reconstituted as a central ideological pillar of the Awami League’s populist strategies. This period is characterized by a strategic rearticulation of Mujib’s memory to legitimize political authority and foster an antagonistic narrative against perceived enemies of the nation, such as the opposition parties and their allies. By analyzing these periods, the chapter introduces the concept of memorial populism, where the past is selectively remembered and instrumentalized to serve contemporary political needs. It discusses how Mujib’s image has been transformed into an “empty signifier,” a term borrowed from Ernesto Laclau, representing a set of ideals that can be molded to fit current political contexts. This chapter contributes to the broader discourse on populism by highlighting how historical figures and events are repurposed to create a unified national identity and sustain political power.
This article seeks to comprehend the way the illegal timber economy in the Bodoland Territorial A... more This article seeks to comprehend the way the illegal timber economy in the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Council (BTAD) in Assam is integrated within a constellation of power and authority. Based on over ten months of ethnographic field research, our analysis shows that the timber trade is indeed characterized by what can be conceptualized as an excess of sovereignty. However, a burdened agency is still exercised by those in the timber trade. Moreover, the authority structure consisting of state, rebel and non-armed actors do not directly engage violently in the trade, but are more interested in taxation, governance, or indeed wildlife protection, showing the other side of this multiple authoruty structure. As the article shows, different ethnic groups, which are often thought to be diametrically opposed to each other, collaborate in the local timber commodity chain. However, these collaborations are characterized by highly unequal relations of exchange. As we argue, those that ha...
This article aims to conceptualize political relations in Bangladesh by building a descriptive mo... more This article aims to conceptualize political relations in Bangladesh by building a descriptive model of these relations. It draws on the concept of segmentary opposition developed by Evans-Pritchard in his study of the Nuer political system and on the concept of vertical integration used in the study of both industrial relations and party structures in federal states. It is argued that the structure of political relations in Bangladesh is based on the interaction of the logic of segmentary opposition and of vertical integration under leader-based groups. The descriptive model is then applied to two cases, based on qualitative fieldwork in Dhaka and Chittagong, to further clarify the model and illustrate its use as an analytical tool.
Leukocyte traffic out of the blood stream is crucial for an adequate immune response. Leukocyte e... more Leukocyte traffic out of the blood stream is crucial for an adequate immune response. Leukocyte extravasation is critically dependent on the binding of leukocyte integrins to their endothelial counterreceptors. This interaction enables the firm adhesion of leukocytes to the luminal side of the vascular wall and allows for leukocyte polarization, crawling and diapedesis. Leukocyte adhesion, polarization and migration requires the orchestrated regulation of integrin adhesion/deadhesion dynamics and actin cytoskeleton rearrangements. Adhesion strength depends on conformational changes of integrin molecules (affinity) as well as the number of integrin molecules engaged at adhesion sites (valency). These two processes can be independently regulated and several molecules modulate either one or both processes. Cholesterol-rich membrane domains (lipid rafts) participate in integrin regulation and play an important role in leukocyte adhesion, polarization and motility. In particular, lipid raft-resident glycosyl-phosphatidyl-inositol-anchored proteins (GPI-APs) have been reported to regulate leukocyte adhesion, polarization and motility in both integrin-dependent and independent manners. Here, we present our recent discovery concerning the novel role of the GPI-AP prion protein (PrP) in the regulation of b1 integrin-mediated monocyte adhesion, migration and shape polarization in the context of existing literature on GPI-AP-dependent regulation of integrins.
Although the Naxalite (Maoist) influence in India stretches from the north of Bihar to the south ... more Although the Naxalite (Maoist) influence in India stretches from the north of Bihar to the south of Andhra Pradesh, their impact on the political economy of the Indian countryside -and specifically the tribal livelihood economyremains understudied. This article examines how resource access is mediated in areas where both the state and the Naxalites hold some degree of public authority, using as a case study the trade in tendu leaves, used to make beedi cigarettes. This low-profile, lootable resource provides the single most important source of income both for the tribals in North Telangana (during the summer season), and for the Maoists. The article presents a commodity chain framework, adapted to the concerns of multiple public authorities, to throw light on the linkages both between tribal procurement and Naxalite taxation and between government and Naxalite authority. The author argues that in a situation of long-term conflict, relatively stable joint extraction regimes can be organized, by which all parties can benefit from multiple authority over certain resources.
This article examines two conflicting narratives concerning the relationship between tribals and ... more This article examines two conflicting narratives concerning the relationship between tribals and forests in India - narratives that have been counterpoised in India at least since colonial times. The first narrative sees tribals as the natural protectors of the forest; the second ...
Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at t... more Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus violence accounted for 13 per cent of political violence in the country. If all off- campus political violence in which one or more student groups participated is included, this increases to over 27 percent, making them one of the most active groups engaging in political violence. Important to note is that in some urban areas (such as Rajshahi and Sylhet), student groups participate in around 50 per cent of all political violence. At the same time, non-violent roles of student groups remain important given that student organizations remain one of the single most important breeding grounds for future political leaders. Given the importance of student politicians in organizing and participating in political violence, as well as student politics’ formative role in the making of party politicians, it is surprising that we still have a limited understanding of how student politics operates across Bangladesh. This report aims to build on the work already done, but to radically expand our comparative understanding of student politics by looking beyond Dhaka, where most of the research till date has focused on. Our research focused on five major cities which are also major centers of higher education – Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet, the important district headquarters of Bogra and one rural university (the Islamic University in Kushtia). Interviews were conducted – with both ruling party and opposition student activists, general students and university or college staff – to gain insights in the profile of student politicians, the organization of student politics in the specific locations, the relations between city politics and student politics, and factionalism and student violence.
... Record Details. Record ID, 950543. Record Type, journalArticle. Author, Bert Suykens [8020000... more ... Record Details. Record ID, 950543. Record Type, journalArticle. Author, Bert Suykens [802000083797] - Ghent University [email protected]. Title, 'You know we are Indians too': Tribal displacement and violent encounters with a 'blind' state in Andhra Pradesh. ...
Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at t... more Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus violence accounted for 13 per cent of political violence in the country. If all off- campus political violence in which one or more student groups participated is included, this increases to over 27 percent, making them one of the most active groups engaging in political violence. Important to note is that in some urban areas (such as Rajshahi and Sylhet), student groups participate in around 50 per cent of all political violence. At the same time, non-violent roles of student groups remain important given that student organizations remain one of the single most important breeding grounds for future political leaders. Given the importance of student politicians in organizing and participating in political violence, as well as student politics’ formative role in the making of party politicians, it is surprising that we still have a limited understanding of how student politics operates across Bangladesh. This report aims to build on the work already done, but to radically expand our comparative understanding of student politics by looking beyond Dhaka, where most of the research till date has focused on. Our research focused on five major cities which are also major centers of higher education – Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet, the important district headquarters of Bogra and one rural university (the Islamic University in Kushtia). Interviews were conducted – with both ruling party and opposition student activists, general students and university or college staff – to gain insights in the profile of student politicians, the organization of student politics in the specific locations, the relations between city politics and student politics, and factionalism and student violence.
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