Conference Presentations by André Luiz Cançado Motta
The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activi... more The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activity in the world. This is largely due to commercial and political interests linked to the region, which is crucial for global maritime trade and rich in natural resources. China is the most interested party in the SCS, claiming 90% of its entire area, a portion referred to by Beijing as the "nine-dash line. " The present article seeks to analyse both quantitatively and qualitatively the influence of China on the military spending of four Southeast (SE) Asian countries that are also interested in the SCS: Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia. For quantitative analysis, we used the data for military expenditure, armaments acquisition, the frequency and type of incidents involving national navies and/or civilians. For qualitative analysis, we retrieved information from hemerographic sources and official documents from the United States, China, SE Asian countries, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and the World Bank (WB).
Efetividade do decreto de intervenção federal no Rio de Janeiro: uma análise comparativa das operações de garantia da lei e da ordem no Brasil (2001 - 2018), 2018
O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as operações GLO no Rio de Janeiro, onde tem se verificado d... more O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as operações GLO no Rio de Janeiro, onde tem se verificado de maneira recorrente esse tipo de operação. Acredita-se que exista fragilidade na legitimidade das operações, cujo objetivo é salvaguardar a incolumidade das pessoas e do patrimônio, no entanto, a dimensão política da tomada de decisão traz consigo um fator subjetivo, que é a percepção da ameaça. Assim, a multidimensionalidade da segurança consubstancia-se no pós Guerra Fria, e junto com ela houve a ampliação da percepção da ameaça. Nesse sentido, por meio da análise qualitativa de dados como leis brasileiras, tais quais a Constituição Federal de 1988, a Lei Complementar 97 e o Manual de Garantia da Lei e da Ordem (MD33-M-10, 2013); Indice de Confiança à justiça brasileira (ICJ); Notícias de jornais nacionais a respeito sobre a ocorrência de casos de Operação de Garantia da Lei e da Ordem; Revisão bibliográfica de autores de Segurança Internacional; Ao final do artigo, espera-se avaliar a legitimidade jurídica das operações no recorte temporal proposto, a se observar os desdobramentos atuais e evolutivos do tema com base nos dados demonstrados ao longo do trabalho. As conclusões que serão como as operações impactam na sociedade brasileira e se de fato há respaldo legal para que as mesmas ocorram.
Papers by André Luiz Cançado Motta
Chinese Political Science Review, 2024
This study explores the divergent diplomatic choices of Central American countries regarding reco... more This study explores the divergent diplomatic choices of Central American countries regarding recognition of Beijing versus Taipei between 2000 and 2018, despite their similar geopolitical and socioeconomic contexts. We analyze foreign policy shifts in Costa Rica, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and El Salvador (G1 group), which established diplomatic relations with China, in contrast to Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, and Belize (G2 group), which maintained recognition of Taiwan. Utilizing process-tracing and fuzzy-sets qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), our findings indicate that no single condition is both necessary and sufficient to account for the diplomatic transitions observed in G1. However, Chinese Development Assistance (ODA) emerges as the condition most closely associated with these shifts due to its empirical consistency. We identify two sufficient combinations of conditions that drive diplomatic change: both include Increased Exports to China (EXP), the PRC's Position in Export Markets (PEXP), Chinese Development Assistance (ODA), and Left-wing or Center-left Ruling Party Ideology (PP). In addition, for Costa Rica specifically, the Repudiation of Corruption Cases Involving Former Leaders Associated with Taiwan (CTW) plays a significant role. These findings highlight the complex interplay of economic factors, political ideologies, and corruption in shaping the diplomatic strategies of Central American nations.
This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period th... more This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period that ranges from the 1950s to the 1970s. Such movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and even in New Zealand. India, conversely, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or “Smiling Buddha”), but did not face such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.
Contexto Internacional
Abstract: The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense milit... more Abstract: The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activity in the world. This is largely due to commercial and political interests linked to the region, which is crucial for global maritime trade and rich in natural resources. China is the most interested party in the SCS, claiming 90% of its entire area, a portion referred to by Beijing as the “nine-dash line.” The present article seeks to analyse both quantitatively and qualitatively the influence of China on the military spending of four Southeast (SE) Asian countries that are also interested in the SCS: Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia. For quantitative analysis, we used the data for military expenditure, armaments acquisition, the frequency and type of incidents involving national navies and/or civilians. For qualitative analysis, we retrieved information from hemerographic sources and official documents from the United States, China, SE Asian countries, the Un...
THREATS TO NATIONAL SECURITY FROM TRAFFICKING NETWORK, 2021
Increased cocaine production and hegemony of
transnational routes have strengthened South America... more Increased cocaine production and hegemony of
transnational routes have strengthened South American
drug trafficking networks. This expansion has unfolded
into armed violence in Brazil, as Transnational Criminal
Organizations (TCO) compete over hegemony of drug
corridors and distribution not only in metropolitan regions
but, especially, in inner cities. Thus, this study aims to
analyze how the new territories of South American drug
trafficking relate to the nature and spatiality of violence in
Brazil, and to assess what type of direct threat this brings
to national security. We have collected georeferenced
quantitative data in the Uppsala Conflict Data Program
(UCDP), the Homicide Monitor of the Igarapé Institute,
and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC). We built our maps and performed our spatial
analysis with the Philcarto software. Finally, we observed
that the capillarization and hegemony of drug trafficking
territories drive the violence in the internal borders and
inland cities in Brazil.
Este ensaio pretende explicar a falta de movimentos antinucleares robustos na India durante um pe... more Este ensaio pretende explicar a falta de movimentos antinucleares robustos na India durante um periodo que vai desde os anos 1950 ate aos anos 1970. Tais movimentos surgiram em todo o mundo. Durante os anos 60, as pessoas mobilizaram-se para esta agenda nos Estados Unidos, Franca, Reino Unido, e mesmo na Nova Zelândia. A India, por outro lado, testou seu dispositivo nuclear em 1974, no conhecido teste de Pokhran-I (ou “Smiling Buddah”) mas nao enfrentou uma contestacao popular sobre tal materia. Neste sentido, a presente pesquisa teve como objetivo aplicar uma analise de congruencia dedutiva construida com base numa revisao bibliografica. Um estudo de caso sobre o contexto indiano testou hipoteses previamente elaboradas. Foi inferido que este fenomeno foi causado por quatro elementos: (a) poucas possibilidades de participacao publica; (b) pouca informacao disponivel sobre politica nuclear; (c) falta de cisma politico entre as elites nacionais e a sociedade civil sobre este tema; e, ...
Contexto Internacional, 2021
The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activi... more The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activity in the world. This is largely due to commercial and political interests linked to the region, which is crucial for global maritime trade and rich in natural resources. China is the most interested party in the SCS, claiming 90% of its entire area, a portion referred to by Beijing as the "nine-dash line. " The present article seeks to analyse both quantitatively and qualitatively the influence of China on the military spending of four Southeast (SE) Asian countries that are also interested in the SCS: Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia. For quantitative analysis, we used the data for military expenditure, armaments acquisition, the frequency and type of incidents involving national navies and/or civilians. For qualitative analysis, we retrieved information from hemerographic sources and official documents from the United States, China, SE Asian countries, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and the World Bank (WB).
Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval, 2021
O aumento da produção de cocaína e a hegemonia nas rotas transnacionais fortaleceram ... more O aumento da produção de cocaína e a hegemonia nas rotas transnacionais fortaleceram as redes narcotraficantes na América do Sul. Essa expansão apresentou desdobramentos na violência armada no Brasil, já que as Organizações Criminosas Transnacionais (OCTs) passam a disputar a hegemonia em corredores de circulação e distribuição da droga não apenas nas regiões metropolitanas, mas especialmente nas cidades interioranas. Dessa forma, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como as novas territorialidades do narcotráfico sul-americano se relacionam com a natureza e espacialidade da violência no Brasil, e levantar qual tipo de ameaça direta isso traz à segurança nacional. Para tanto, coletamos dados quantitativos georreferenciados no Repositório do Projeto de Conflitos da Universidade de Uppsala (UCDP), no Observatório de Homicídio do Instituto Igarapé e no Repositório de Apreensões do Escritório das Nações Unidas sobre Drogas e Crime (UNODC). Por meio do Software Philcarto, construímos as cartografias e desenvolvemos a análise espacial dos dados. Por fim, observamos que a capilarização e hegemonia das territorialidades do narcotráfico impulsionam a violência nas fronteiras internas e cidades interioranas no Brasil.
Palavras-chave: Espacialidade da violência. Organizações Criminosas Transnacionais. Violência armada.
This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period th... more This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period that ranges from the 1950s to the 1970s. Such
movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and
even in New Zealand. India, conversely, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or “Smiling Buddha”), but did not face
such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case
study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four
elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between
national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.
v.12 n.57 by André Luiz Cançado Motta
João Paulo Nicolini Gabriel, André Luiz Cançado Motta, 2021
This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period th... more This article aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period that ranges from the 1950s to the 1970s. Such movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and even in New Zealand. India, conversely, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or “Smiling Buddha”), but did not face such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.
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Conference Presentations by André Luiz Cançado Motta
Papers by André Luiz Cançado Motta
transnational routes have strengthened South American
drug trafficking networks. This expansion has unfolded
into armed violence in Brazil, as Transnational Criminal
Organizations (TCO) compete over hegemony of drug
corridors and distribution not only in metropolitan regions
but, especially, in inner cities. Thus, this study aims to
analyze how the new territories of South American drug
trafficking relate to the nature and spatiality of violence in
Brazil, and to assess what type of direct threat this brings
to national security. We have collected georeferenced
quantitative data in the Uppsala Conflict Data Program
(UCDP), the Homicide Monitor of the Igarapé Institute,
and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC). We built our maps and performed our spatial
analysis with the Philcarto software. Finally, we observed
that the capillarization and hegemony of drug trafficking
territories drive the violence in the internal borders and
inland cities in Brazil.
Palavras-chave: Espacialidade da violência. Organizações Criminosas Transnacionais. Violência armada.
movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and
even in New Zealand. India, conversely, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or “Smiling Buddha”), but did not face
such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case
study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four
elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between
national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.
v.12 n.57 by André Luiz Cançado Motta
transnational routes have strengthened South American
drug trafficking networks. This expansion has unfolded
into armed violence in Brazil, as Transnational Criminal
Organizations (TCO) compete over hegemony of drug
corridors and distribution not only in metropolitan regions
but, especially, in inner cities. Thus, this study aims to
analyze how the new territories of South American drug
trafficking relate to the nature and spatiality of violence in
Brazil, and to assess what type of direct threat this brings
to national security. We have collected georeferenced
quantitative data in the Uppsala Conflict Data Program
(UCDP), the Homicide Monitor of the Igarapé Institute,
and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC). We built our maps and performed our spatial
analysis with the Philcarto software. Finally, we observed
that the capillarization and hegemony of drug trafficking
territories drive the violence in the internal borders and
inland cities in Brazil.
Palavras-chave: Espacialidade da violência. Organizações Criminosas Transnacionais. Violência armada.
movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and
even in New Zealand. India, conversely, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or “Smiling Buddha”), but did not face
such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case
study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four
elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between
national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.