Protests against service delivery failure have become commonplace in South Africa, and the result... more Protests against service delivery failure have become commonplace in South Africa, and the resulting political upheavals constitute perhaps the most serious challenge this young democracy has yet faced. So just what is the problem? Having studied 37 municipalities across the country, the authors of The failure of decentralisation in South African local government have concluded that as a consequence of the decentralisation of local government a highly complex model of government has been imposed upon these municipalities, and that this is largely to blame. By posing a number of questions about the roles that exist within local government the authors arrive at a possible alternative model which imposes less complex demands and which offers different structures and responsibilities that can be adapted to the needs of the municipality. This timely book aims to promote an understanding of the difficulties that confront local government in South Africa and the causes of its failure, as well as to encourage debate.
Part 1 Ideology, power and the socialist party in capitalist democracy: socialism and the persist... more Part 1 Ideology, power and the socialist party in capitalist democracy: socialism and the persistence of capitalism the determination of socialist party radicalism. Part 2 The British Labour Party: Labour between the wars the Labour governments of 1945-51 the long years of opposition 1951-64 the Labour governments of 1964-70 the re-emergence of radicalism 1970-80. Part 3 The Swedish Social Democratic Party: the withering of democratic socialism and the rise of reformism in Sweden innovative reformism 1945-65 the radicalization of functional socialism 1968-80.
... 7, Geoff Hodgson, Labour at the Crossroads (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981), p. 25. ... 27. V... more ... 7, Geoff Hodgson, Labour at the Crossroads (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981), p. 25. ... 27. Volker Hase and Peter MUller, "Die Jungsozialisten in der SPD," in Jurgen Dittberner and Rolf Ebbighausen, eds., Parteiensystem in der Legitimationskrise (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag ...
From the perspective of liberal democracy, South Africa has become a victim of rampant corruption... more From the perspective of liberal democracy, South Africa has become a victim of rampant corruption. 1 If defined as in Nye's classic dictum that corruption is 'a deviation from public office to private gain', then the actions of many political figures in South Africa would qualify as corrupt (Nye 1967). How to account for a trajectory from the 'miracle transformation' in 1994, which witnessed the blossoming of democracy based on what Sunstein described as an exemplary 'turbo-constitution', to the shambles of the Zuma presidency (Sunstein 2000)? How to explain the descent from the beacon of democratic hope for Africa to one of the more corrupt democracies on the continent? This chapter argues that an understanding of the socio-historical context is important in understanding the current debate about what corruption is and why many of those accused of corruption do not see their actions as corrupt at all. Both the colonial and the apartheid state were instrumental in bringing about a form of structural corruption-the state and its bureaucracy
This study examines the notions of decentralisation and developmentalism, and shows how they have... more This study examines the notions of decentralisation and developmentalism, and shows how they have become two of the most significant defining features of South African local government.
Institutions are the channels of political power. This volume explores Arend Lijphart's life ... more Institutions are the channels of political power. This volume explores Arend Lijphart's life work--the design of political institutions. All the contributors to this volume share the fundamental insight that the design of political institutions matters in how democracies work.The essays in this volume offer both theoretical insights into the context and implications of Lijphart's ideas and empirical exploration of the ideas. Two chapters by Thomas Koelble and Andrew Reynolds examine and apply Lijphart's insights to South Africa, while another study by Jack Nagel explores the fascinating institutional changes taking place in New Zealand. Essays by Bernard Grofman and Rein Taagepera examine Lijphart's work from a theoretical perspective and place Lijphart's work in the wider neo-institutionalist school of thought. Milton Esman applies the principle of power-sharing to mobilized communities, not only in democratic societies but also to those which are governed by authoritarian rule. Bingham Powell offers an empirical approach to the crucial question of the connection between political institutions and responsiveness of policy-makers. Markus M. L. Crepaz and Vicki Birchfield argue that in this age of globalization, countries with consensual political institutions will not only systematically refract the pressures of globalization but will be able to absorb the domestic consequences of globalization more successfully than majoritarian countries. Finally, Arend Lijphart responds to the arguments made in these essays, extending and adding novel concepts and insights to his conceptual framework.The book will be of interest to political scientists, lawyers, and sociologists who study institutions, the impact of electoral systems, and constitutional design. In addition, those who study "globalization" will be attracted by the relevance of domestic political institutions and their refractory effects as the tides of globalization wash against the domestic shores.Markus M. L. Crepaz is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Georgia. Thomas A. Koelble is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Miami. David Wilsford is President and Professor, the Institute for American Universities.
Marx predijo que el socialismo reemplazaria al capitalismo como sistema economico. Los acontecimi... more Marx predijo que el socialismo reemplazaria al capitalismo como sistema economico. Los acontecimientos recientes en Europa oriental y occidental al parecer niegan esta piedra angular de la teoria marxista y los pensadores marxistas y "postmarxistas" argumentan que la teoria y la practica marxistas deben revaluarse. Para poder explicar la trayectoria del capitalismo, el marxismo requiere un nuevo marco teorico. Las teorias marxistas ortodoxas aparentemente no son capaces de explicar lo ocurrido y los teoricos "postmarxistas" sugieren que el marxismo tiene mucho que aprender de los llamados "nuevos movimientos sociales"; los ambientalistas, los grupos alternativos pacifistas, raciales y feministas
This paper addresses two twin questions - what accounts for the deep political and economic crisi... more This paper addresses two twin questions - what accounts for the deep political and economic crisis in South Africa? The answer this paper develops is that both desired outcomes - a thriving capitalist economy and a solid democracy - were based on Western models and assumptions about the South African developmental trajectory that did not take into account the fact that few of the prerequisites for either outcome existed. By critically applying the work of Partha Chatterjee, I make the argument that around 60 per cent of South Africa's population is marginalized from both the capitalist economy and its democratic processes. As a result, this large population views both democracy and capitalism with disdain and mistrust. The "politics of the governed", as Chatterjee refers to it, is about access to scarce government-controlled resources and based on rules of exception where those who protest in the most effective (often violent) manner obtain access whereas those who occ...
Dieser Beitrag untersucht den aktuellen Stand der Demokratie in Sudafrika durch die theoretische ... more Dieser Beitrag untersucht den aktuellen Stand der Demokratie in Sudafrika durch die theoretische Linse der Arbeiten Wolfgang Merkels zu demokratischen Systemen und argumentiert, dass aus minimalistischer Sicht betrachtet die Demokratie in Sudafrika recht gut funktionierte, wurden nur freie und faire Wahlen und die Garantie fur zivile und personliche Rechte zahlen. Wenn wir uns aber in die anderen von Merkel identifizierten Aspekte der Demokratie vertiefen, wie die horizontal accountability der staatlichen Institutionen und die effectiveness of governance, entsteht ein viel differenzierteres und beunruhigenderes Bild der gegenwartigen sudafrikanischen Demokratie. Die Patronagepolitik und die unverhohlene Korruption haben den Staatsapparat untergraben und spielen eine grose Rolle bei der Erklarung, warum sich die soziookonomischen Bedingungen der Apartheid-Ara als so schwer zu uberwinden erweisen.
This paper argues that current levels of violence and populism in post-colonial spaces such as So... more This paper argues that current levels of violence and populism in post-colonial spaces such as South Africa are a consequence of a socio-history of violent dispossession, exploitation and impoverishment and is perpetuated by the continuation of the socio-economic and political conditions rooted in that history of exceptional violence, inequality and injustice. A switch in the political system does not reduce violence by itself. The disposition towards violence can only be shifted by a fundamental shift away from the economics and politics of the apartheid era. Since such a shift is unlikely to occur under current conditions, the perpetuation of violence and populist politics are likely to remain key features and consti-tutive elements of post-apartheid democracy.
Protests against service delivery failure have become commonplace in South Africa, and the result... more Protests against service delivery failure have become commonplace in South Africa, and the resulting political upheavals constitute perhaps the most serious challenge this young democracy has yet faced. So just what is the problem? Having studied 37 municipalities across the country, the authors of The failure of decentralisation in South African local government have concluded that as a consequence of the decentralisation of local government a highly complex model of government has been imposed upon these municipalities, and that this is largely to blame. By posing a number of questions about the roles that exist within local government the authors arrive at a possible alternative model which imposes less complex demands and which offers different structures and responsibilities that can be adapted to the needs of the municipality. This timely book aims to promote an understanding of the difficulties that confront local government in South Africa and the causes of its failure, as well as to encourage debate.
Part 1 Ideology, power and the socialist party in capitalist democracy: socialism and the persist... more Part 1 Ideology, power and the socialist party in capitalist democracy: socialism and the persistence of capitalism the determination of socialist party radicalism. Part 2 The British Labour Party: Labour between the wars the Labour governments of 1945-51 the long years of opposition 1951-64 the Labour governments of 1964-70 the re-emergence of radicalism 1970-80. Part 3 The Swedish Social Democratic Party: the withering of democratic socialism and the rise of reformism in Sweden innovative reformism 1945-65 the radicalization of functional socialism 1968-80.
... 7, Geoff Hodgson, Labour at the Crossroads (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981), p. 25. ... 27. V... more ... 7, Geoff Hodgson, Labour at the Crossroads (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981), p. 25. ... 27. Volker Hase and Peter MUller, "Die Jungsozialisten in der SPD," in Jurgen Dittberner and Rolf Ebbighausen, eds., Parteiensystem in der Legitimationskrise (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag ...
From the perspective of liberal democracy, South Africa has become a victim of rampant corruption... more From the perspective of liberal democracy, South Africa has become a victim of rampant corruption. 1 If defined as in Nye's classic dictum that corruption is 'a deviation from public office to private gain', then the actions of many political figures in South Africa would qualify as corrupt (Nye 1967). How to account for a trajectory from the 'miracle transformation' in 1994, which witnessed the blossoming of democracy based on what Sunstein described as an exemplary 'turbo-constitution', to the shambles of the Zuma presidency (Sunstein 2000)? How to explain the descent from the beacon of democratic hope for Africa to one of the more corrupt democracies on the continent? This chapter argues that an understanding of the socio-historical context is important in understanding the current debate about what corruption is and why many of those accused of corruption do not see their actions as corrupt at all. Both the colonial and the apartheid state were instrumental in bringing about a form of structural corruption-the state and its bureaucracy
This study examines the notions of decentralisation and developmentalism, and shows how they have... more This study examines the notions of decentralisation and developmentalism, and shows how they have become two of the most significant defining features of South African local government.
Institutions are the channels of political power. This volume explores Arend Lijphart's life ... more Institutions are the channels of political power. This volume explores Arend Lijphart's life work--the design of political institutions. All the contributors to this volume share the fundamental insight that the design of political institutions matters in how democracies work.The essays in this volume offer both theoretical insights into the context and implications of Lijphart's ideas and empirical exploration of the ideas. Two chapters by Thomas Koelble and Andrew Reynolds examine and apply Lijphart's insights to South Africa, while another study by Jack Nagel explores the fascinating institutional changes taking place in New Zealand. Essays by Bernard Grofman and Rein Taagepera examine Lijphart's work from a theoretical perspective and place Lijphart's work in the wider neo-institutionalist school of thought. Milton Esman applies the principle of power-sharing to mobilized communities, not only in democratic societies but also to those which are governed by authoritarian rule. Bingham Powell offers an empirical approach to the crucial question of the connection between political institutions and responsiveness of policy-makers. Markus M. L. Crepaz and Vicki Birchfield argue that in this age of globalization, countries with consensual political institutions will not only systematically refract the pressures of globalization but will be able to absorb the domestic consequences of globalization more successfully than majoritarian countries. Finally, Arend Lijphart responds to the arguments made in these essays, extending and adding novel concepts and insights to his conceptual framework.The book will be of interest to political scientists, lawyers, and sociologists who study institutions, the impact of electoral systems, and constitutional design. In addition, those who study "globalization" will be attracted by the relevance of domestic political institutions and their refractory effects as the tides of globalization wash against the domestic shores.Markus M. L. Crepaz is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Georgia. Thomas A. Koelble is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Miami. David Wilsford is President and Professor, the Institute for American Universities.
Marx predijo que el socialismo reemplazaria al capitalismo como sistema economico. Los acontecimi... more Marx predijo que el socialismo reemplazaria al capitalismo como sistema economico. Los acontecimientos recientes en Europa oriental y occidental al parecer niegan esta piedra angular de la teoria marxista y los pensadores marxistas y "postmarxistas" argumentan que la teoria y la practica marxistas deben revaluarse. Para poder explicar la trayectoria del capitalismo, el marxismo requiere un nuevo marco teorico. Las teorias marxistas ortodoxas aparentemente no son capaces de explicar lo ocurrido y los teoricos "postmarxistas" sugieren que el marxismo tiene mucho que aprender de los llamados "nuevos movimientos sociales"; los ambientalistas, los grupos alternativos pacifistas, raciales y feministas
This paper addresses two twin questions - what accounts for the deep political and economic crisi... more This paper addresses two twin questions - what accounts for the deep political and economic crisis in South Africa? The answer this paper develops is that both desired outcomes - a thriving capitalist economy and a solid democracy - were based on Western models and assumptions about the South African developmental trajectory that did not take into account the fact that few of the prerequisites for either outcome existed. By critically applying the work of Partha Chatterjee, I make the argument that around 60 per cent of South Africa's population is marginalized from both the capitalist economy and its democratic processes. As a result, this large population views both democracy and capitalism with disdain and mistrust. The "politics of the governed", as Chatterjee refers to it, is about access to scarce government-controlled resources and based on rules of exception where those who protest in the most effective (often violent) manner obtain access whereas those who occ...
Dieser Beitrag untersucht den aktuellen Stand der Demokratie in Sudafrika durch die theoretische ... more Dieser Beitrag untersucht den aktuellen Stand der Demokratie in Sudafrika durch die theoretische Linse der Arbeiten Wolfgang Merkels zu demokratischen Systemen und argumentiert, dass aus minimalistischer Sicht betrachtet die Demokratie in Sudafrika recht gut funktionierte, wurden nur freie und faire Wahlen und die Garantie fur zivile und personliche Rechte zahlen. Wenn wir uns aber in die anderen von Merkel identifizierten Aspekte der Demokratie vertiefen, wie die horizontal accountability der staatlichen Institutionen und die effectiveness of governance, entsteht ein viel differenzierteres und beunruhigenderes Bild der gegenwartigen sudafrikanischen Demokratie. Die Patronagepolitik und die unverhohlene Korruption haben den Staatsapparat untergraben und spielen eine grose Rolle bei der Erklarung, warum sich die soziookonomischen Bedingungen der Apartheid-Ara als so schwer zu uberwinden erweisen.
This paper argues that current levels of violence and populism in post-colonial spaces such as So... more This paper argues that current levels of violence and populism in post-colonial spaces such as South Africa are a consequence of a socio-history of violent dispossession, exploitation and impoverishment and is perpetuated by the continuation of the socio-economic and political conditions rooted in that history of exceptional violence, inequality and injustice. A switch in the political system does not reduce violence by itself. The disposition towards violence can only be shifted by a fundamental shift away from the economics and politics of the apartheid era. Since such a shift is unlikely to occur under current conditions, the perpetuation of violence and populist politics are likely to remain key features and consti-tutive elements of post-apartheid democracy.
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