Papers by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
Glossa, 2025
This paper studies the thematic restrictions on by-phrases in passive nominals, focusing on Spani... more This paper studies the thematic restrictions on by-phrases in passive nominals, focusing on Spanish. I argue that Spanish passive nominals are not subject to the agent exclusivity effect, as such nominals can have by-phrases introducing experiencers and possessors. The real requirement, I contend, is that the external argument denotes a human entity. I further show that Romanian passive nominals behave in the same fashion. I discuss apparent cases of inanimate by-phrases in Spanish and argue that they are actually instances of causal adjuncts, and thus are not true external arguments. My account makes the prediction that, crosslinguistically, passive nominalizations do not discriminate against non-agents: rather, agent exclusivity, when found, is a side effect of the interplay between aspectual restrictions and the requirement that the external argument denote a human entity. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by the Open Library of Humanities.
Borealis, 2024
This paper argues that the passive participles in eventive passives (what is commonly referred to... more This paper argues that the passive participles in eventive passives (what is commonly referred to as 'verbal passives') are adjectival in Spanish. Thus, there is no categorial difference between eventive and stative passives (the latter commonly known as 'adjectival passives'). I show that the differences between eventive and stative passive participles, and the argument structure configurations that each type allows, can be accounted for without the need to posit a different morphological category for each type. Rather, the grammatical context in which the participle is inserted will allow for a simpler (stative) or more complex (eventive) structure for the base verb. I thus also argue against a stativization operation in stative passives: what we have is a base verb that only spells out the result state of the event, not a verb that spells out a telic structure and then is stativized by a purported higher operator.
Hispania
In this paper we analyze the semantic and pragmatic properties of a colloquial interrogative cons... more In this paper we analyze the semantic and pragmatic properties of a colloquial interrogative construction attested in European Spanish, which we label invariable qué questions (IQQs). In so doing, we contribute to the better understanding of a relatively understudied phenomenon in Spanish, given that IQQs have been mainly approached from a purely syntactic standpoint. We claim that evidentiality and irony play a crucial role in the understanding of IQQs. Because of their special interpretative functions, as well as the fact that they do not appear to have a clear correlate in other languages, we believe IQQs pose a challenge to the second language student, which is why we further offer a step-by-step proposal to introduce IQQs in the Spanish as a second language class.
Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 2020
This dissertation studies stative predicates within a broader, cross-categorial typology of event... more This dissertation studies stative predicates within a broader, cross-categorial typology of events. I adscribe to the neo-constructionist program, which contends that verbal syntax determines event structure and the thematic interpretation of arguments, and that it is also the sole computational module of derivational morphology. In the empirical side, my research advances a comprehensive taxonomy of event types with a focus on states. In the theoretical side, I provide novel support to the neo-constructionist program in the event domain, and show how my proposed taxonomy can be syntactically derived. The main language under discussion is Castilian Spanish, but I also provide cross-linguistic evidence from a variety of other languages to further support my proposals. ❧ Chapter 1 serves as an introduction to my dissertation. In Chapter 2, I present an state of the art of the study of verbal syntax that led to the neo-constructionist program, and I introduce the theoretical framework ...
Probus, 2021
This paper argues that constructions with subject-experiencer psychological verbs are adjectival... more This paper argues that constructions with subject-experiencer psychological verbs are adjectival passives, contra the received view that constructions are verbal passives across the board. We put forth a battery of morphological, syntactic and semantic tests to support our claim. The divide, we argue, is based on the individual-level/stage-level distinction, rather than on the lexical category of the participle. We provide a theoretical, aspect-based account that generates the distribution ofser andestarin verbal and adjectival participles and paves the way for a comprehensive analysis of theserandestardistribution across other constructions where the alternation is attested, such as underived adjectives and prepositions.
The received view, not only for Spanish but also for these verbs’ counterparts in other languages... more The received view, not only for Spanish but also for these verbs’ counterparts in other languages (eg. Arad (2002) for Engish or Rothmayr (2009) for German), is that the eventive version takes agentive subjects (i.e. an animate, volitional, intentional entity like the soldiers in (1a)), whereas the stative version takes non-agentive (or ‘causer’) subjects (i.e. a non-volitional, non-intentional, generally inanimate entity like the walls in (1b)). However, I have argued elsewhere (Garcı́a-Pardo to appear) that this view is incorrect: these verbs may take agentive and non-agentive subjects in both aspectual versions. I concluded back then that external arguments are underspecified with respect to the role of ‘agent’ or ‘causer’: they only have the broad event role of ‘initiator’ of the eventuality (thus siding with authors like Borer 2005 or Ramchand 2008). The present paper re-examines the aforementioned claims and argues that, while the agent and causer distinction is not relevant f...
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 2017
This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by-phrases and agent-orien... more This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by-phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives in Spanish. Departing from the observation that adjectival participles derived from change-of-state verbs ban agent-oriented modification but those derived from stative causative verbs allow it, I put forth a novel theoretical account that derives the restrictions solely from the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate, syntactically modelled and independently motivated. I extend my proposal to German and Hebrew, which display a similar behavior, and propose a parametric account for languages like Greek that freely allow by-phrases and agent-oriented modification regardless of the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate.
Probus: International Journal of Romance Linguistics, Vol. 34, Issue 2, pp. 367–395, 2021
This paper argues that <ser 'to be' + past participle> constructions with subject-experiencer psy... more This paper argues that <ser 'to be' + past participle> constructions with subject-experiencer psychological verbs are adjectival passives, contra the received view that <ser + past participle> constructions are verbal passives across the board. We put forth a battery of morphological, syntactic and semantic tests to support our claim. The divide, we argue, is based on the individual-level/ stage-level distinction, rather than on the lexical category of the participle. We provide a theoretical, aspect-based account that generates the distribution of ser and estar in verbal and adjectival participles and paves the way for a comprehensive analysis of the ser and estar distribution across other constructions where the alternation is attested, such as underived adjectives and prepositions.
Hispania 106(1), pp. 45–66, 2023
In this paper we analyze the semantic and pragmatic properties of a colloquial interrogative cons... more In this paper we analyze the semantic and pragmatic properties of a colloquial interrogative construction attested in European Spanish, which we label invariable qué questions (IQQs). In so doing, we contribute to the better understanding of a relatively understudied phenomenon in Spanish, given that IQQs have been mainly approached from a purely syntactic standpoint. We claim that evidentiality and irony play a crucial role in the understanding of IQQs. Because of their special interpretative functions, as well as the fact that they do not appear to have a clear correlate in other languages, we believe IQQs pose a challenge to the second language student, which is why we further offer a step-by-step proposal to introduce IQQs in the Spanish as a second language class.
The aspectual structure of the adjective. Spanish ser and estar (joint work with Mythili Menon). Hispanic Linguistics: Current issues and new directions, Alfonso Morales-Front, Michael J. Ferreira, Ronald P. Leow and Cristina Sanz (eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins., 2020
This paper argues that the stage-level and individual-level distinctions for adjectival predicate... more This paper argues that the stage-level and individual-level distinctions for adjectival predicates, diagnosed in Spanish by the copulas ser and estar, can be derived by positing a sortal distinction in the temporal arguments in the syntax: the temporal argument of individual-level adjectives denotes time intervals, whereas the time argument of stage-level adjectives denotes time instants. We provide evidence from the (un-)acceptability of certain temporal modifiers, the progressive, and lifetime effects. We furthermore show how our account can also explain other instances of the ser and estar distribution beyond adjectives, such as verbal and adjectival passives and locative constructions with and without eventive subjects.
The syntax of invariable qué-questions (IQQs) in Spanish (joint work with Javier Fernández- Sánchez). Selected papers of the 22th Hispanic Linguistic Symposium. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press., 2020
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
Unraveling the Complexity of the SE Clitic, Grant Armstrong and Jonathan McDonald (eds.). New York: Springer., 2021
This paper offers a novel analysis of the Spanish light verbs poner(se) 'to become' and quedar(se... more This paper offers a novel analysis of the Spanish light verbs poner(se) 'to become' and quedar(se) 'to become/stay' in combination with adjectives. These verbs have the peculiarity that they may appear with or without se in these constructions, with clear effects on argument structure and thematic and aspectual interpretation. I propose a unified formal analysis that takes event complexity and argument coindexing as the common denominator of se in these complex predicates. I further observe that these effects with se are not exclusive to these light verbs, but can also be observed in certain types of lexical verbs, strongly suggesting that both lexical and light verbs lexicalize the same eventive spine.
El agente implícito en pasivas verbales y adjetivales [The implicit agent in verbal and adjectival passives], Revista de la Sociedad Española de Lingüística [Spanish Linguistic Association Journal], Vol 48, pp. 199-214., 2018
This paper studies the disjoint reference effect in passive constructions with ser and estar ‘to ... more This paper studies the disjoint reference effect in passive constructions with ser and estar ‘to be’, which consists in the impossibility of having a reflexive reading. I show, based on an empirical study undertaken with speakers of Peninsular Spanish, that said effect holds in passives with ser, but not with estar. I develop a theoretical proposal to account for the data. My study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the properties of passive participles with ser and estar in Spanish, as well as to the current study of verbal and adjectival passives in other languages.
This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by-phrases and agent-orien... more This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by-phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives in Spanish. Departing from the observation that adjectival participles derived from change-of-state verbs ban agent-oriented modification but those derived from stative causa-tive verbs allow it, I put forth a novel theoretical account that derives the restrictions solely from the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate, syntactically modelled and independently motivated. I extend my proposal to German and Hebrew, which display a similar behavior, and propose a parametric account for languages like Greek that freely allow by-phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives regardless of the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate.
University of Southern California. I thank the audiences at the poster session of WCCFL34 at the ... more University of Southern California. I thank the audiences at the poster session of WCCFL34 at the University of Utah for their constructive comments, as well as those at LSRL46 at Stony Brook University where parts of this research were also presented. Errors are my own.
Books by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
The Morphosyntax of States: Deriving Aspect and Event Roles from Argument Structure, 2018
Within the literature on event types, there is a well-established distinction between dynamic ev... more Within the literature on event types, there is a well-established distinction between dynamic eventualities, which involve some sort of change, and stative eventualities, which do not. Recent neoconstructionist theories seek to derive event types and the interpretation of event participants—thematic roles—from the syntax of the verb phrase—argument structure. These models uniformly assign a privileged status to dynamic events either in focus or in the theoretical tools they assume, relegating states to a secondary status within the theory and as worthy objects
of empirical research.
However, states are not as different from events as it may seem: upon closer inspection, aspectual and thematic notions generally assumed to be exclusive to dynamic events, like agentivity, causativity and resultativity, can apply to states as well. More strikingly, a rich variety of thematic roles can be found within stative predicates (Experiencer/ Stimulus, Figure/ Ground, Initiator/ Resultee...), which raises the non-trivial question of how this diversity can be derived from an impoverished structure.
This dissertation addresses stative predicates within a general theory of event types from a neoconstructionist prism. I analyze a set of Spanish verbs, the gobernar ‘govern’-type and argue that they are derived by a bi-phrasal structure that is unambiguously interpreted as a stative causative eventuality, i.e. two states related causally. In so doing, I enrich the typology of event types taxonomically and theoretically, the latter by integrating stative causatives within a comprehensive syntactic model of event structure.
I also explore adjectival passives as a case study of derived statives. I show how these constructions are truly stative—and not perfective or resultative, as is often argued. The underlying participle is fed by different kinds of stative structures—unaccusative or causative. The former is lexicalized by typical telic verbs—i.e. verbs of change with an endpoint, e.g. break—whereas the latter is lexicalized by stative causative verbs—the gobernar-type. This explains many properties of adjectival passives crosslinguistically, and reinforces the idea that states also come in different types crosscategorially.
Finally, I uncover a series of crosslinguistic grammatical parallelisms be- tween stative object-experiencer psychological verbs (e.g. worry, amaze...) and locative verbs (e.g. surround, cover...). I argue that they share a uniform struc- ture, articulated by a silent birrelational preposition. This structure denotes an abstract relation between two entities that can be understood as locative or psy- chological depending on the lexical type of verb that lexicalizes it. I show how this proposal correctly derives the thematic interpretation of these stative pred- icates without the need to resort to thematic roles as grammatical primitives, in the spirit of the neoconstructionist program.
Book Reviews by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 2022
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Papers by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
Books by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
of empirical research.
However, states are not as different from events as it may seem: upon closer inspection, aspectual and thematic notions generally assumed to be exclusive to dynamic events, like agentivity, causativity and resultativity, can apply to states as well. More strikingly, a rich variety of thematic roles can be found within stative predicates (Experiencer/ Stimulus, Figure/ Ground, Initiator/ Resultee...), which raises the non-trivial question of how this diversity can be derived from an impoverished structure.
This dissertation addresses stative predicates within a general theory of event types from a neoconstructionist prism. I analyze a set of Spanish verbs, the gobernar ‘govern’-type and argue that they are derived by a bi-phrasal structure that is unambiguously interpreted as a stative causative eventuality, i.e. two states related causally. In so doing, I enrich the typology of event types taxonomically and theoretically, the latter by integrating stative causatives within a comprehensive syntactic model of event structure.
I also explore adjectival passives as a case study of derived statives. I show how these constructions are truly stative—and not perfective or resultative, as is often argued. The underlying participle is fed by different kinds of stative structures—unaccusative or causative. The former is lexicalized by typical telic verbs—i.e. verbs of change with an endpoint, e.g. break—whereas the latter is lexicalized by stative causative verbs—the gobernar-type. This explains many properties of adjectival passives crosslinguistically, and reinforces the idea that states also come in different types crosscategorially.
Finally, I uncover a series of crosslinguistic grammatical parallelisms be- tween stative object-experiencer psychological verbs (e.g. worry, amaze...) and locative verbs (e.g. surround, cover...). I argue that they share a uniform struc- ture, articulated by a silent birrelational preposition. This structure denotes an abstract relation between two entities that can be understood as locative or psy- chological depending on the lexical type of verb that lexicalizes it. I show how this proposal correctly derives the thematic interpretation of these stative pred- icates without the need to resort to thematic roles as grammatical primitives, in the spirit of the neoconstructionist program.
Book Reviews by Alfredo Garcia-Pardo
of empirical research.
However, states are not as different from events as it may seem: upon closer inspection, aspectual and thematic notions generally assumed to be exclusive to dynamic events, like agentivity, causativity and resultativity, can apply to states as well. More strikingly, a rich variety of thematic roles can be found within stative predicates (Experiencer/ Stimulus, Figure/ Ground, Initiator/ Resultee...), which raises the non-trivial question of how this diversity can be derived from an impoverished structure.
This dissertation addresses stative predicates within a general theory of event types from a neoconstructionist prism. I analyze a set of Spanish verbs, the gobernar ‘govern’-type and argue that they are derived by a bi-phrasal structure that is unambiguously interpreted as a stative causative eventuality, i.e. two states related causally. In so doing, I enrich the typology of event types taxonomically and theoretically, the latter by integrating stative causatives within a comprehensive syntactic model of event structure.
I also explore adjectival passives as a case study of derived statives. I show how these constructions are truly stative—and not perfective or resultative, as is often argued. The underlying participle is fed by different kinds of stative structures—unaccusative or causative. The former is lexicalized by typical telic verbs—i.e. verbs of change with an endpoint, e.g. break—whereas the latter is lexicalized by stative causative verbs—the gobernar-type. This explains many properties of adjectival passives crosslinguistically, and reinforces the idea that states also come in different types crosscategorially.
Finally, I uncover a series of crosslinguistic grammatical parallelisms be- tween stative object-experiencer psychological verbs (e.g. worry, amaze...) and locative verbs (e.g. surround, cover...). I argue that they share a uniform struc- ture, articulated by a silent birrelational preposition. This structure denotes an abstract relation between two entities that can be understood as locative or psy- chological depending on the lexical type of verb that lexicalizes it. I show how this proposal correctly derives the thematic interpretation of these stative pred- icates without the need to resort to thematic roles as grammatical primitives, in the spirit of the neoconstructionist program.