Beginning as far back as the late 1960s, Maurice Blanchot's right-wing journalism became a subject of debate, even as the writer's reputation was rising. It continued to rise, as did the level of scrutiny given to his prewar politics,...
moreBeginning as far back as the late 1960s, Maurice Blanchot's right-wing journalism became a subject of debate, even as the writer's reputation was rising. It continued to rise, as did the level of scrutiny given to his prewar politics, notably in the 1980s when, as with other figures such as Martin Heidegger and Paul de Man, calls were heard demanding an account of the past (Jeffrey Mehlman's work at that time is important in this regard). In recent years, a number of publications have shed light on the complex and ambiguous thing called "Blanchot's politics," including French editions of his postwar political writings, followed by a translation from Fordham UP in 2010, and Jean-Luc Nancy's Maurice Blanchot: Passion politique (2011), which presents a long letter Blanchot wrote to Roger Laporte narrating (rather evasively) his activities in the late 1930s. Cahiers de l'Herne on Blanchot, which includes a number of relevant documents, and an issue of Lignes (n o 43) entitled Les politiques de Maurice Blanchot 1930-1993, both appeared in 2014. The director of Lignes, Michel Surya, there published a long essay in two parts (or "séquences") entitled "L'autre Blanchot." This essay has now been augmented with a third section and published as a book under the same title. The book's subtitle ("l'écriture de jour, l'écriture de nuit") quotes a phrase that Blanchot uses in the letter to Laporte to describe his dual writing life, particularly in the 1930s, one for journalism and political engagement, the other for literature. Surya has stated in an interview that this letter is what motivated him to write the book. Why? Partly because, as a result of David Uhrig's persistent search for heretofore missing articles from the 1930s and the early 1940s, we can see that in that 1984 letter to Laporte, Blanchot tells an outright lie. He claims, emphatically, to have immediately and categorically refused Pétain and the Vichy regime, whereas we now know that in July 1940 Blanchot was director of Aux Écoutes, which under his name published editorials that were unambiguously pro-Vichy (or rather "maréchaliste" as Uhrig and Surya prefer to say) following Pétain's installation. Surya, a longtime intellectual supporter and friend of Blanchot, finds himself stung into the task of a densely argued-if at times somewhat rapid, breathless, and exclamatory-examination of Blanchot's political engagements as a whole, from his 1930s extreme-right nationalism to a postwar attack on de Gaulle in 1958 and a vindication of revolution and communism around 1968, to a final, more diffuse period after 1968 (these three phases corresponding to the book's three "séquences"). Surya motivates his discussion by turning Blanchot's own condemnation of Heidegger against Blanchot: "Il y a eu corruption d'écriture, abus, travestissement et détournement du langage. Sur lui pèsera dorénavant un soupçon" (13). Far from a simple condemnation, this investigation measures the weight of this suspicion, and pushes further into the difficult question of this major writer's refusals and responsibilities.