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John Baker

University College Dublin, Social Justice, Emeritus

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John Baker is Emeritus Professor in Equality Studies at University College Dublin, where he is associated with the Equality Studies Centre, of which he was a founding member, and the School of Social Policy, Social Work and Social Justice. His main research interests are in egalitarian theory, including egalitarian theories of justice and democratic theory. He is an active member of Basic Income Ireland. Most of his papers are available at researchrepository.ucd.ie (browse by author).

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Papers by John Baker

Research and Theory on Equality and Education

Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research

Equality: A Continuing Dialogue

Res Publica, 2007

Dublin City Council's Rosie Hackett Bridge: A Landmark in Decision -Making

On 2 September, 2013, Dublin City Council voted to name the newest bridge over the River Liffey t... more On 2 September, 2013, Dublin City Council voted to name the newest bridge over the River Liffey the Rosie Hackett Bridge. What makes this a landmark decision is that it seems to have been the first authoritative decision taken by a public body in Ireland – and perhaps even in Europe – to have used the voting procedure known as the Borda Count, referred to in the Council’s proceedings as a Preferendum (Dublin City Council 2013a, item 24). This report summarises the process, analyses the results, and discusses some of the technical issues that arise with this method of voting. It concludes that the procedure was well suited to the task in hand.

Equality: Putting the Theory into Action

Res Publica, 2006

We outline our central reasons for pursuing the project of Equality Studies and some of the think... more We outline our central reasons for pursuing the project of Equality Studies and some of the thinking we have done within an Equality Studies framework. We try to show that a multi-dimensional conceptual framework, applied to a set of key social contexts and articulating the concerns of subordinate social groups, can be a fruitful way of putting the idea of equality into practice. Finally, we address some central questions about how to bring about egalitarian social change.

A Model Of Basic Income For Ireland Quinn Baker November 2023 website version

by John Baker and Dave Quinn

Basic Income Ireland policy paper, 2023

This paper presents a model of basic income for Ireland, using the existing tax architecture, tha... more This paper presents a model of basic income for Ireland, using the existing tax architecture, that is egalitarian, progressive, economically feasible and politically acceptable. It begins with a brief explanation of the Irish tax and social protection system, followed by a more detailed account of our model of basic income for Ireland. We argue that the basic structure of our model is central to achieving our political objective. We go on to demonstrate the validity of our model with reference to our main normative and economic objectives, and to propose how it could be implemented with few institutional changes. We also briefly consider the possibility of a higher level of payment. All of these tasks use data from our reference year, 2019. We finish with some concluding remarks.

The Philosophy and Politics of Equality of Condition

Inequalities of Love and Care and their Theoretical Implications

In this paper we use the framework developed in Equality: From Theory to Action to review some re... more In this paper we use the framework developed in Equality: From Theory to Action to review some recent empirical research into caring relationships. This research shows that even within the context of care, inequality is multidimensional. It reveals complex patterns of inequality of work, resources, love and care, power and respect and recognition, shaped by many social factors including gender, social class, family status and disability. We also argue that this research raises important issues for normative political theory. In some cases the implications seem fairly straightforward. In others, it highlights questions that egalitarian theorists need to address more thoroughly.

The relationship between poverty and inequality

Responsibility for needs

Democratic strategies for reducing inequality

Liberal equality versus equality of condition : conflicting definitions of equality and their implications for community development

Not so long ago, the idea of equality had fallen out of fashion. Anti-egalitarian forces, particu... more Not so long ago, the idea of equality had fallen out of fashion. Anti-egalitarian forces, particularly in Britain and the United States, were in the ascendancy, boosted by the rise of Thatcherism and the fall of communism. It was never quite so stark in Ireland, where the New Right and neoliberalism were less triumphalist, but the same currents existed. Yet in the midst of this new political climate, equality was resuscitated, with the passage of the Equality Employment Act 1998, which established the Equality Authority and the Equality Tribunal, the Disability Authority Act 1999, the Equal Status Act 2000 and the Human Rights Commission Act 2000. Equality was also a major element in the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and in the Northern Ireland Act of the same year. These were major achievements arising from years of activism. Had Ireland bucked the international trend and put equality back on the map? Or had something more subtle, or complicated, occurred? Had equality come back in an attenuated form, one that served the privileged by eclipsing the radical demands of previous generations? Such a stark contrast oversimplifies the facts, but it does point to an important distinction between different definitions of equality-or as I will call them, because of their complexity, conceptions of equality. My object in this chapter is to set out two main

Poverty and equality : ten reasons why anyone who wants to combat poverty should embrace equality as well

Equality : what, who, where?

In everyday political discourse, as well as in the more rarefied discussions of academics, a numb... more In everyday political discourse, as well as in the more rarefied discussions of academics, a number of different expressions are used to talk ab out equality. These expressions implicitly express a certain typology which, like many other e veryday expressions, philosophers and other theorists are likely to use unreflectively or other wise to misinterpret. The everyday language of politics is of course contentious and full of disto rtions and contradictions, and yet attending to some of its distinctions can help us to deepen our own thinking about equality. In this paper, I focus on three sets of expressions that are used in everyday politics and suggest that they characterise three cross-cutting ways of categorisi ng equalities and inequalities, relating to the what, the who and the where of these relationships. The analysis not only results in a useful framework for studying equality and inequality but also reveals ways in which such studies are likely to be too narrowly constructed. 1 My starting point is to consider three groups of ex pressions commonly used in the nonacademic world in particular, but also in the acade mic world, all of which belong to the same field of language, the ‘language game’ if you like, of equality and inequality. First, there are expressions of the form ‘(in)equality of x’, e.g. o f income, power, respect. Secondly, there are expressions like ‘racial equality’, ‘ethnic equalit y’, ‘gender equality’ and ‘sexual equality’, as well as related expressions like ‘equality between men and women’, ‘equality for disabled people’ and ‘equality for lesbians, gays and bisexuals’. Then there is a thir d set of expressions that includes ‘economic equality’, ‘cultural equali ty’, ‘political equality’ and ‘legal equality’. My concern is with how these three groups of expres sions fit together. What I will argue is that the way they are related shows something about the structure of egalitarianism, and also, necessarily, about the way the normative theory of equality interacts with the sociology of inequality. To see this, we have to review certain debates in normative egalitarianism and in the sociology of inequality and then try to put the pie ces together. Equality of What?

All Things Considered, Should Feminists Embrace Basic Income?

Basic Income Studies, 2008

As a feminist, I am committed to equality of condition between men and women, defined multidimens... more As a feminist, I am committed to equality of condition between men and women, defined multidimensionally in terms of respect and recognition; resources; love, care and solidarity; power; and working and learning. I concentrate in this comment on equality in the affective system, i.e., the set of social relations that operates to meet people's needs for love, care and solidarity. A central problem for egalitarians is that recognising, valuing and supporting care work risks reinforcing the gendered division of labour, a problem of much wider remit than the issue of basic income. I argue, however, that basic income can be construed as recognising and supporting care work as a form of worthwhile but noncommodifiable activity and that this should be combined with confronting the division of labour culturally and ideologically. I cite recent empirical work on caregivers and care recipients in Ireland in support of my position.

Election of the Green Party Cathaoirleach, 2007

Irish Political Studies, 2008

Violence for equality: lessons from Machiavelli

Global Crime, 2009

Political violence is a chronic feature of human history. In our own time, the world is rife with... more Political violence is a chronic feature of human history. In our own time, the world is rife with state violence against citizens, with insurrection, with civil war, with political terrorism. Most of the people who write and read papers of political philosophy have never been subjected to such violence, or forced to consider whether or not to take it up, and this perhaps makes any philosophical discussion of political violence academic in the pejorative sense. But the attitudes we take up towards the users and victims of violence can affect the success of their political projects; moreover, political violence is a particularly striking case of a much more general problem, of choosing defensible means to our political ends. So the discussion of political violence is not completely irrelevant to people in safe places. 1 Unlike some other philosophical issues-justice, for example-the issue of political violence is not primarily a conflict between rival political perspectives. We

Poverty and inequality: applying an equality dimension to poverty proofing

Contents Characteristics are identified in Part II of the Report under the grounds of age (for yo... more Contents Characteristics are identified in Part II of the Report under the grounds of age (for younger people and older people), gender (for women), disability (for people with disabilities), ethnicity (for Travellers and Black and other minority ethnic groups) and sexual orientation (for lesbians and gay men). These reflect the groups currently named in the poverty proofing Guidelines. Each characteristic

Reflections on the limits of argument

Equality, social justice and social welfare: a road map to the new egalitarianisms

Social Policy and Society, 2007

This paper summarises the way equality has featured in the disciplines of social policy and polit... more This paper summarises the way equality has featured in the disciplines of social policy and political theory leading up to the presentation of a new egalitarianian framework for thinking about and acting for equality. The paper presents a broadly chronological, integrated review of the place of equality within the subjects concerned. The longstanding problems of universalism and targeting are themes which recur throughout, and in New Labour's approach to equality and social justice.

What is a basic income and how could it benefit Family Carers?

by John Baker and Anne B Ryan

This presentation outlines proposals for a universal basic income in Ireland and suggests ways th... more

Research and Theory on Equality and Education

Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research

Equality: A Continuing Dialogue

Res Publica, 2007

Dublin City Council's Rosie Hackett Bridge: A Landmark in Decision -Making

On 2 September, 2013, Dublin City Council voted to name the newest bridge over the River Liffey t... more On 2 September, 2013, Dublin City Council voted to name the newest bridge over the River Liffey the Rosie Hackett Bridge. What makes this a landmark decision is that it seems to have been the first authoritative decision taken by a public body in Ireland – and perhaps even in Europe – to have used the voting procedure known as the Borda Count, referred to in the Council’s proceedings as a Preferendum (Dublin City Council 2013a, item 24). This report summarises the process, analyses the results, and discusses some of the technical issues that arise with this method of voting. It concludes that the procedure was well suited to the task in hand.

Equality: Putting the Theory into Action

Res Publica, 2006

We outline our central reasons for pursuing the project of Equality Studies and some of the think... more We outline our central reasons for pursuing the project of Equality Studies and some of the thinking we have done within an Equality Studies framework. We try to show that a multi-dimensional conceptual framework, applied to a set of key social contexts and articulating the concerns of subordinate social groups, can be a fruitful way of putting the idea of equality into practice. Finally, we address some central questions about how to bring about egalitarian social change.

A Model Of Basic Income For Ireland Quinn Baker November 2023 website version

by John Baker and Dave Quinn

Basic Income Ireland policy paper, 2023

This paper presents a model of basic income for Ireland, using the existing tax architecture, tha... more This paper presents a model of basic income for Ireland, using the existing tax architecture, that is egalitarian, progressive, economically feasible and politically acceptable. It begins with a brief explanation of the Irish tax and social protection system, followed by a more detailed account of our model of basic income for Ireland. We argue that the basic structure of our model is central to achieving our political objective. We go on to demonstrate the validity of our model with reference to our main normative and economic objectives, and to propose how it could be implemented with few institutional changes. We also briefly consider the possibility of a higher level of payment. All of these tasks use data from our reference year, 2019. We finish with some concluding remarks.

The Philosophy and Politics of Equality of Condition

Inequalities of Love and Care and their Theoretical Implications

In this paper we use the framework developed in Equality: From Theory to Action to review some re... more In this paper we use the framework developed in Equality: From Theory to Action to review some recent empirical research into caring relationships. This research shows that even within the context of care, inequality is multidimensional. It reveals complex patterns of inequality of work, resources, love and care, power and respect and recognition, shaped by many social factors including gender, social class, family status and disability. We also argue that this research raises important issues for normative political theory. In some cases the implications seem fairly straightforward. In others, it highlights questions that egalitarian theorists need to address more thoroughly.

The relationship between poverty and inequality

Responsibility for needs

Democratic strategies for reducing inequality

Liberal equality versus equality of condition : conflicting definitions of equality and their implications for community development

Not so long ago, the idea of equality had fallen out of fashion. Anti-egalitarian forces, particu... more Not so long ago, the idea of equality had fallen out of fashion. Anti-egalitarian forces, particularly in Britain and the United States, were in the ascendancy, boosted by the rise of Thatcherism and the fall of communism. It was never quite so stark in Ireland, where the New Right and neoliberalism were less triumphalist, but the same currents existed. Yet in the midst of this new political climate, equality was resuscitated, with the passage of the Equality Employment Act 1998, which established the Equality Authority and the Equality Tribunal, the Disability Authority Act 1999, the Equal Status Act 2000 and the Human Rights Commission Act 2000. Equality was also a major element in the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and in the Northern Ireland Act of the same year. These were major achievements arising from years of activism. Had Ireland bucked the international trend and put equality back on the map? Or had something more subtle, or complicated, occurred? Had equality come back in an attenuated form, one that served the privileged by eclipsing the radical demands of previous generations? Such a stark contrast oversimplifies the facts, but it does point to an important distinction between different definitions of equality-or as I will call them, because of their complexity, conceptions of equality. My object in this chapter is to set out two main

Poverty and equality : ten reasons why anyone who wants to combat poverty should embrace equality as well

Equality : what, who, where?

In everyday political discourse, as well as in the more rarefied discussions of academics, a numb... more In everyday political discourse, as well as in the more rarefied discussions of academics, a number of different expressions are used to talk ab out equality. These expressions implicitly express a certain typology which, like many other e veryday expressions, philosophers and other theorists are likely to use unreflectively or other wise to misinterpret. The everyday language of politics is of course contentious and full of disto rtions and contradictions, and yet attending to some of its distinctions can help us to deepen our own thinking about equality. In this paper, I focus on three sets of expressions that are used in everyday politics and suggest that they characterise three cross-cutting ways of categorisi ng equalities and inequalities, relating to the what, the who and the where of these relationships. The analysis not only results in a useful framework for studying equality and inequality but also reveals ways in which such studies are likely to be too narrowly constructed. 1 My starting point is to consider three groups of ex pressions commonly used in the nonacademic world in particular, but also in the acade mic world, all of which belong to the same field of language, the ‘language game’ if you like, of equality and inequality. First, there are expressions of the form ‘(in)equality of x’, e.g. o f income, power, respect. Secondly, there are expressions like ‘racial equality’, ‘ethnic equalit y’, ‘gender equality’ and ‘sexual equality’, as well as related expressions like ‘equality between men and women’, ‘equality for disabled people’ and ‘equality for lesbians, gays and bisexuals’. Then there is a thir d set of expressions that includes ‘economic equality’, ‘cultural equali ty’, ‘political equality’ and ‘legal equality’. My concern is with how these three groups of expres sions fit together. What I will argue is that the way they are related shows something about the structure of egalitarianism, and also, necessarily, about the way the normative theory of equality interacts with the sociology of inequality. To see this, we have to review certain debates in normative egalitarianism and in the sociology of inequality and then try to put the pie ces together. Equality of What?

All Things Considered, Should Feminists Embrace Basic Income?

Basic Income Studies, 2008

As a feminist, I am committed to equality of condition between men and women, defined multidimens... more As a feminist, I am committed to equality of condition between men and women, defined multidimensionally in terms of respect and recognition; resources; love, care and solidarity; power; and working and learning. I concentrate in this comment on equality in the affective system, i.e., the set of social relations that operates to meet people's needs for love, care and solidarity. A central problem for egalitarians is that recognising, valuing and supporting care work risks reinforcing the gendered division of labour, a problem of much wider remit than the issue of basic income. I argue, however, that basic income can be construed as recognising and supporting care work as a form of worthwhile but noncommodifiable activity and that this should be combined with confronting the division of labour culturally and ideologically. I cite recent empirical work on caregivers and care recipients in Ireland in support of my position.

Election of the Green Party Cathaoirleach, 2007

Irish Political Studies, 2008

Violence for equality: lessons from Machiavelli

Global Crime, 2009

Political violence is a chronic feature of human history. In our own time, the world is rife with... more Political violence is a chronic feature of human history. In our own time, the world is rife with state violence against citizens, with insurrection, with civil war, with political terrorism. Most of the people who write and read papers of political philosophy have never been subjected to such violence, or forced to consider whether or not to take it up, and this perhaps makes any philosophical discussion of political violence academic in the pejorative sense. But the attitudes we take up towards the users and victims of violence can affect the success of their political projects; moreover, political violence is a particularly striking case of a much more general problem, of choosing defensible means to our political ends. So the discussion of political violence is not completely irrelevant to people in safe places. 1 Unlike some other philosophical issues-justice, for example-the issue of political violence is not primarily a conflict between rival political perspectives. We

Poverty and inequality: applying an equality dimension to poverty proofing

Contents Characteristics are identified in Part II of the Report under the grounds of age (for yo... more Contents Characteristics are identified in Part II of the Report under the grounds of age (for younger people and older people), gender (for women), disability (for people with disabilities), ethnicity (for Travellers and Black and other minority ethnic groups) and sexual orientation (for lesbians and gay men). These reflect the groups currently named in the poverty proofing Guidelines. Each characteristic

Reflections on the limits of argument

Equality, social justice and social welfare: a road map to the new egalitarianisms

Social Policy and Society, 2007

This paper summarises the way equality has featured in the disciplines of social policy and polit... more This paper summarises the way equality has featured in the disciplines of social policy and political theory leading up to the presentation of a new egalitarianian framework for thinking about and acting for equality. The paper presents a broadly chronological, integrated review of the place of equality within the subjects concerned. The longstanding problems of universalism and targeting are themes which recur throughout, and in New Labour's approach to equality and social justice.

What is a basic income and how could it benefit Family Carers?

by John Baker and Anne B Ryan

This presentation outlines proposals for a universal basic income in Ireland and suggests ways th... more

Philosophical Remarks on Repeal

This is the text of a short talk I gave at a session organised by the DCU Philosophy Club on 11 A... more