Josep Lobera
Josep Lobera is a professor of Sociology at Autonomous University of Madrid and Tufts University. He is currently President of the Research Committee on Sociology of Science at the Spanish Sociological Association, Editor of the Spanish Journal of Sociology (RES) and the Scientific Editor of the Biennial National Report on Social Perception of Science and Technology in Spain. His research interests are focused on the social trust on political and scientific institutions, the political activism and the social representations of science and technology.
Latest publications: "Vaccine hesitancy is strongly associated with distrust of conventional medicine, and only weakly associated with trust in alternative medicine" (Social Science & Medicine, 2020); "Scientific Appearance and Homeopathy. Determinants of Trust in Complementary and Alternative Medicine" (Health Communication, 2020); "Privacy, values and machines: Predicting opposition to artificial intelligence" (Communication Studies, 2020); "Decentralizing electoral campaigns? New-old parties, grassroots and digital activism" (Information, Communication & Society, 2020).
Address: Department of Sociology
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
28049 Madrid (Spain)
[email protected]
Latest publications: "Vaccine hesitancy is strongly associated with distrust of conventional medicine, and only weakly associated with trust in alternative medicine" (Social Science & Medicine, 2020); "Scientific Appearance and Homeopathy. Determinants of Trust in Complementary and Alternative Medicine" (Health Communication, 2020); "Privacy, values and machines: Predicting opposition to artificial intelligence" (Communication Studies, 2020); "Decentralizing electoral campaigns? New-old parties, grassroots and digital activism" (Information, Communication & Society, 2020).
Address: Department of Sociology
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
28049 Madrid (Spain)
[email protected]
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ha sido escasamente tratado en la literatura
académica, aunque reúne un interés creciente.
En España, ciertas continuidades entre el 15-M y
la emergencia de nuevos partidos pueden ser observadas.
En este artículo, se plantean tres ideas
sobre el paso de movimientos a partidos y se ponen
en relación con contribuciones que siguen en
esta misma sección. En primer lugar, el 15-M está
lejos de ser un bloque claramente delimitado, por
lo que su extensión hacia la política representativa
no puede ser tratada de manera única; es preciso
identificar distintas formas en las que este paso o
extensión a la dinámica de partidos tiene lugar. En
segundo lugar, se explora la relación existente entre
tres procesos de cambio: la erosión del apoyo político
desde 2008, el apoyo a las movilizaciones del
15-M en 2011 y la emergencia de nuevos partidos
en 2014 y 2015. Por último, se subraya la importancia
de introducir el análisis de ‘la transversalidad
con intensidades distintas’ que tiene lugar entre la
opinión pública en estos tres procesos de cambio.
Abstract
This article examines the electoral impact of social protest movements, providing new methodological and conceptual approaches to the subject. Two fields of study, social movements and new political parties, seem to have left a sparsely treated gap between the two: the connection between the rise of social movements and the subsequent emergence of new political parties. Specifically, we are interested in investigating how the foundations of a protest movement electorally behave at the emergence of a new party –one that theoretically reflects the central demands of the movement. We analyze how the support to the 15M movement (also known as the Indignants) has evolved into electoral support to Podemos after its first months of existence. To do this, we compare the social profiles of 15M supporters and Podemos voters through the introduction of an electoral crystallization indication. The results suggest that Podemos vote in the 2014 European elections can be seen as an extension of the protests in the electoral field. This continuity with the protest seems to characterize the appearance of the new party, both in the social base of its first electorate as in regard to its narrative-symbolic aspect. Further, its first electoral base did not respond so much to a ‘protest vote’ –in the sense proposed by Van der Eijk– but rather to a ‘vote of the protest’, gaining electoral support from those more identified with the 15M demands. Finally, comparing the results with other studies, we noted that the political and institutional confidence crisis has an asymmetric effect on the electoral dynamics along the ideological spectrum, a much more intense one than observed on the support to the protest movements. Thus, the ideology is presented as the main regulator of the electoral impact of political dissatisfaction among citizens.
Abstract. In this study we analyze data coming from a poll of parents of students from 25 highly diverse territories that reflect attitudes towards the presence of foreign students and their attitudes toward the use of hijabs in schools. The results indicate a predominance of ambivalent attitudes towards both questions, without registering significant differences between 2012 and 2010. A multi-variable analysis reveals distinct indicative factors for each of the attitudes expressed in the responses to both questions, which shows the necessity of considering the multi-dimensional natures of attitudes toward cultural diversity.
Notable among the distinct factors is religiousness, which seems to an element to consider along with traditional considerations such as level of education and socioeconomic factors.
http://oeibolivia.org/files/Volumen%204%20-%20N%C3%BAmero%2011/doss02.pdf
ha sido escasamente tratado en la literatura
académica, aunque reúne un interés creciente.
En España, ciertas continuidades entre el 15-M y
la emergencia de nuevos partidos pueden ser observadas.
En este artículo, se plantean tres ideas
sobre el paso de movimientos a partidos y se ponen
en relación con contribuciones que siguen en
esta misma sección. En primer lugar, el 15-M está
lejos de ser un bloque claramente delimitado, por
lo que su extensión hacia la política representativa
no puede ser tratada de manera única; es preciso
identificar distintas formas en las que este paso o
extensión a la dinámica de partidos tiene lugar. En
segundo lugar, se explora la relación existente entre
tres procesos de cambio: la erosión del apoyo político
desde 2008, el apoyo a las movilizaciones del
15-M en 2011 y la emergencia de nuevos partidos
en 2014 y 2015. Por último, se subraya la importancia
de introducir el análisis de ‘la transversalidad
con intensidades distintas’ que tiene lugar entre la
opinión pública en estos tres procesos de cambio.
Abstract
This article examines the electoral impact of social protest movements, providing new methodological and conceptual approaches to the subject. Two fields of study, social movements and new political parties, seem to have left a sparsely treated gap between the two: the connection between the rise of social movements and the subsequent emergence of new political parties. Specifically, we are interested in investigating how the foundations of a protest movement electorally behave at the emergence of a new party –one that theoretically reflects the central demands of the movement. We analyze how the support to the 15M movement (also known as the Indignants) has evolved into electoral support to Podemos after its first months of existence. To do this, we compare the social profiles of 15M supporters and Podemos voters through the introduction of an electoral crystallization indication. The results suggest that Podemos vote in the 2014 European elections can be seen as an extension of the protests in the electoral field. This continuity with the protest seems to characterize the appearance of the new party, both in the social base of its first electorate as in regard to its narrative-symbolic aspect. Further, its first electoral base did not respond so much to a ‘protest vote’ –in the sense proposed by Van der Eijk– but rather to a ‘vote of the protest’, gaining electoral support from those more identified with the 15M demands. Finally, comparing the results with other studies, we noted that the political and institutional confidence crisis has an asymmetric effect on the electoral dynamics along the ideological spectrum, a much more intense one than observed on the support to the protest movements. Thus, the ideology is presented as the main regulator of the electoral impact of political dissatisfaction among citizens.
Abstract. In this study we analyze data coming from a poll of parents of students from 25 highly diverse territories that reflect attitudes towards the presence of foreign students and their attitudes toward the use of hijabs in schools. The results indicate a predominance of ambivalent attitudes towards both questions, without registering significant differences between 2012 and 2010. A multi-variable analysis reveals distinct indicative factors for each of the attitudes expressed in the responses to both questions, which shows the necessity of considering the multi-dimensional natures of attitudes toward cultural diversity.
Notable among the distinct factors is religiousness, which seems to an element to consider along with traditional considerations such as level of education and socioeconomic factors.
http://oeibolivia.org/files/Volumen%204%20-%20N%C3%BAmero%2011/doss02.pdf
son todavía insuficientemente evaluados. Continúan, por tanto, en su gran mayoría, sin aprovechar las lecciones aprendidas e incorporar las mejoras que las evaluaciones les aportarían. En esta misma línea, los conocimientos que se han acumulado en los últimos sesenta años en estudios de desarrollo sobre los factores sociales y culturales en las intervenciones de agua y saneamiento no siempre se aprovechan en el diseño de los proyectos, como el enfoque de desarrollo desde la comunidad, la necesidad de participación local, de fortalecimiento de los procesos de desarrollo social existentes y de las instituciones democráticas. Todo ello, para garantizar la viabilidad y la sostenibilidad en el tiempo de las intervenciones: dos de los puntos débiles del sector. Esta comunicación pretende exponer algunas lecciones aprendidas, recurrentes en diferentes contextos, en las evaluaciones de proyectos de cooperación en agua y saneamiento en los que hemos participado durante la última década.