Books by Emilio Fernandez Peña
El trabajo aborda desde una perspectiva comunicativa, histórica y regulatoria el papel de los ser... more El trabajo aborda desde una perspectiva comunicativa, histórica y regulatoria el papel de los servicios de televisión por cable en el surgimiento de la televisión temática en Estados Unidos de América y España
Journal articles by Emilio Fernandez Peña
Historia y Comunicación Social , 2014
La historia de los Juegos Olímpicos adquiere una nueva perspectiva cuando se analiza desde el áng... more La historia de los Juegos Olímpicos adquiere una nueva perspectiva cuando se analiza desde el ángulo de los medios y los avances tecnológicos. Este artículo se propone estudiar la narrativa oficial del Comité Internacional Olímpico (CIO) en relación con los medios y las tecnologías de la comunicación desde su misma fundación. Ello nos permite proponer una nueva cronología de los Juegos Olímpicos centrada en la comunicación y un análisis sistémico de las políticas de comunicación del Comité Internación Olímpico. La historia de los medios y la tecnología presentada por el CIO es una historia fabricada a través de acontecimientos de éxito, una historia de las primeras veces en las que una nueva tecnología fue puesta en funcionamiento. Es el discurso de los ingenieros y el personal de marketing. El Olimpismo moderno está incardinado en dos mundos: el mundo de los símbolos y los ritos que está presente en la ceremonia de apertura de los Juegos o en la celebración de la victoria por los campeones y el de la esfera posmoderna en la que existe una preeminencia del marketing, una perspectiva funcionalista y utilitarista de un mundo deshumanizado y desconectado del universo animado de los orígenes.
Latina: Revista de Estudios de Comunicación. 2009
Olympic Games broadcast rights are a significant part of a system where the various actors feed b... more Olympic Games broadcast rights are a significant part of a system where the various actors feed back on each other. The commercialisation of broadcast rights has played a major role in the construction of the modern Olympic phenomenon such as we know it today. Broadcast rights are the main source of funding for the Olympic Movement. They are also an element that fosters revenue generation for commercial television operators and sports sponsors in general, and for the Olympic Games in particular.
Olympic Games broadcast rights have traditionally been based on two variables: sales territory and exclusivity. This is also the case for the early stages of marketing and selling the first New Media broadcast rights.
Television operators, the IOC, host cities and commercial brands on the one hand, and spectators, viewers and athletes on the other, all together form the vast mosaic of the following and importance of the Olympic Games as major cultural, social and media phenomenon. The Olympic Games would not be the global phenomenon they are today without the complex web of relationships occurring between television operators (buyers of very expensive broadcast rights defrayed via advertising revenue or Pay-TV subscriptions), the IOC (the owner of the Olympic Games), host cities (chosen by the IOC) and TOP Sponsors (commercial brands that make a profit from their sponsorship through Olympic Games broadcasts). Television broadcast rights and sponsorship revenue in the last decade accounted for more than 85% of the IOC’s total revenue, and this demonstrates that there is a close relationship of dependence between the Olympic Movement and communication-related revenue. This revenue is distributed among the members of the Olympic Movement: International Olympic Federations, National Olympic Committees and Olympic Solidarity.
Despite the criticism levelled at the commercialisation of Olympic sport, the formula has shown itself to be the only one possible when it comes pursuing the spread of the educational values of Olympism and sport. Any potential limitations on the formula must be sorted out on the basis of this model, a model that has turned the Olympic Games into the most important sporting event ever, and its symbols and values into elements of this big ecosystem.
Juan Antonio Samaranch, who met with a bankrupt IOC and a divided Olympic Movement following the Moscow 1980 Olympic Games, introduced the commercial exploitation of the Olympic Movement by combining the commercial potential of American television and the public service nature of the European broadcasting model. During his mandate (1980-2001), the Olympic Games became the most important sporting event in the world and a global phenomenon thanks to television operators who, in turn, have become the mainstay of the Olympic Movement. The value of sports broadcast rights was enhanced when the potential to grow revenue from generalist American television operators began to be exploited. From that moment on, television operators entered into competition with each other to buy content to secure large viewing audiences in a multi-channel television environment like the American one, where increasing fragmentation was the order of the day. At the same time, fee-charging agents and consultants were removed from negotiations, which the IOC started to carry out directly and exclusively.
In Europe, even after competition was introduced into the television market in the mid 1980s, and despite the fact that financial bids by private television operators were much higher, joint sales to the EBU were favoured. The EBU bid included public television operators that ensured free-to-air broadcasting of the Olympic Games to everyone, mainly young people, to convey the positive values intrinsic to sport. Samaranch established the dynamics of entering into long-term contracts with television operators in advance of the host city being known, thus ensuring the stability of the ever increasing revenue for the Olympic Movement.
Since the start of Jacques Rogge’s mandate in 2001, the model for commercially exploiting broadcast rights introduced by Samaranch has continued to be used. Rogge sought true competition in broadcast rights auctions. He managed to create significant revenue growth through the use of this system and established new formulas for distributing revenue that reduced payments to host cities and increased contributions to foster sport through International Federations and National Olympic Committees.
The introduction of true competition has helped to reduce excessive dependence on revenue from American television operators and increase revenue from Europe. This has been made possible by negotiating broadcast rights directly and individually in big European countries, as well as sales to the EuroFive agency for another 40 European countries. In this process, contracts with private television operators stipulate a series of commitments that they (or public television operators) must make, such as broadcasting a minimum of 200 free-to-air hours for the Olympic Summer Games and adhering to optimum quality standards, as established by Olympic Broadcasting Services (OBS).
In Europe, breaking away from the dynamics of broadcast rights sales to public television operators through the EBU was an important milestone and led to a shift from a public service model for Olympic Games broadcasting to a universal service model providing access to everyone, although there is some potential for it to be exploited by the private sector. In Europe, it remains to be seen whether the model for marketing and selling Olympic Games broadcast rights individually and competitively, with public and private television operators competing against each other, will actually lead to higher revenue, despite the estimated increase for the Sochi and Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games, which have yet to be negotiated for the American market.
Samaranch’s and Rogge’s mandates are the ones that have introduced and developed the commercialisation of Olympism, put the IOC in control of direct negotiations with television operators and increased revenue for the IOC to redistribute. Under Rogge’s mandate, and since 2004, the redistributed revenue share has exceeded the amount that host cities receive, and this represents a historic first.
The Internet and New Media are elements of a constantly changing global communication ecosystem, which redefines itself every time new distribution methods appear on the scene, with new communication variants that now tend to offer much greater protagonism to users and their ability to create, modify and share information, including information belonging to the Olympic family and the Olympic Games. The new communication dynamics centred around collaborative users who share content with each other will require a redefinition of Olympic Games broadcast rights. Selling exclusive broadcast rights for a country to a particular broadcaster has been one of the keys to the success of the IOC’s capacity to raise revenue. It has demanded diligent protection of that exclusivity, with attempts to try and prevent third parties that do not own the rights from broadcasting images of the Olympic Games on the Internet. However, the fundamentally open nature of the Internet, which allows any user without any significant IT knowledge to become a content distributor, makes absolute control of the intellectual property of the broadcaster and of Olympic Games images impossible.
It is essential to adapt the old intellectual property rights regulations to the new environment to protect the owners’ rights while allowing advantage to be taken of the Internet’s features. If the IOC wants to take advantage of the potential of New Media to spread Olympic values to young people, it must open itself up to the potential of Social Media, where creating new works from copyrighted works and sharing and exchanging content are the order of the day. Protecting the exclusivity of rights while opening up some of the content so that it can be reworked and exchanged by the global community of internauts might prove to be the best formula for retaining the Olympic Movement’s main source of revenue and, at the same time, involving young people in its values and symbols.
International Journal of the History of Sport
This work aims to analyse the coverage of the 2008 torch lighting ceremony throughout the newspap... more This work aims to analyse the coverage of the 2008 torch lighting ceremony throughout the newspapers El País, La Vanguardia and El Mundo, the video delivered by the public regional channel Televisió de Catalunya and the private television CNN Plus. This research also includes a study of the Yahoo webpage devoted to the Beijing Olympic Games and the videos that YouTube indexed in Spanish language referring to the lighting ceremony. In the Spanish media, the protests were given greater significance than the symbolism and ceremony surrounding this unique sporting event. Spanish newspapers emphasized the protests during the torch ceremony, giving a geopolitical slant to the occasion rather than treating it as a sporting event. YouTube constructed for the searches in Spanish an image of lighting ceremony in which the incident played an important role together with domestic videos of the Olympic flame carried through the streets of Buenos Aires days after the lighting ceremony.
International Journal of The History of Sport, 2010
This article deals with the Spanish media construction of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, a compl... more This article deals with the Spanish media construction of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, a complex reality which television only portrays in an incomplete way despite hundreds of hours of broadcasts devoted to Olympic coverage. Most of this criticism, present in the Spanish media the weeks before the Olympics, was eclipsed by a sporting spectacle that became virtually the only star of the show throughout the celebration of the games. The audiovisual production of the opening and closing ceremonies directed the remarks made by commentators who only narrated what viewers could see. There was a lack of in-depth analysis of what viewers were watching. The media's hero-preparation process started a while before these games and was consolidated during the ceremony with their presentation to viewers. The closing ceremony became homage to the winners. Finally, private television Telecinco was slightly more critical of China and the Spanish doping case, Isabel Moreno, than the public television station TVE.
Profesor en el departamento de Comunicación Audiovisual y Publicidad de la UAB.
Este artículo se basa en un trabajo cuantitativo de entrevis
tas personales realizado a más de
3... more Este artículo se basa en un trabajo cuantitativo de entrevis
tas personales realizado a más de
300 personas abonadas a un servicio de televisión multicanal en España: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía
Digital y operadores de cable. Entre sus resultados más importantes destaca que el consumo en tiempo de
televisión es algo
menor en los hogares de televisión multicanal que generalista y que, por otra parte, el
uso del mando a distancia en la televisión multicanal de pago se orienta sobre todo al chequeo de canales
(no a evitar la publicidad) y su utilización refuerza la "aut
oridad" paterna respecto a los hogares con
televisión tradicional.
Abstract:
This paper is based on a survey made in September 1999, with more than 300 interviews to
people who have subscribed a Spanish digital packet: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía Digital a
nd/or a cable
operator company. Amid their more important results it is the fact that the time spent on TV consumption
in households with digital TV is smaller than in those with traditional television. On the other hand, in the
households with digital pac
kets the remote control is used to check programming rather to avoid TV
commercials. Furthermore, the use of the remote by the father is highest in households with digital TV
than in those with generalist television; that leads to the conclusion that the r
emote increases the
"authority" of the father.
La televisión digital ha sido la introductora del pago por visión en España a partir de
1997 de l... more La televisión digital ha sido la introductora del pago por visión en España a partir de
1997 de la mano de las plataformas por satélite. Este artículo, basado en un trabajo de
206 encuestas personales a consumidores de tv digital por satélite en cinco ciudades
españolas (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid y Bilbao) se ha centrado en las
variables más trascendentales que determinan el consumo del pago por visión. Ocupan
un lugar destacado en este análisis las relaciones entre el uso de nuevas tecnologías
(ordenadores e Internet) y el consumo de pago por visión.
CONSUMPTION AND USES OF DIGITAL PAY-PER-VIEW IN SPAIN. Digital television was
responsible for the introduction in Spain of pay per view TV via satellite platforms in
1997. This article, based on the results of a survey taken of 206 sate
llite digital TV
viewers in five different Spanish cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid, and
Bilbao) focuses on the most important factors which affect the viewing of pay per view
programs. The relationship between using computers and the Internet and the viewing
of pay-per-view TV is given special emphasis in this analysis
La televisión por cable no es una innovación técnica en sí, sino que utiliza varios inventos ya e... more La televisión por cable no es una innovación técnica en sí, sino que utiliza varios inventos ya existentes: las antenas que permitían captar las señales electromagnéticas de la televisión hertziana y el cable coaxial que había sido utilizado por primera vez para el envío de mensajes telegráficos submarinos. El cable ha sido tradicionalmente un modo de distribución de imágenes en movimiento y actualmente se está convirtiendo en el canal por el que discurren servicios integrales de telecomunicación: datos, imágenes y voz. Por ello, hablar de televisión por cable hoy es hacer referencia a tan sólo uno de los servicios que ofrecen los operadores de telecomunicaciones por cable.
El presente trabajo analiza las alianzas en el mercado del cable español en el momento inmediatam... more El presente trabajo analiza las alianzas en el mercado del cable español en el momento inmediatamente anterior a la convocatoria de los concursos a las diferentes demarcaciones (principios de 1997). Partiendo de que uno de los objetivos de la regulación es contribuir a la estabilidad del mercado y después de mostrar algunos de los principales motivos para la alianza, hemos dividido los operadores de cable en tres grupos estratégicos: modestos, intermedios y grandes operadores. Entre las características de este último grupo destacan una mayoría de socios financieros y una reducida presencia de empresas extranjeras. Este artículo abre el camino a posteriores análisis.
Papers by Emilio Fernandez Peña
Routledge eBooks, Feb 17, 2015
National Identities
The 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil conveyed – by its slogan, mascot, posters and ceremonies – the ... more The 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil conveyed – by its slogan, mascot, posters and ceremonies – the idea of a Mulatto Brazil (an inventive and festive nation under the sign of two idiosyncratic worlds). We argue that such a reference – based on the duality between Dionysius and Apollo (as contemplated by Nietzsche and brought to the context of Brazil and football by Freyre) – was used as a means of bringing forward an idea of the exceptionality of Brazilian society (based on nationalist concepts of ethnicity) to attract tourists, ease social tensions and justify the event’s costs.
Report of the research project on social media and the Olympics, funded by the International Olym... more Report of the research project on social media and the Olympics, funded by the International Olympic Committee, and developed at CEO-UAB in 2010.Among the objectives of the research there were the study of the challenges that social networks sites on the Internet offers to traditional communication models of sports organizations, with special attention to the presence of the Olympic Movement in these networks, and potential use to promote the Olympic values. To this end, the research team developed a map of the main platforms for existing social networks, an analysis of the presence of various sport initiatives in these social networks, as well as initiatives in other fields related to social participation that are considered interesting. It also wants to observe the presence of actors themselves of the Olympic Movement in various relevant social networks and study the digital strategies of different institutions and Olympic sponsors.
Social Sciences
The link between meat production and climate change has fostered increasing social debate in rece... more The link between meat production and climate change has fostered increasing social debate in recent years. Livestock is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions, among other global problems attached to the meat industry. However, this debate is often presented as one-dimensional, without a comprehensive approach. As the media plays a key role in shaping public perceptions of nutrition, this study aims to examine how the matter of food transition and climate change is addressed by three centre-left media outlets from Germany (Der Tagesspiegel), the United Kingdom (The Guardian) and Spain (El País). A search including the words *meat* and *climate change* in different languages, performed over one year (2021), resulted in a sample of available news items (N = 273). Using quantitative and qualitative methods, we analysed the coverage in terms of scope and use of frames. The results showed a scant number of news items combining climate change and meat consumption, though there were so...
National Identities, 2022
The 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil conveyed – by its slogan, mascot, posters and ceremonies – the ... more The 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil conveyed – by its slogan, mascot, posters and ceremonies – the idea of a Mulatto Brazil (an inventive and festive nation under the sign of two idiosyncratic worlds). We argue that such a reference – based on the duality between Dionysius and Apollo (as contemplated by Nietzsche and brought to the context of Brazil and football by Freyre) – was used as a means of bringing forward an idea of the exceptionality of Brazilian society (based on nationalist concepts of ethnicity) to attract tourists, ease social tensions and justify the event’s costs.
"Pet Society" es un "juego social" desarrollado en la red social: Facebook. C... more "Pet Society" es un "juego social" desarrollado en la red social: Facebook. Creado por Playfish en 2008 (empresa caracterizada por su innovación y creatividad), en 2009 Playfish es adquirida por Electronic Arts. Tiene el honor de ser el primer juego en alcanzar el 1 millón de fans en Facebook. Esta tesina se centra en diversos factores de la producción: diseño, interacción y usuario; para poder entender este éxito entre los jugadores desde un enfoque social. Centrándose en cómo se presentan los contenidos por parte de la empresa y cómo los usuarios se apropian de estos contenidos, creando los suyos propios."Pet Society" es un "joc social" desenvolupat a la xarxa social: Facebook. Creat per Playfish al 2008 (empresa caracteritzada per la seva innovació i creativitat), al 2009 Playfish és adquirida per Electronic Arts. Te l'honor de ser el primer joc en arribar a 1 milió de fans a Facebook. Aquesta Tesina està centrada en diversos factors de la producció: disseny, interacció i usuari; per poder entendre aquest èxit entre els jugadors des de un enfocament social. Es centra en com es presenten els continguts per part de l'empresa i com els usuaris s'apropien d'aquests continguts, creant els seus propis
El trabajo aborda desde una perspectiva comunicativa, histórica y regulatoria el papel de los ser... more El trabajo aborda desde una perspectiva comunicativa, histórica y regulatoria el papel de los servicios de televisión por cable en el surgimiento de la televisión temática en Estados Unidos de América y España
Desde el primer congreso inaugural del moderno movimiento Olímpico en la Universidad de la Sorbon... more Desde el primer congreso inaugural del moderno movimiento Olímpico en la Universidad de la Sorbona en 1894 hasta la actualidad la cultura olímpica se ha diseminado al socaire de los desarrollos en materia de comunicaciones y los Juegos Olímpicos han sido centro de experimentación y también de promoción de nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación (Moragas et al, 1995) (Llinés y Moreno, 1999) Los Juegos Olímpicos son el principal mega evento deportivo en las sociedades contemporáneas. Es su alcance global el que los convierte en el espectáculo mediático más seguido y son las tecnologías de transmisión, propiamente de telecomunicaciones, por una parte, las que hacen llegar la señal de televisión y los servicios de internet a los hogares de todo el globo y las tecnologías de producción audiovisual, las que crean los contenidos que son transmitidos a los hogares. En el presente trabajo profundizaremos en el discurso que sobre la tecnología de producción y difusión audiovisual (radio, televisión e internet) se ha diseminado en torno a los Juegos Olímpicos de la era moderna iniciados en Atenas en 1896 y cuya última edición se ha producido en Londres en 2012. Propondremos una cronología de los diferentes estadios en la incorporación de las tecnologías a los Juegos, analizando la visión que de la tecnología se proyecta desde el discurso institucional de los Juegos y profundizaremos sobre cómo los avances como el advenimiento y el desarrollo de internet no sólo suponen un cambio tecnológico, sino que constituyen un giro copernicano de las concepciones culturales porque cada tecnología lleva impresa en su ADN un extraordinario cambio de mentalidad que moldea el ambiente cultural de cada momento.
Uploads
Books by Emilio Fernandez Peña
Journal articles by Emilio Fernandez Peña
Olympic Games broadcast rights have traditionally been based on two variables: sales territory and exclusivity. This is also the case for the early stages of marketing and selling the first New Media broadcast rights.
Television operators, the IOC, host cities and commercial brands on the one hand, and spectators, viewers and athletes on the other, all together form the vast mosaic of the following and importance of the Olympic Games as major cultural, social and media phenomenon. The Olympic Games would not be the global phenomenon they are today without the complex web of relationships occurring between television operators (buyers of very expensive broadcast rights defrayed via advertising revenue or Pay-TV subscriptions), the IOC (the owner of the Olympic Games), host cities (chosen by the IOC) and TOP Sponsors (commercial brands that make a profit from their sponsorship through Olympic Games broadcasts). Television broadcast rights and sponsorship revenue in the last decade accounted for more than 85% of the IOC’s total revenue, and this demonstrates that there is a close relationship of dependence between the Olympic Movement and communication-related revenue. This revenue is distributed among the members of the Olympic Movement: International Olympic Federations, National Olympic Committees and Olympic Solidarity.
Despite the criticism levelled at the commercialisation of Olympic sport, the formula has shown itself to be the only one possible when it comes pursuing the spread of the educational values of Olympism and sport. Any potential limitations on the formula must be sorted out on the basis of this model, a model that has turned the Olympic Games into the most important sporting event ever, and its symbols and values into elements of this big ecosystem.
Juan Antonio Samaranch, who met with a bankrupt IOC and a divided Olympic Movement following the Moscow 1980 Olympic Games, introduced the commercial exploitation of the Olympic Movement by combining the commercial potential of American television and the public service nature of the European broadcasting model. During his mandate (1980-2001), the Olympic Games became the most important sporting event in the world and a global phenomenon thanks to television operators who, in turn, have become the mainstay of the Olympic Movement. The value of sports broadcast rights was enhanced when the potential to grow revenue from generalist American television operators began to be exploited. From that moment on, television operators entered into competition with each other to buy content to secure large viewing audiences in a multi-channel television environment like the American one, where increasing fragmentation was the order of the day. At the same time, fee-charging agents and consultants were removed from negotiations, which the IOC started to carry out directly and exclusively.
In Europe, even after competition was introduced into the television market in the mid 1980s, and despite the fact that financial bids by private television operators were much higher, joint sales to the EBU were favoured. The EBU bid included public television operators that ensured free-to-air broadcasting of the Olympic Games to everyone, mainly young people, to convey the positive values intrinsic to sport. Samaranch established the dynamics of entering into long-term contracts with television operators in advance of the host city being known, thus ensuring the stability of the ever increasing revenue for the Olympic Movement.
Since the start of Jacques Rogge’s mandate in 2001, the model for commercially exploiting broadcast rights introduced by Samaranch has continued to be used. Rogge sought true competition in broadcast rights auctions. He managed to create significant revenue growth through the use of this system and established new formulas for distributing revenue that reduced payments to host cities and increased contributions to foster sport through International Federations and National Olympic Committees.
The introduction of true competition has helped to reduce excessive dependence on revenue from American television operators and increase revenue from Europe. This has been made possible by negotiating broadcast rights directly and individually in big European countries, as well as sales to the EuroFive agency for another 40 European countries. In this process, contracts with private television operators stipulate a series of commitments that they (or public television operators) must make, such as broadcasting a minimum of 200 free-to-air hours for the Olympic Summer Games and adhering to optimum quality standards, as established by Olympic Broadcasting Services (OBS).
In Europe, breaking away from the dynamics of broadcast rights sales to public television operators through the EBU was an important milestone and led to a shift from a public service model for Olympic Games broadcasting to a universal service model providing access to everyone, although there is some potential for it to be exploited by the private sector. In Europe, it remains to be seen whether the model for marketing and selling Olympic Games broadcast rights individually and competitively, with public and private television operators competing against each other, will actually lead to higher revenue, despite the estimated increase for the Sochi and Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games, which have yet to be negotiated for the American market.
Samaranch’s and Rogge’s mandates are the ones that have introduced and developed the commercialisation of Olympism, put the IOC in control of direct negotiations with television operators and increased revenue for the IOC to redistribute. Under Rogge’s mandate, and since 2004, the redistributed revenue share has exceeded the amount that host cities receive, and this represents a historic first.
The Internet and New Media are elements of a constantly changing global communication ecosystem, which redefines itself every time new distribution methods appear on the scene, with new communication variants that now tend to offer much greater protagonism to users and their ability to create, modify and share information, including information belonging to the Olympic family and the Olympic Games. The new communication dynamics centred around collaborative users who share content with each other will require a redefinition of Olympic Games broadcast rights. Selling exclusive broadcast rights for a country to a particular broadcaster has been one of the keys to the success of the IOC’s capacity to raise revenue. It has demanded diligent protection of that exclusivity, with attempts to try and prevent third parties that do not own the rights from broadcasting images of the Olympic Games on the Internet. However, the fundamentally open nature of the Internet, which allows any user without any significant IT knowledge to become a content distributor, makes absolute control of the intellectual property of the broadcaster and of Olympic Games images impossible.
It is essential to adapt the old intellectual property rights regulations to the new environment to protect the owners’ rights while allowing advantage to be taken of the Internet’s features. If the IOC wants to take advantage of the potential of New Media to spread Olympic values to young people, it must open itself up to the potential of Social Media, where creating new works from copyrighted works and sharing and exchanging content are the order of the day. Protecting the exclusivity of rights while opening up some of the content so that it can be reworked and exchanged by the global community of internauts might prove to be the best formula for retaining the Olympic Movement’s main source of revenue and, at the same time, involving young people in its values and symbols.
tas personales realizado a más de
300 personas abonadas a un servicio de televisión multicanal en España: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía
Digital y operadores de cable. Entre sus resultados más importantes destaca que el consumo en tiempo de
televisión es algo
menor en los hogares de televisión multicanal que generalista y que, por otra parte, el
uso del mando a distancia en la televisión multicanal de pago se orienta sobre todo al chequeo de canales
(no a evitar la publicidad) y su utilización refuerza la "aut
oridad" paterna respecto a los hogares con
televisión tradicional.
Abstract:
This paper is based on a survey made in September 1999, with more than 300 interviews to
people who have subscribed a Spanish digital packet: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía Digital a
nd/or a cable
operator company. Amid their more important results it is the fact that the time spent on TV consumption
in households with digital TV is smaller than in those with traditional television. On the other hand, in the
households with digital pac
kets the remote control is used to check programming rather to avoid TV
commercials. Furthermore, the use of the remote by the father is highest in households with digital TV
than in those with generalist television; that leads to the conclusion that the r
emote increases the
"authority" of the father.
1997 de la mano de las plataformas por satélite. Este artículo, basado en un trabajo de
206 encuestas personales a consumidores de tv digital por satélite en cinco ciudades
españolas (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid y Bilbao) se ha centrado en las
variables más trascendentales que determinan el consumo del pago por visión. Ocupan
un lugar destacado en este análisis las relaciones entre el uso de nuevas tecnologías
(ordenadores e Internet) y el consumo de pago por visión.
CONSUMPTION AND USES OF DIGITAL PAY-PER-VIEW IN SPAIN. Digital television was
responsible for the introduction in Spain of pay per view TV via satellite platforms in
1997. This article, based on the results of a survey taken of 206 sate
llite digital TV
viewers in five different Spanish cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid, and
Bilbao) focuses on the most important factors which affect the viewing of pay per view
programs. The relationship between using computers and the Internet and the viewing
of pay-per-view TV is given special emphasis in this analysis
Papers by Emilio Fernandez Peña
Olympic Games broadcast rights have traditionally been based on two variables: sales territory and exclusivity. This is also the case for the early stages of marketing and selling the first New Media broadcast rights.
Television operators, the IOC, host cities and commercial brands on the one hand, and spectators, viewers and athletes on the other, all together form the vast mosaic of the following and importance of the Olympic Games as major cultural, social and media phenomenon. The Olympic Games would not be the global phenomenon they are today without the complex web of relationships occurring between television operators (buyers of very expensive broadcast rights defrayed via advertising revenue or Pay-TV subscriptions), the IOC (the owner of the Olympic Games), host cities (chosen by the IOC) and TOP Sponsors (commercial brands that make a profit from their sponsorship through Olympic Games broadcasts). Television broadcast rights and sponsorship revenue in the last decade accounted for more than 85% of the IOC’s total revenue, and this demonstrates that there is a close relationship of dependence between the Olympic Movement and communication-related revenue. This revenue is distributed among the members of the Olympic Movement: International Olympic Federations, National Olympic Committees and Olympic Solidarity.
Despite the criticism levelled at the commercialisation of Olympic sport, the formula has shown itself to be the only one possible when it comes pursuing the spread of the educational values of Olympism and sport. Any potential limitations on the formula must be sorted out on the basis of this model, a model that has turned the Olympic Games into the most important sporting event ever, and its symbols and values into elements of this big ecosystem.
Juan Antonio Samaranch, who met with a bankrupt IOC and a divided Olympic Movement following the Moscow 1980 Olympic Games, introduced the commercial exploitation of the Olympic Movement by combining the commercial potential of American television and the public service nature of the European broadcasting model. During his mandate (1980-2001), the Olympic Games became the most important sporting event in the world and a global phenomenon thanks to television operators who, in turn, have become the mainstay of the Olympic Movement. The value of sports broadcast rights was enhanced when the potential to grow revenue from generalist American television operators began to be exploited. From that moment on, television operators entered into competition with each other to buy content to secure large viewing audiences in a multi-channel television environment like the American one, where increasing fragmentation was the order of the day. At the same time, fee-charging agents and consultants were removed from negotiations, which the IOC started to carry out directly and exclusively.
In Europe, even after competition was introduced into the television market in the mid 1980s, and despite the fact that financial bids by private television operators were much higher, joint sales to the EBU were favoured. The EBU bid included public television operators that ensured free-to-air broadcasting of the Olympic Games to everyone, mainly young people, to convey the positive values intrinsic to sport. Samaranch established the dynamics of entering into long-term contracts with television operators in advance of the host city being known, thus ensuring the stability of the ever increasing revenue for the Olympic Movement.
Since the start of Jacques Rogge’s mandate in 2001, the model for commercially exploiting broadcast rights introduced by Samaranch has continued to be used. Rogge sought true competition in broadcast rights auctions. He managed to create significant revenue growth through the use of this system and established new formulas for distributing revenue that reduced payments to host cities and increased contributions to foster sport through International Federations and National Olympic Committees.
The introduction of true competition has helped to reduce excessive dependence on revenue from American television operators and increase revenue from Europe. This has been made possible by negotiating broadcast rights directly and individually in big European countries, as well as sales to the EuroFive agency for another 40 European countries. In this process, contracts with private television operators stipulate a series of commitments that they (or public television operators) must make, such as broadcasting a minimum of 200 free-to-air hours for the Olympic Summer Games and adhering to optimum quality standards, as established by Olympic Broadcasting Services (OBS).
In Europe, breaking away from the dynamics of broadcast rights sales to public television operators through the EBU was an important milestone and led to a shift from a public service model for Olympic Games broadcasting to a universal service model providing access to everyone, although there is some potential for it to be exploited by the private sector. In Europe, it remains to be seen whether the model for marketing and selling Olympic Games broadcast rights individually and competitively, with public and private television operators competing against each other, will actually lead to higher revenue, despite the estimated increase for the Sochi and Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games, which have yet to be negotiated for the American market.
Samaranch’s and Rogge’s mandates are the ones that have introduced and developed the commercialisation of Olympism, put the IOC in control of direct negotiations with television operators and increased revenue for the IOC to redistribute. Under Rogge’s mandate, and since 2004, the redistributed revenue share has exceeded the amount that host cities receive, and this represents a historic first.
The Internet and New Media are elements of a constantly changing global communication ecosystem, which redefines itself every time new distribution methods appear on the scene, with new communication variants that now tend to offer much greater protagonism to users and their ability to create, modify and share information, including information belonging to the Olympic family and the Olympic Games. The new communication dynamics centred around collaborative users who share content with each other will require a redefinition of Olympic Games broadcast rights. Selling exclusive broadcast rights for a country to a particular broadcaster has been one of the keys to the success of the IOC’s capacity to raise revenue. It has demanded diligent protection of that exclusivity, with attempts to try and prevent third parties that do not own the rights from broadcasting images of the Olympic Games on the Internet. However, the fundamentally open nature of the Internet, which allows any user without any significant IT knowledge to become a content distributor, makes absolute control of the intellectual property of the broadcaster and of Olympic Games images impossible.
It is essential to adapt the old intellectual property rights regulations to the new environment to protect the owners’ rights while allowing advantage to be taken of the Internet’s features. If the IOC wants to take advantage of the potential of New Media to spread Olympic values to young people, it must open itself up to the potential of Social Media, where creating new works from copyrighted works and sharing and exchanging content are the order of the day. Protecting the exclusivity of rights while opening up some of the content so that it can be reworked and exchanged by the global community of internauts might prove to be the best formula for retaining the Olympic Movement’s main source of revenue and, at the same time, involving young people in its values and symbols.
tas personales realizado a más de
300 personas abonadas a un servicio de televisión multicanal en España: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía
Digital y operadores de cable. Entre sus resultados más importantes destaca que el consumo en tiempo de
televisión es algo
menor en los hogares de televisión multicanal que generalista y que, por otra parte, el
uso del mando a distancia en la televisión multicanal de pago se orienta sobre todo al chequeo de canales
(no a evitar la publicidad) y su utilización refuerza la "aut
oridad" paterna respecto a los hogares con
televisión tradicional.
Abstract:
This paper is based on a survey made in September 1999, with more than 300 interviews to
people who have subscribed a Spanish digital packet: Canal Satélite Digital, Vía Digital a
nd/or a cable
operator company. Amid their more important results it is the fact that the time spent on TV consumption
in households with digital TV is smaller than in those with traditional television. On the other hand, in the
households with digital pac
kets the remote control is used to check programming rather to avoid TV
commercials. Furthermore, the use of the remote by the father is highest in households with digital TV
than in those with generalist television; that leads to the conclusion that the r
emote increases the
"authority" of the father.
1997 de la mano de las plataformas por satélite. Este artículo, basado en un trabajo de
206 encuestas personales a consumidores de tv digital por satélite en cinco ciudades
españolas (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid y Bilbao) se ha centrado en las
variables más trascendentales que determinan el consumo del pago por visión. Ocupan
un lugar destacado en este análisis las relaciones entre el uso de nuevas tecnologías
(ordenadores e Internet) y el consumo de pago por visión.
CONSUMPTION AND USES OF DIGITAL PAY-PER-VIEW IN SPAIN. Digital television was
responsible for the introduction in Spain of pay per view TV via satellite platforms in
1997. This article, based on the results of a survey taken of 206 sate
llite digital TV
viewers in five different Spanish cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid, and
Bilbao) focuses on the most important factors which affect the viewing of pay per view
programs. The relationship between using computers and the Internet and the viewing
of pay-per-view TV is given special emphasis in this analysis
1997 de la mano de las plataformas por satélite. Este artículo, basado en un trabajo de
206 encuestas personales a consumidores de tv digital por satélite en cinco ciudades
españolas (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid y Bilbao) se ha centrado en las
variables más trascendentales que determinan el consumo del pago por visión. Ocupan
un lugar destacado en este análisis las relaciones entre el uso de nuevas tecnologías
(ordenadores e Internet) y el consumo de pago por visión.
CONSUMPTION AND USES OF DIGITAL PAY-PER-VIEW IN SPAIN. Digital television was
responsible for the introduction in Spain of pay per view TV via satellite platforms in
1997. This article, based on the results of a survey taken of 206 sate
llite digital TV
viewers in five different Spanish cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Sevilla, Valladolid, and
Bilbao) focuses on the most important factors which affect the viewing of pay per view
programs. The relationship between using computers and the Internet and the viewing
of pay-per-view TV is given special emphasis in this analysis
En el presente trabajo profundizaremos en el discurso que sobre la tecnología de producción y difusión audiovisual (radio, televisión e internet) se ha diseminado en torno a los Juegos Olímpicos de la era moderna iniciados en Atenas en 1896 y cuya última edición se ha producido en Londres en 2012. Propondremos una cronología de los diferentes estadios en la incorporación de las tecnologías a los Juegos, analizando la visión que de la tecnología se proyecta desde el discurso institucional de los Juegos y profundizaremos sobre cómo los avances como el advenimiento y el desarrollo de internet no sólo suponen un cambio tecnológico, sino que constituyen un giro copernicano de las concepciones culturales porque cada tecnología lleva impresa en su ADN un extraordinario cambio de mentalidad que moldea el ambiente cultural de cada momento.
In barely four years since the first alliance of the Olympic Games with a social media to create the official Olympic Games channel onYouTube, and two and a half years since the inauguration of the presence on Facebook and Twitter, the role of communication on social networks in the communication strategies of the Olympic family has developed in various aspects. Unlike the approach used in Vancouver 2010 in which the Twitter and Facebook presences operated independently, London 2012 saw a more systemic and combined approach with presences on different platforms and an attempt to have the different presences and Olympic actors integrating and collaborating. While in Vancouver 2010 many of the so-called Top Sponsors were not present on the social networks as such, in London a lot of them created specific pages and played with interaction with the athletes, leaders in the tracking of these networks, and made the most of the social networks to promote their presence in the Olympic brand.
Despite the cross-pollination between social networks and web platforms being better exploited, participation has a notable unidirectional nature, very similar to that of traditional media, with a low percentage of contributions based on commentaries.However, spreadability is increasing, as demonstrated by the fact that many users now share Olympic Family member’s publications with their friends. By doing so, content is reaching a higher number of people, including those who have not previously shown any interest in the Olympic Games.
The participation promoted in the public is merely emotional.The aim is not that people following the social networks of the Olympic movement and its members contribute to the progress and improvement of the Olympic movement.This is particularly important during the Olympiad, the period between Games, a period in which contributions from the public should be promoted by means of a more sincere and direct communication, counting elements that are usually not counted, including followers or fans of the new future challenges, convertingthem into missionaries who spread the philosophy and values of the Olympic movement.