Indigenous governance systems are sui generis judicial, administrative, economic, and political s... more Indigenous governance systems are sui generis judicial, administrative, economic, and political systems for exercising authority and upholding the Indigenous governance system of Indigenous peoples. Those institutions help them to realize self-government, autonomy, and self-determination as enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples inter alia other legal instruments. In Nepal, the 2015 Constitution opened up avenues for the de jure acceptance of the Indigenous customary governance system at the local levels. De facto recognitions were in place for a long time at the local level despite national laws’ reticence and prejudice. This article looks into the convergent and divergent between customary governance and “nation-state” governing procedure and evaluates the long-term effects on self-rule, autonomy, and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples while interfacing with the contemporary state mechanisms. The indigenous worldview and inclusion/exclusion perspective is the theoretical/conceptual lenses for analyzing the phenomenon in this study. Talking circles, key informant interviews, focus group discussions observations, informal conversations, and participation in periodic assemblies of customary institutions were the strategies of data gathering. Despite the nonrecognition of federal laws, local governments in some parts of the country initiated recognizing customary governance. However, such initiatives, instead of allowing them to operate independently and guaranteeing self-determination, self-rule, and autonomy as the indigenous peoples’ movement demanded at the time, tended to subordinate and bring the customary governance system under the control and jurisdiction of the state law. That will be detrimental to the functioning of Indigenous political institutions in the long run.
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
वञ्चितीकरणबाट उन्मुक्ति, राज्यमा बराबरीको साझेदारी र अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि नेपालका अन्य आदिवासीह... more वञ्चितीकरणबाट उन्मुक्ति, राज्यमा बराबरीको साझेदारी र अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि नेपालका अन्य आदिवासीहरूले झैँ थाङ्मी समुदायले पनि सङ्गठित रूपमा खुला राजनीतिक वातावरणमा आवाज उठाउन थालेको करिब साँढे तीन दशक भएको छ । यस लेखमा त्यो प्रयासको सङ्क्षिप्त लेखाजोखा गरिएको छ । सामाजिक संस्थाको गठन, विघटन, पुनर्गठन हुँदै हालसम्म आइपुग्दा साझा सङ्गठन निर्माण गरी सामूहिक अधिकारको वकालतका लागि सङ्गठन निर्माण भएको भए तापनि नीजी स्वार्थ, राजनीतिक दाउपेच र दलीयकरणका कारण विशुद्ध सामुदायिक अधिकारभन्दा पनि व्यक्तिहरूको राजनीतिक पृष्ठभूमि निर्माणको थलोका रूपमा स्थापित हुन थालेको छ । तसर्थ निष्पक्ष, स्वतन्त्रर सामूहिक स्वार्थ प्रेरित नेतृत्व विना प्रतिनिधिमूलक सङ्गठनहरूले राज्यमा सामूहिक अधिकार सुनिश्चित्त गराउन नसक्ने दृष्टान्त थाङ्मी प्रतिनिधिमूलक संस्थाबाट सिक्न सकिन्छ ।
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
Indigenous governance systems are sui generis judicial, administrative, economic, and political s... more Indigenous governance systems are sui generis judicial, administrative, economic, and political systems for exercising authority and upholding the Indigenous governance system of Indigenous peoples. Those institutions help them to realize self-government, autonomy, and self-determination as enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples inter alia other legal instruments. In Nepal, the 2015 Constitution opened up avenues for the de jure acceptance of the Indigenous customary governance system at the local levels. De facto recognitions were in place for a long time at the local level despite national laws’ reticence and prejudice. This article looks into the convergent and divergent between customary governance and “nation-state” governing procedure and evaluates the long-term effects on self-rule, autonomy, and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples while interfacing with the contemporary state mechanisms. The indigenous worldview and inclusion/exclusion perspective is the theoretical/conceptual lenses for analyzing the phenomenon in this study. Talking circles, key informant interviews, focus group discussions observations, informal conversations, and participation in periodic assemblies of customary institutions were the strategies of data gathering. Despite the nonrecognition of federal laws, local governments in some parts of the country initiated recognizing customary governance. However, such initiatives, instead of allowing them to operate independently and guaranteeing self-determination, self-rule, and autonomy as the indigenous peoples’ movement demanded at the time, tended to subordinate and bring the customary governance system under the control and jurisdiction of the state law. That will be detrimental to the functioning of Indigenous political institutions in the long run.
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
वञ्चितीकरणबाट उन्मुक्ति, राज्यमा बराबरीको साझेदारी र अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि नेपालका अन्य आदिवासीह... more वञ्चितीकरणबाट उन्मुक्ति, राज्यमा बराबरीको साझेदारी र अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि नेपालका अन्य आदिवासीहरूले झैँ थाङ्मी समुदायले पनि सङ्गठित रूपमा खुला राजनीतिक वातावरणमा आवाज उठाउन थालेको करिब साँढे तीन दशक भएको छ । यस लेखमा त्यो प्रयासको सङ्क्षिप्त लेखाजोखा गरिएको छ । सामाजिक संस्थाको गठन, विघटन, पुनर्गठन हुँदै हालसम्म आइपुग्दा साझा सङ्गठन निर्माण गरी सामूहिक अधिकारको वकालतका लागि सङ्गठन निर्माण भएको भए तापनि नीजी स्वार्थ, राजनीतिक दाउपेच र दलीयकरणका कारण विशुद्ध सामुदायिक अधिकारभन्दा पनि व्यक्तिहरूको राजनीतिक पृष्ठभूमि निर्माणको थलोका रूपमा स्थापित हुन थालेको छ । तसर्थ निष्पक्ष, स्वतन्त्रर सामूहिक स्वार्थ प्रेरित नेतृत्व विना प्रतिनिधिमूलक सङ्गठनहरूले राज्यमा सामूहिक अधिकार सुनिश्चित्त गराउन नसक्ने दृष्टान्त थाङ्मी प्रतिनिधिमूलक संस्थाबाट सिक्न सकिन्छ ।
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Ev... more However, still there are gaps in the legal text to materialize the aforementioned commitments. Even, in the Constitution there are contradictory provisions in this regards such as,
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governing procedure and evaluates the long-term effects on self-rule, autonomy, and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples while interfacing with the contemporary state mechanisms. The indigenous worldview and inclusion/exclusion perspective is the theoretical/conceptual lenses for analyzing the phenomenon in this study. Talking circles, key informant interviews, focus group discussions observations, informal conversations,
and participation in periodic assemblies of customary institutions were the strategies of data gathering. Despite the nonrecognition of federal laws, local governments in some parts of the country initiated recognizing customary governance. However, such initiatives, instead of allowing them to operate independently and guaranteeing self-determination, self-rule, and autonomy as the indigenous peoples’ movement demanded
at the time, tended to subordinate and bring the customary governance system under the control and jurisdiction of the state law. That will be detrimental to the functioning of Indigenous political institutions in the long run.
governing procedure and evaluates the long-term effects on self-rule, autonomy, and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples while interfacing with the contemporary state mechanisms. The indigenous worldview and inclusion/exclusion perspective is the theoretical/conceptual lenses for analyzing the phenomenon in this study. Talking circles, key informant interviews, focus group discussions observations, informal conversations,
and participation in periodic assemblies of customary institutions were the strategies of data gathering. Despite the nonrecognition of federal laws, local governments in some parts of the country initiated recognizing customary governance. However, such initiatives, instead of allowing them to operate independently and guaranteeing self-determination, self-rule, and autonomy as the indigenous peoples’ movement demanded
at the time, tended to subordinate and bring the customary governance system under the control and jurisdiction of the state law. That will be detrimental to the functioning of Indigenous political institutions in the long run.