Sociology and social anthropology

In my paper I have dealt with the issue of women’s representation in the political realm in contemporary India. I have emphasized on the role of women as political citizen and how the identity of ‘womanhood’ continues to remain a focal point of all discussions. It is important to understand the historical trajectory of formation of women’s recognition as political citizens and how their identity of ‘womanhood’ imposes a baggage of submission in many realms, political milieu being one, but it also entails ideas of assertion as well. To depict this I shall be talking from the vantage point of the issue of women’s reservation protests in Nagaland in the urban local bodies in contemporary times. In the first section of my paper I shall be traversing through some of the prominent debates and discourses that will be useful to understand the issue and in my next section I shall try to seek answers to the following questions. How has the women’s question been dealt with over the years? Are women recognized as fully potential political citizens? How is the ‘public’ and ‘private’ realms mutually constituted in formation of identities? As I plan to highlight on the issue of women’s reservation in Nagaland politics I shall be dealing with the central question of the contention between ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ in this paper.

Tying together the different threads that explain the persistence of violent conflicts in defining the politics of Assam is a difficult proposition, more so because the analyses tend to concentrate on big episodes and rely on a causal explanation that leaves little room for understanding the layered realities that have emerged as a result of three decades of conflict. This article attempts to suture together the different levels at which expressions of violence have been manifested in contemporary political entanglements in Assam. It does so by reflecting on the repertoire of melancholic manifestations of these conflicts in everyday life. It argues that decades of engagement between rebels and the Indian state have led to emotional suffering and self-preservation, but have been sacrificed to a cynical political vocabulary that narrows the possibility of solidarity.

The optimism generated by proponents of India's "Look East" policy and tentative peace talks between armed opposition groups and the state would suggest that there has been a radical change in the government of India's north-east policy. However, militarisation and ethnic confrontations continue to define the paramleters of public policy in India's north-east. Ethnic violence is accentuated by the existence of parallel political and
administrative structures that undermine the rule of law. This article argues that the challenge in India's north-east is contingent upon the government's motivation to encourage transparency in governance and administration and to consciously move away from its existing reliance on archaic military solutions.

An analysis of conflicts in the north-east entails also a closer look at the wider debates on the issue of ethnicity. While official and administrative policies may generate impoverishment and ethnic conflict, ethnic claims of territorial integrity put forward by different groups are also often ranged against demands for a greater homeland demanded by others. This paper seeks to relate ethnic politics, to the growing importance of land relations and land use, by focusing on changes in land use patterns and social control over land in the North Cachar Hills.

The National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam has raised several issues pertaining to citizenship, migration and political mobilisation throughout the region. An administrative exercise of this order that uses technology, law and the bureaucracy to address historically contentious grievances within a region of a country is an interesting phenomenon for social scientists working on citizenship in the 21st century. This is more so since approximately nineteen lakh persons from various walks of life and ethnic heritage have been left out of the rolls, leaving every stakeholder (including the ruling party in Assam) disappointed with the outcomes. While there have been great benefits derived from the use of technology, this article argues for closer, nuanced attention to ethnographic details about other contingencies – such as floods and climate change – that influence the process, especially since the process is being promoted for the entire country.

Autonomous arrangements have always been a matter of contention in Northeast India. In the federal unit of Assam, conflict and inter-ethnic tensions have been markers of a peculiar kind of constitutional politics that are unable to resolve competing claims for resources and power in a manner that prevents violent political mobilisation. This article examines the trajectory of political events in Karbi Anglong, the largest autonomous district in Assam, and traces the course of social and cultural changes that have affected politics in the district. The article also looks at possible ways out of the impasse created by constitutional political vocabularies in the said district.

Since 2004, media and public opinion in Assam (India) have focused on increasing instances of poaching of rhinoceros for their horns and presence of Bengali-speaking Muslim peasants, especially in and around the iconic Kaziranga National Park. From hastily made digital films, to anti-poaching motifs at Durga Puja pandals, the plight of the rhinoceros has occupied an important position in an acrimonious political discourse on Assamese culture. The innocence and dignity attributed to the animal stands in marked contrast to the lack of discussion on the large numbers of young men who have been killed in anti-poaching campaigns by the state. This article looks at the interstices of class, culture and commerce in an attempt to understand the popular deification of the rhinoceros and implications of the developmental discourse that seeks to put people and rhino in their "rightful" place.

Dibrugarh, an important city for trade, commerce and education in eastern Assam has had a fascinating history of destruction and renewal since the 1950s. It was one of the highest revenue collecting cities in post-colonial India at the time of the transfer of power in 1947. Following the large-scale destruction caused by the 1950 earthquake, the city became vulnerable to floods and lost much of its trading importance to neighbouring Tinsukia. Moreover, following the Assam Agitation (1979-1985), the city became a staging post for political mobilisation by insurgents of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). This resulted in counter-insurgency operations by the Indian army, which had an impact on social life that continues to be felt to this day. In this article, I argue that Dibrugarh showcases an urban transformation that has followed a counter-intuitive path, influenced by the socially disruptive capacities of capital, calamities and counter-insurgency.

Akhil Gogoi's Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti represents a pared-down, manageable voice of dissent in Assam. If the state government fails to engage him and continues to detain his kind under dubious charges, they will be left with a violent political abyss in due time.

Autonomy and social justice are often in a tense relationship in Assam. While the demands for autonomy reflect the desire for territorial control over land, demands for social justice reflect an insistence on citizenship and equality under constitutional law.