Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, &q... more Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merely epiphenomenal, only an effect or symptom of underlying, more substantive determinants of political action," or dangerous because it leads the public to confuse form with substance, or worse, "comes at the expense of the core values in modern democratic states" (Hariman, 1995, p. 9). Defenders of these positions often characterize style as entirely aesthetic and emotional, suggesting that there is an underlying "plain message" to which one "adds secondary features that make it more memorable or convincing" (Fahnestock, 1999, p. 20). More recently, however, argumentation scholars have been increasingly attuned to the idea that, as Klujeff (2012) put it, "the style argues a point" (p. 107). This essay argues that political style is not merely ornamental, but substantive and constitutive of a deeper structure of public reasoning. Further, when a political style comes to dominate public discourse, it can alter the conditions and functions of argumentation. The dominance of a political style necessitates a temporally local theory of argument, one sensitive to the hegemonic political style and the historically contingent circumstances that gave rise to it. In particular, we focus on what we refer to as the polarizing style, which we contend has come to structure the current period in American political discourse. First, we shall define polarizing style, drawing upon Thucydides, and referring to historical examples to illustrate its characteristic features. We argue that polarizing style works through the manipulation of stasis, and in particular what matters are systatic and asystatic. Then, we explain these dynamics through a reading of Mouffe's model of an agonistic public sphere. Finally, we turn to situations that give rise to polarizing argument, concluding with a brief look at its operation in the contemporary era.
International Journal of Communication, Jan 15, 2014
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merel... more Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merely epiphenomenal, only an effect or symptom of underlying, more substantive determinants of political action," or dangerous because it leads the public to confuse form with substance, or worse, "comes at the expense of the core values in modern democratic states" (Hariman, 1995, p. 9). Defenders of these positions often characterize style as entirely aesthetic and emotional, suggesting that there is an underlying "plain message" to which one "adds secondary features that make it more memorable or convincing" (Fahnestock, 1999, p. 20). More recently, however, argumentation scholars have been increasingly attuned to the idea that, as Klujeff (2012) put it, "the style argues a point" (p. 107). This essay argues that political style is not merely ornamental, but substantive and constitutive of a deeper structure of public reasoning. Further, when a political style comes to dominate public discourse, it can alter the conditions and functions of argumentation. The dominance of a political style necessitates a temporally local theory of argument, one sensitive to the hegemonic political style and the historically contingent circumstances that gave rise to it. In particular, we focus on what we refer to as the polarizing style, which we contend has come to structure the current period in American political discourse. First, we shall define polarizing style, drawing upon Thucydides, and referring to historical examples to illustrate its characteristic features. We argue that polarizing style works through the manipulation of stasis, and in particular what matters are systatic and asystatic. Then, we explain these dynamics through a reading of Mouffe's model of an agonistic public sphere. Finally, we turn to situations that give rise to polarizing argument, concluding with a brief look at its operation in the contemporary era.
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, &q... more Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merely epiphenomenal, only an effect or symptom of underlying, more substantive determinants of political action," or dangerous because it leads the public to confuse form with substance, or worse, "comes at the expense of the core values in modern democratic states" (Hariman, 1995, p. 9). Defenders of these positions often characterize style as entirely aesthetic and emotional, suggesting that there is an underlying "plain message" to which one "adds secondary features that make it more memorable or convincing" (Fahnestock, 1999, p. 20). More recently, however, argumentation scholars have been increasingly attuned to the idea that, as Klujeff (2012) put it, "the style argues a point" (p. 107). This essay argues that political style is not merely ornamental, but substantive and constitutive of a deeper structure of public reasoning. Further, when a political style comes to dominate public discourse, it can alter the conditions and functions of argumentation. The dominance of a political style necessitates a temporally local theory of argument, one sensitive to the hegemonic political style and the historically contingent circumstances that gave rise to it. In particular, we focus on what we refer to as the polarizing style, which we contend has come to structure the current period in American political discourse. First, we shall define polarizing style, drawing upon Thucydides, and referring to historical examples to illustrate its characteristic features. We argue that polarizing style works through the manipulation of stasis, and in particular what matters are systatic and asystatic. Then, we explain these dynamics through a reading of Mouffe's model of an agonistic public sphere. Finally, we turn to situations that give rise to polarizing argument, concluding with a brief look at its operation in the contemporary era.
International Journal of Communication, Jan 15, 2014
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merel... more Social theorists sometimes regard the notion of political style as either inconsequential, "merely epiphenomenal, only an effect or symptom of underlying, more substantive determinants of political action," or dangerous because it leads the public to confuse form with substance, or worse, "comes at the expense of the core values in modern democratic states" (Hariman, 1995, p. 9). Defenders of these positions often characterize style as entirely aesthetic and emotional, suggesting that there is an underlying "plain message" to which one "adds secondary features that make it more memorable or convincing" (Fahnestock, 1999, p. 20). More recently, however, argumentation scholars have been increasingly attuned to the idea that, as Klujeff (2012) put it, "the style argues a point" (p. 107). This essay argues that political style is not merely ornamental, but substantive and constitutive of a deeper structure of public reasoning. Further, when a political style comes to dominate public discourse, it can alter the conditions and functions of argumentation. The dominance of a political style necessitates a temporally local theory of argument, one sensitive to the hegemonic political style and the historically contingent circumstances that gave rise to it. In particular, we focus on what we refer to as the polarizing style, which we contend has come to structure the current period in American political discourse. First, we shall define polarizing style, drawing upon Thucydides, and referring to historical examples to illustrate its characteristic features. We argue that polarizing style works through the manipulation of stasis, and in particular what matters are systatic and asystatic. Then, we explain these dynamics through a reading of Mouffe's model of an agonistic public sphere. Finally, we turn to situations that give rise to polarizing argument, concluding with a brief look at its operation in the contemporary era.
An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro a... more An ongoing and prolonged debt crisis has undermined the authority of and confidence in the euro and in the European Union itself. A deep recession has diminished the dreams and opportunities for many people in those nations that experienced the highest rates of unemployment and falling property values. Mediated accounts of the crisis sparked fears throughout Europe that the contagion might spread. This article examines the crisis as it impacted Italy in 2011. The crisis demonstrated the inadequacy of institutional frameworks to end the panic and challenged the authority of national and EU leaders to protect the interests of citizens while responding to the demands of the hyperconnected global financial marketplace. The article considers how the trajectories of public discourse created to meet the demands of different argument spheres resulted in unanticipated outcomes that fueled rather than contained the market panics.
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