SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM, 2014
Despite the progress registered by the Romanian political culture, the democratic balance remains... more Despite the progress registered by the Romanian political culture, the democratic balance remains fragile due to the low participation of citizens to the associative life and political decision, and in the same time, one can't yet rely on the fact that political actors position themselves impersonally towards the formal institutional practice. Romanian democracy frequently encounters challenges coming from the political actors – who tend to adjust the functioning mode of the consecrated democratic institutions and to treat rather personally the institutional processes. Nevertheless, during the past years, the Romanian democracy consumes itself on redefining the mode in which individuals exercise their citizen quality through political participation. Considering all the above, in the last two years, in Romania, we witnessed an increase of the citizens' political participation in the form of protests and ballot absenteeism, in the detriment of other forms of political participation. The protests, as social happenings, are already turning into social practice, although quite late in time, 24 years after the anticommunist Romanian revolution. In addition, the absenteeism is promoted with the occasion of electoral processes both by political and nongovernmental actors and by opinion leaders. Is Romania subscribing to a new European trend in what ballot absenteeism is concerned, while participating to protests? Are these the newest and the most notable elements in the grid of a consolidated democracy? Under what circumstances is the ballot absenteeism corroborated with the participation to protests contributing to the quality of democracy? Are there also other forms of political participation which could determine politicians to accept that the only legitimate preferences within the democratic institutional system are the citizens' and that consequently the governing should be tailored to their interests? The present paper analyses, in a first stage, the nature of political participation, its forms and instruments as well as the efficiency of their relation. Secondly, it aims at presenting a more substantial model for political participation, which could contribute to the change of perception in reference to the success of democracy. participation to the ballot Modele de participare politică.
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Papers by Viviana Anghel
International Conference Volume “Governing the Future: Interdisciplinary Perspectives for a Sustainable World”, National School of Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest, 2016 (ISI proceedings)
The poor cooperation between these two countries must be construed in the light of the traditional lack of a common international cooperation agenda between the Black Sea states and, the consequent tendency of these states to ignore the pursuit of common goals. This study is all the more necessary as it brings to light apparently sensitive issues that have featured the historical bilateral relations, as seen from both the Romanian and Ukrainian experts. We tried to assess to what extent certain topics, having been perceived by the parties as sensitive at one point in time, are the reasons for the potential divisive positions taken today. In our opinion, having consulted the communities of experts in both Romania and Ukraine, there are no subjects of disputes that could impair a rational and pragmatic approach towards the broader context of security in the Black Sea Region. Dialog is the key to addressing any potential issues, particularly if we are to consider that joint actions have proven more effective than separate actions, and the common interests shared by the two countries.
Keywords: institutions, constitutional choice, institutional efficiency, post-constitutional level
A well-established democracy comes along with correlative fundamental rights and obligations, that both the citizens and the State feel obliged to abide by, and safeguard. But where the State's institutions are rather fragile, or have been built in the aftermath of collapsed authoritarian regimes, the critical stage of the State safeguarding the rights and freedoms becomes a challenge. The key elements of any democracy, such as elections, access to information of public interest, and efficiency of local public administration given the needs of citizens, should all be monitored, as democracy shortcomings come into shape at local level. Overlooking the local level is a mistake for democracy development. As a rule, comparative studies rely on reviews of large cities, or tend to take closer looks into democracy as appearing in the capital city, whereas the local level is captured only in case studies or overall surveys that aim to measure public participation.
The utility of the Local Democracy Barometer can be defined firstly by reference to citizens. Citizens are currently missing a tool they could use to assess and audit the community they belong to, and compare it against the performances of other counties. Under such circumstances, the Barometer provides contextualized information for each individual locality. (Bucharest, Brasov, Constanta, Giurgiu, Piatra Neamt, Braila, Iasi, Cluj, Craiova, Timisoara)
International Conference Volume “Governing the Future: Interdisciplinary Perspectives for a Sustainable World”, National School of Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest, 2016 (ISI proceedings)
The poor cooperation between these two countries must be construed in the light of the traditional lack of a common international cooperation agenda between the Black Sea states and, the consequent tendency of these states to ignore the pursuit of common goals. This study is all the more necessary as it brings to light apparently sensitive issues that have featured the historical bilateral relations, as seen from both the Romanian and Ukrainian experts. We tried to assess to what extent certain topics, having been perceived by the parties as sensitive at one point in time, are the reasons for the potential divisive positions taken today. In our opinion, having consulted the communities of experts in both Romania and Ukraine, there are no subjects of disputes that could impair a rational and pragmatic approach towards the broader context of security in the Black Sea Region. Dialog is the key to addressing any potential issues, particularly if we are to consider that joint actions have proven more effective than separate actions, and the common interests shared by the two countries.
Keywords: institutions, constitutional choice, institutional efficiency, post-constitutional level
A well-established democracy comes along with correlative fundamental rights and obligations, that both the citizens and the State feel obliged to abide by, and safeguard. But where the State's institutions are rather fragile, or have been built in the aftermath of collapsed authoritarian regimes, the critical stage of the State safeguarding the rights and freedoms becomes a challenge. The key elements of any democracy, such as elections, access to information of public interest, and efficiency of local public administration given the needs of citizens, should all be monitored, as democracy shortcomings come into shape at local level. Overlooking the local level is a mistake for democracy development. As a rule, comparative studies rely on reviews of large cities, or tend to take closer looks into democracy as appearing in the capital city, whereas the local level is captured only in case studies or overall surveys that aim to measure public participation.
The utility of the Local Democracy Barometer can be defined firstly by reference to citizens. Citizens are currently missing a tool they could use to assess and audit the community they belong to, and compare it against the performances of other counties. Under such circumstances, the Barometer provides contextualized information for each individual locality. (Bucharest, Brasov, Constanta, Giurgiu, Piatra Neamt, Braila, Iasi, Cluj, Craiova, Timisoara)
în volumul CODUL ADMINISTRATIV PREZENT ȘI PERSPECTIVE ÎN SPAȚIUL ADMINISTRATIV ROMÂNESC, coord. Emil Bălan, Dragoş Troanță, Marius Văcărelu, Bucureşti : Wolters Kluwer Ro