Florian Krampe
Uppsala University, Uppsala Centre for Sustainable Development, Associated pre-doctoral research fellow
Dr Florian Krampe (Germany/Sweden) is a Researcher in SIPRI’s Climate Change and Risk Programme, specializing in peace and conflict research, environmental and climate security, and international security. His primary academic interest is the foundations of peace and security, especially the processes of building peace after armed conflict. He is currently focusing on climate security and the post-conflict management of natural resources, with a specific interest in the ecological foundations for a socially, economically and politically resilient peace. Krampe is an Affiliated Researcher at the Research School for International Water Cooperation in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University.
You can follow him on twitter @floriankrampe.
Address: STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL
PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE
Signalistgatan 9
SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden
Phone: +46 766 286 336
You can follow him on twitter @floriankrampe.
Address: STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL
PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE
Signalistgatan 9
SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden
Phone: +46 766 286 336
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Papers by Florian Krampe
This policy brief illustrates how climate change impacts the efficacy of peacebuilding, specifically the aim (a) to provide peace and security; (b) to strengthen governance and justice; and (c) to ensure social and economic development.
To better prepare for and adequately respond to what are increasingly complex peacebuilding contexts, peacebuilding efforts must become more climate-sensitive. Especially there is a need to (a) properly assess climate-related security risks; (b) increase cross-agency knowledge exchange and learning; and (c) maximize synergies and realize climate action as opportunities to build sustainable peace.
Climate-related change in Somalia has reduced livelihood options and caused migration. It has also left significant parts of the population in a vulnerable condition. These climate-related security risks contribute to grievances and increase inequality and fragility, which in turn pose challenges to the implementation of UNSOM’s mandate. The impacts of climate change have hindered UNSOM in its work to provide peace and security in Somalia and in its efforts to establish functioning governance and judicial systems.
UNSOM has responded to the growing impact of climate-related change. It has learned lessons from previous failed responses—notably the 2011 drought—and has created innovative initiatives that have been effective. While there is still room for improvement, UNSOM’s new initiatives may help to deliver a set of responses that meet the short-term need for a rapid humanitarian response and the long-term objective of achieving a sustainable and resilient society.
The challenges faced by UNSOM and its responses to them have wider implications. They suggest that there is a need for synergetic policy responses that can turn the responses to climate-related security risks into opportunities for UN efforts to sustain peace.
In The Peacebuilding Puzzle: Political Order in Post-conflict States, Naazneen H Barma provides a new perspective on the question of why so many international peacebuilding interventions fail. Using a historical institutionalist lens, Barma conducts an in-depth comparative study of peacebuilding interventions in Cambodia, East Timor and Afghanistan. She argues that these interventions failed to reach their intended goals because of the ways in which domestic elites constructed political order during three moments of intervention: conflict settlement, implementation and in the aftermath of intervention. She contends that, in such processes, international peacebuilding interventions selectively grant substantial power to specific elites, who in turn ‘use that power to enact subtle strategies of institutional conversion to their own ends’ (p. 4). Eventually, this leads to a consolidation of ‘neopatrimonial political order’ in which traditional and modern institutions coexist.
In this chapter we introduce ‘the boomerang effect’, defined here as the emergence of largely unanticipated and unintended negative consequences of climate change adaptation and mitigation policies and programs on domestic non-state actors that result in negative feedbacks on the state. By 'state', we mean government actors taking decisions as representatives of the state. The chapter has three objectives. First, to contribute directly to theory by articulating a framework for analysing one particular aspect of maladaptation, that is 'the boomerang effect'. Second, to present an overview of the chapters in this collection reflecting on the real and potential unanticipated and unintended negative effects at the local level (local level side effects - LLSEs) and at the state level (state level boomerang effects - SLBEs). Third, to draw lessons from the cases for research, policy and practice.
Despite rapid economic growth during the 1990s, the region has among the lowest per capita incomes in the world. And the rush to achieve growth imposes higher demands on critical natural resource bases. In order to provide security to the population, the South Asian states follow an approach that is rooted in their purported aim of constituting modern nation-states. In this approach, the state remains the prime mover in delivering services and adjudicating disputes. The approach builds on the model developed during the colonial administra- tion, which nurtured centralization and ‘bureaucratic authoritarianism’. Under the colonial structure, the British constructed a unitary state and centralized political unity based on the notion of a singular and indivisible sovereignty through its practice of bureaucratic centralization. Though the colonial state was primarily guided by the objectives of rent extraction, the approach finds salience in the post-colonial period as well.
The case study of statebuilding in Kosovo is used to highlight the complexities of sustaining a peaceful post-conflict situation within the framework of existing peacebuilding model. Moreover, it emphasises that environmental and societal security requirements have to be addressed simultaneously to reduce the risk of reoccurring conflicts. The expectations is that by better understanding of the interaction between societal and environmental security, further valuable conclusion can be drawn about the capacity and limitations of prevailing models to build peace in the aftermath of civil wars.
This policy brief illustrates how climate change impacts the efficacy of peacebuilding, specifically the aim (a) to provide peace and security; (b) to strengthen governance and justice; and (c) to ensure social and economic development.
To better prepare for and adequately respond to what are increasingly complex peacebuilding contexts, peacebuilding efforts must become more climate-sensitive. Especially there is a need to (a) properly assess climate-related security risks; (b) increase cross-agency knowledge exchange and learning; and (c) maximize synergies and realize climate action as opportunities to build sustainable peace.
Climate-related change in Somalia has reduced livelihood options and caused migration. It has also left significant parts of the population in a vulnerable condition. These climate-related security risks contribute to grievances and increase inequality and fragility, which in turn pose challenges to the implementation of UNSOM’s mandate. The impacts of climate change have hindered UNSOM in its work to provide peace and security in Somalia and in its efforts to establish functioning governance and judicial systems.
UNSOM has responded to the growing impact of climate-related change. It has learned lessons from previous failed responses—notably the 2011 drought—and has created innovative initiatives that have been effective. While there is still room for improvement, UNSOM’s new initiatives may help to deliver a set of responses that meet the short-term need for a rapid humanitarian response and the long-term objective of achieving a sustainable and resilient society.
The challenges faced by UNSOM and its responses to them have wider implications. They suggest that there is a need for synergetic policy responses that can turn the responses to climate-related security risks into opportunities for UN efforts to sustain peace.
In The Peacebuilding Puzzle: Political Order in Post-conflict States, Naazneen H Barma provides a new perspective on the question of why so many international peacebuilding interventions fail. Using a historical institutionalist lens, Barma conducts an in-depth comparative study of peacebuilding interventions in Cambodia, East Timor and Afghanistan. She argues that these interventions failed to reach their intended goals because of the ways in which domestic elites constructed political order during three moments of intervention: conflict settlement, implementation and in the aftermath of intervention. She contends that, in such processes, international peacebuilding interventions selectively grant substantial power to specific elites, who in turn ‘use that power to enact subtle strategies of institutional conversion to their own ends’ (p. 4). Eventually, this leads to a consolidation of ‘neopatrimonial political order’ in which traditional and modern institutions coexist.
In this chapter we introduce ‘the boomerang effect’, defined here as the emergence of largely unanticipated and unintended negative consequences of climate change adaptation and mitigation policies and programs on domestic non-state actors that result in negative feedbacks on the state. By 'state', we mean government actors taking decisions as representatives of the state. The chapter has three objectives. First, to contribute directly to theory by articulating a framework for analysing one particular aspect of maladaptation, that is 'the boomerang effect'. Second, to present an overview of the chapters in this collection reflecting on the real and potential unanticipated and unintended negative effects at the local level (local level side effects - LLSEs) and at the state level (state level boomerang effects - SLBEs). Third, to draw lessons from the cases for research, policy and practice.
Despite rapid economic growth during the 1990s, the region has among the lowest per capita incomes in the world. And the rush to achieve growth imposes higher demands on critical natural resource bases. In order to provide security to the population, the South Asian states follow an approach that is rooted in their purported aim of constituting modern nation-states. In this approach, the state remains the prime mover in delivering services and adjudicating disputes. The approach builds on the model developed during the colonial administra- tion, which nurtured centralization and ‘bureaucratic authoritarianism’. Under the colonial structure, the British constructed a unitary state and centralized political unity based on the notion of a singular and indivisible sovereignty through its practice of bureaucratic centralization. Though the colonial state was primarily guided by the objectives of rent extraction, the approach finds salience in the post-colonial period as well.
The case study of statebuilding in Kosovo is used to highlight the complexities of sustaining a peaceful post-conflict situation within the framework of existing peacebuilding model. Moreover, it emphasises that environmental and societal security requirements have to be addressed simultaneously to reduce the risk of reoccurring conflicts. The expectations is that by better understanding of the interaction between societal and environmental security, further valuable conclusion can be drawn about the capacity and limitations of prevailing models to build peace in the aftermath of civil wars.
In einem kürzlich in der Zeitschrift Conflict Security and Development veröffentlichten Artikel habe ich dieses Zusammenspiel näher untersucht. Nepal litt zwischen 1996 und 2006 unter einem anhaltenden Bürgerkrieg, welcher über 12.000 Todesopfer forderte und vor allem das Leben der ländlichen Bevölkerung stark beeinträchtigte. In der Studie untersuche ich die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Auswirkungen von Projekten zur Förderung von Kleinwasserkraftwerken in den ländlichen Regionen Nepals. Die neu gebauten Kleinwasserkraftwerke haben dabei deutlich zum Anstieg der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Lebensverhältnisse der ländlichen Bevölkerung beigetragen.
In recent research published in Conflict, Security and Development, I explore the socio-economic and political impacts of micro-hydropower development in Nepal, a country wracked by civil war from 1996 to 2006.
The analysis shows that the provision of ecologically sensitive services to communities by the state yielded tremendously positive socio-economic effects for rural communities.
However, there has not been an equivalent positive political effect, especially with regard to the legitimacy of the Nepali state. This raises the question of whether micro-hydropower development is conducive to the broader peacebuilding efforts in post-war Nepal because it stresses an already existing divide between state and society.
The findings show that micro-hydropower development in Nepal has not contributed to peacebuilding on a state level. This is because these measures do not strengthen the political legitimacy of the post-conflict authorities, a crucial measure for successful peacebuilding. Actually, in the short run this measure of climate change mitigation has led to new informal spaces of peace beyond the reach of the Nepali state. This puts policy decision makers into a dilemma: Should they consider abandoning climate change mitigation policies if they might in fact risk the peacebuilding process? Or is it worth the bigger cause of reducing CO2 emissions globally? As this article shows, the answer might be more nuanced.
Climate change impacts, adaptation, and vulnerability were covered by IPCC Working Group II, while Working Group III handled mitigation. Each group developed and released their reports separately. Why is this significant? Because in conflict and post-conflict societies, climate mitigation efforts can have significant impacts on existing tensions, sometimes even making them worse. It is therefore vitally important that policymakers understand these two sets of issues together and researchers build a better understanding of how they interact.
Angola and Mozambique have both gone through a long-lasting struggle for colonial independence, followed by years of brutal civil war. Both countries seem to have a long way to go until real peace is established not only in the official documents but also in the daily life of their citizens.
complicated when considering the internal ethnic divisions on the local level.