Znanost i prirodni jezik by Rastko Močnik
proletter, 2027
The article argues for the use of national languages in higher education. (In Croatian.)
Delo, 2017
The article argues for the use of national languages in higher education. It sketches the ascent ... more The article argues for the use of national languages in higher education. It sketches the ascent of national languages in Europe since Dante's De vulgari eloquentia and Bembo's Prose.
Rab-Rab: journal of political and formal inquiries in art, 2021
Since the reproduction of the existing is the main function of ideology, conservative contemporar... more Since the reproduction of the existing is the main function of ideology, conservative contemporary art should be denied the title of art and it should be classified as ideology. The title of art should be given to contemporary art that produces something that is yet nonexistent.
Antifašizam, 2023
Antifašizam je sada mobilizacijsko geslo izvanparlamentarnih političkih snaga koje se bore protiv... more Antifašizam je sada mobilizacijsko geslo izvanparlamentarnih političkih snaga koje se bore protiv ukidanja radničkih prava, uništavanja javnog zdravstva, školstva, mirovinskog sustava, protiv spekulacija sa gradskim prostorom, stranačke kontrole medija, homofobiji, nasilju nad migrantima … , dakle, protiv pojedinih mjera i političkih usmjerenja vladajuće neoliberalne politike.
Vestnik IMS, 1988
The paper develops the concept of ideological interpellation as proposed by Louis Althusser.
Along the Margins of Humanities, 1996
Althusser's notion of ideological interpellation seems to impose too strong conditions upon commu... more Althusser's notion of ideological interpellation seems to impose too strong conditions upon communication and to fail to explain trans-ideological or cross-cultural communication. The article proposes a softer model based upon the idea that communicators conditionally identify with "the subject supposed to believe" all that is necessary to believe for a particular utterance to make sense.
OEI Magazine, 2021
Concrete poetry and radical print culture in Yugoslavia during the 1960s and 1970s.
(Mis)readings of Marx in Continental Philosophy, edited by Jernej Habjan and Jessica Whyte, 2014
I try to subtilise Althusser’s demonstration of Marx’s epistemological break – the demonstration ... more I try to subtilise Althusser’s demonstration of Marx’s epistemological break – the demonstration made by Althusser qua philosopher – by analysing Marx’s intervention into Ricardo’s political economy. This leads me to reject Foucault’s emphatically “philosophical” annexation of Marx’s theoretical project to Ricardo’s, and to follow instead the separation between philosophy and theory within Marx’s theoretical project itself as it was outlined by Roger Establet.
Belgrade Journal for Media and Communications, 2014
The paper presents a contribution to the theory of ideology based on Althusser's idea of ideologi... more The paper presents a contribution to the theory of ideology based on Althusser's idea of ideological interpellation. Ideological interpellation is conceptualised along a simplified re-elaboration of Oswald Ducrot's treatment of Bakhtinian polyphony. The text distinguishes between interpellation by identification (reproductive) and interpellation by subjectivation (disruptive and eventually innovative, with reference to Rancière). Finally, the text attempts to describe the articulation between political and theoretical practices on the historical case of Lenin's polemics against the "otzovism".
Memory Studies, 2021
The article first examines the contrast between popular remembering and the official presentation... more The article first examines the contrast between popular remembering and the official presentation of
Yugoslav socialist past in Slovenia. We examine the discursive patterns in political dignitaries’ declarations
and reconstruct popular remembering as it emerges from the existing research. We focus on theories that
conceptualize positive popular attitudes towards socialist past with the notion of ‘nostalgia’. Following the
ways how researchers overcome the difficulties of the ‘Yugonostalgia’ approach, we note that they do not
take into account the embeddedness of the positive achievements of socialism into the overall fabric of
socialist system. According to our hypothesis, this omission induces the researchers to overestimate the
present social and political impact of positive attitudes to socialist past. Furthermore, social struggles in
which researchers are engaged seem to raise barriers to scientific practice. This study attempts to contribute
to the project of Yugoslav memory studies.
Migrations Société, 2011
La “fabrication” de plusieurs milliers d’étrangers illégaux par l’État
slovène juste après la pro... more La “fabrication” de plusieurs milliers d’étrangers illégaux par l’État
slovène juste après la proclamation de son indépendance, le 25 juin
1991, se situe au croisement de deux processus plus généraux : d’une
part, la tendance à la “déterritorialisation” de la citoyenneté1, c’est-àdire
au décalage, actuellement grandissant, entre le corps citoyen de
l’État et la population qui réside sur son territoire ; d’autre part, l’abandon
du projet socialiste et des solutions spécifiquement socialistes à la
contradiction entre égalité juridique et politique et inégalités de fait.
XENOPHOBIA, IDENTITY AND NEW FORMS OF NATIONALISM, 2019
In the past, nation was a bourgeois form of emancipation. It secured
the reproduction of social f... more In the past, nation was a bourgeois form of emancipation. It secured
the reproduction of social formations split into three relatively
autonomous social spheres, where the freedoms of consciousness
and expression belonged in the ideological sphere,
liberty and equality in the juridico-political sphere, secured inequality
and exploitation in the economic sphere. In the 20th century, nation
was again the emancipatory form embraced by the peoples
fighting against colonial and imperialist rule. When the bourgeois
democratic nation-state proved unable to secure the reproduction
of capitalism, bourgeois nationalism supported the fascist re-articulation
of the state. Now that the operational capacity of nation-
states has been severely limited and is increasingly patronized
by the institutions of Gesamtkapital, bourgeois nationalism is again
mobilized in contradictory ways. On one side, comprador bourgeoisies
use it to support the reproduction of peripheral and semi-peripheral
capitalisms. On the other side, it is the ideology of national
bourgeoisies fighting against stronger fractions of Gesamtkapital.
Our hypothesis is that the formerly emancipatory national construction
has degenerated into identitary community. The identitary
trend is propelled also from below, as a spontaneous survival
strategy of the working-class households. In the situation of uncertain
and heterogeneous sources of income, households strengthen
their cohesion with the means of religious and ethnic identities,
with traditional authority – which results in the re-affirmation of
patriarchal oppression. – The new nationalism seems to be an
“identitarianism” that secures social cohesion in situations of historical
and societal weakness.
Sociološki pregled / Sociological Review, vol. LII (2018), no. 2, pp. 498–522, 2018
Limitations of the Manifesto (absence of the concept of "social formation"; capitalism as "homofi... more Limitations of the Manifesto (absence of the concept of "social formation"; capitalism as "homoficient") are treated as symptoms of a certain leftist theory with important practical political consequences. They are related to the deficiencies of the Yugoslav critical left (the belief that socialist revolution is irreversible; the underestimation of the main contradiction of post-capitalism: "capitalist processes / socialist processes and practices") that prevented Yugoslav leftists adequately to confront the restauration of capitalism.
FILOZOFIJA I DRUŠTVO, 2013
Starting from recent formulas of EU bureaucracy for subordinating scientific and educational appa... more Starting from recent formulas of EU bureaucracy for subordinating scientific and educational apparatuses to the needs of the capital and to the requests of its political representatives, the article analyses the interconnection between the historical transformation of the ideological state apparatuses (universities, higher education institutions, research institutes etc.) and the epistemological discontinuity provoked by the triumph of technosciences. The hypothesis to be tested is the following: While the crisis of West European-North American capitalism requires an ever tighter submission of ideological state apparatuses, and especially of scientific and academic apparatuses to the needs of the capital, theoretical practices in the humanities and social sciences have come to the point where they entered into an open conflict with the domination of the capital and have, as a consequence, started to subvert their own institutional supports in the ideological apparatuses of the capitalist state. For this purpose, the article reconsiders social sciences as a compromise formation and, eventually, reassesses the historical materialism as a non-Cartesian modern science.
Memory Studies
The article first examines the contrast between popular remembering and the official presentation... more The article first examines the contrast between popular remembering and the official presentation of Yugoslav socialist past in Slovenia. We examine the discursive patterns in political dignitaries’ declarations and reconstruct popular remembering as it emerges from the existing research. We focus on theories that conceptualize positive popular attitudes towards socialist past with the notion of ‘nostalgia’. Following the ways how researchers overcome the difficulties of the ‘Yugonostalgia’ approach, we note that they do not take into account the embeddedness of the positive achievements of socialism into the overall fabric of socialist system. According to our hypothesis, this omission induces the researchers to overestimate the present social and political impact of positive attitudes to socialist past. Furthermore, social struggles in which researchers are engaged seem to raise barriers to scientific practice. This study attempts to contribute to the project of Yugoslav memory st...
Interventions, 2021
This essay presents Yugoslav 1968 as a student revolt. Focusing on the
developments in Slovenia,... more This essay presents Yugoslav 1968 as a student revolt. Focusing on the
developments in Slovenia, the Socialist Federacy’s northernmost republic, it
shows the uneven development of the student movement in various
university centres, while describing its ideological horizon and theoretical
background. The essay contends that the economic reform of 1965
strengthened the capitalist processes in Yugoslavia to the extent that later
reforms were unable to contain them. The student movement was able to
diagnose the critical contradictions (bureaucratic domination and the
capitalist subversion of socialist processes), but failed to mobilize a mass
socialist movement. While post-1968 theory developed a stronger
conceptual apparatus, it remained trapped in the ideological struggle
against the domination of political bureaucracy, and consequently failed to
confront the restoration of capitalism. This is the main reason, the essay
argues, why a Yugoslav theory that was able to hegemonize the global
theoretical discourse of the 1990s (as the “Ljubljana Lacanian School”)
was unable to theorize and intervene in the dissolution that the same
decade brought to Yugoslavia itself.
Ars & Humanitas, Aug 12, 2013
Ars & Humanitas, Aug 12, 2013
Limitations of the Manifesto (absence of the concept of "social formation"; capitalism as "homofi... more Limitations of the Manifesto (absence of the concept of "social formation"; capitalism as "homoficient") are treated as symptoms of a certain leftist theory with important practical political consequences. They are related to the deficiencies of the Yugoslav critical left (the belief that socialist revolution is irreversible; the underestimation of the main contradiction of post-capitalism: "capitalist processes / socialist processes and practices") that prevented Yugoslav leftists adequately to confront the restauration of capitalism.
Slovenščina 2.0: empirical, applied and interdisciplinary research
Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani in Komisija za slovenski jezik v javnosti pri Slovenski... more Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani in Komisija za slovenski jezik v javnosti pri Slovenski akademiji znanosti in umetnosti sta v torek, 23. oktobra 2018, organizirali okroglo mizo »Jezik in spol«, ki je potekala na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani. Izhodišče razprave je bil sklep Senata Filozofske fakultete o izmenični rabi moške in ženske slovnične oblike za vse spole v pravilnikih Filozofske fakultete, s sogovornicami in sogovorniki pa sta organizatorja želela razpravo razširiti na vprašanja, kakšne možnosti ponuja slovenski jezik za uporabo spolno občutljivega jezika in kako v slovenskem jeziku zagotavljati vključujoč jezik v različnih družbenih situacijah. Objavljamo zapis je po posnetku dogodka, ki je na voljo na YouTubu.
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Znanost i prirodni jezik by Rastko Močnik
Yugoslav socialist past in Slovenia. We examine the discursive patterns in political dignitaries’ declarations
and reconstruct popular remembering as it emerges from the existing research. We focus on theories that
conceptualize positive popular attitudes towards socialist past with the notion of ‘nostalgia’. Following the
ways how researchers overcome the difficulties of the ‘Yugonostalgia’ approach, we note that they do not
take into account the embeddedness of the positive achievements of socialism into the overall fabric of
socialist system. According to our hypothesis, this omission induces the researchers to overestimate the
present social and political impact of positive attitudes to socialist past. Furthermore, social struggles in
which researchers are engaged seem to raise barriers to scientific practice. This study attempts to contribute
to the project of Yugoslav memory studies.
slovène juste après la proclamation de son indépendance, le 25 juin
1991, se situe au croisement de deux processus plus généraux : d’une
part, la tendance à la “déterritorialisation” de la citoyenneté1, c’est-àdire
au décalage, actuellement grandissant, entre le corps citoyen de
l’État et la population qui réside sur son territoire ; d’autre part, l’abandon
du projet socialiste et des solutions spécifiquement socialistes à la
contradiction entre égalité juridique et politique et inégalités de fait.
the reproduction of social formations split into three relatively
autonomous social spheres, where the freedoms of consciousness
and expression belonged in the ideological sphere,
liberty and equality in the juridico-political sphere, secured inequality
and exploitation in the economic sphere. In the 20th century, nation
was again the emancipatory form embraced by the peoples
fighting against colonial and imperialist rule. When the bourgeois
democratic nation-state proved unable to secure the reproduction
of capitalism, bourgeois nationalism supported the fascist re-articulation
of the state. Now that the operational capacity of nation-
states has been severely limited and is increasingly patronized
by the institutions of Gesamtkapital, bourgeois nationalism is again
mobilized in contradictory ways. On one side, comprador bourgeoisies
use it to support the reproduction of peripheral and semi-peripheral
capitalisms. On the other side, it is the ideology of national
bourgeoisies fighting against stronger fractions of Gesamtkapital.
Our hypothesis is that the formerly emancipatory national construction
has degenerated into identitary community. The identitary
trend is propelled also from below, as a spontaneous survival
strategy of the working-class households. In the situation of uncertain
and heterogeneous sources of income, households strengthen
their cohesion with the means of religious and ethnic identities,
with traditional authority – which results in the re-affirmation of
patriarchal oppression. – The new nationalism seems to be an
“identitarianism” that secures social cohesion in situations of historical
and societal weakness.
developments in Slovenia, the Socialist Federacy’s northernmost republic, it
shows the uneven development of the student movement in various
university centres, while describing its ideological horizon and theoretical
background. The essay contends that the economic reform of 1965
strengthened the capitalist processes in Yugoslavia to the extent that later
reforms were unable to contain them. The student movement was able to
diagnose the critical contradictions (bureaucratic domination and the
capitalist subversion of socialist processes), but failed to mobilize a mass
socialist movement. While post-1968 theory developed a stronger
conceptual apparatus, it remained trapped in the ideological struggle
against the domination of political bureaucracy, and consequently failed to
confront the restoration of capitalism. This is the main reason, the essay
argues, why a Yugoslav theory that was able to hegemonize the global
theoretical discourse of the 1990s (as the “Ljubljana Lacanian School”)
was unable to theorize and intervene in the dissolution that the same
decade brought to Yugoslavia itself.
Yugoslav socialist past in Slovenia. We examine the discursive patterns in political dignitaries’ declarations
and reconstruct popular remembering as it emerges from the existing research. We focus on theories that
conceptualize positive popular attitudes towards socialist past with the notion of ‘nostalgia’. Following the
ways how researchers overcome the difficulties of the ‘Yugonostalgia’ approach, we note that they do not
take into account the embeddedness of the positive achievements of socialism into the overall fabric of
socialist system. According to our hypothesis, this omission induces the researchers to overestimate the
present social and political impact of positive attitudes to socialist past. Furthermore, social struggles in
which researchers are engaged seem to raise barriers to scientific practice. This study attempts to contribute
to the project of Yugoslav memory studies.
slovène juste après la proclamation de son indépendance, le 25 juin
1991, se situe au croisement de deux processus plus généraux : d’une
part, la tendance à la “déterritorialisation” de la citoyenneté1, c’est-àdire
au décalage, actuellement grandissant, entre le corps citoyen de
l’État et la population qui réside sur son territoire ; d’autre part, l’abandon
du projet socialiste et des solutions spécifiquement socialistes à la
contradiction entre égalité juridique et politique et inégalités de fait.
the reproduction of social formations split into three relatively
autonomous social spheres, where the freedoms of consciousness
and expression belonged in the ideological sphere,
liberty and equality in the juridico-political sphere, secured inequality
and exploitation in the economic sphere. In the 20th century, nation
was again the emancipatory form embraced by the peoples
fighting against colonial and imperialist rule. When the bourgeois
democratic nation-state proved unable to secure the reproduction
of capitalism, bourgeois nationalism supported the fascist re-articulation
of the state. Now that the operational capacity of nation-
states has been severely limited and is increasingly patronized
by the institutions of Gesamtkapital, bourgeois nationalism is again
mobilized in contradictory ways. On one side, comprador bourgeoisies
use it to support the reproduction of peripheral and semi-peripheral
capitalisms. On the other side, it is the ideology of national
bourgeoisies fighting against stronger fractions of Gesamtkapital.
Our hypothesis is that the formerly emancipatory national construction
has degenerated into identitary community. The identitary
trend is propelled also from below, as a spontaneous survival
strategy of the working-class households. In the situation of uncertain
and heterogeneous sources of income, households strengthen
their cohesion with the means of religious and ethnic identities,
with traditional authority – which results in the re-affirmation of
patriarchal oppression. – The new nationalism seems to be an
“identitarianism” that secures social cohesion in situations of historical
and societal weakness.
developments in Slovenia, the Socialist Federacy’s northernmost republic, it
shows the uneven development of the student movement in various
university centres, while describing its ideological horizon and theoretical
background. The essay contends that the economic reform of 1965
strengthened the capitalist processes in Yugoslavia to the extent that later
reforms were unable to contain them. The student movement was able to
diagnose the critical contradictions (bureaucratic domination and the
capitalist subversion of socialist processes), but failed to mobilize a mass
socialist movement. While post-1968 theory developed a stronger
conceptual apparatus, it remained trapped in the ideological struggle
against the domination of political bureaucracy, and consequently failed to
confront the restoration of capitalism. This is the main reason, the essay
argues, why a Yugoslav theory that was able to hegemonize the global
theoretical discourse of the 1990s (as the “Ljubljana Lacanian School”)
was unable to theorize and intervene in the dissolution that the same
decade brought to Yugoslavia itself.