Papers by Lucia Ardovini
ALSHARQ FORUM BOOK TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN A CHANGING REGIONAL ORDER, 2019
This paper explores the trajectories of Islamist movements in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab... more This paper explores the trajectories of Islamist movements in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. The abrupt reshuffling of the status quo brought about by the 2011 popular protests saw the Muslim Brotherhood moving quickly from the periphery to the centre of Egyptian politics, only to be pushed once again to its margins while being violently suppressed. As the movement has arguably entered a state of stagnation, the historical struggle for Islamic legitimacy in the country is witnessing the relationships between old actors being shaped by new dynamics. Therefore, this paper traces the transformations that Salafism, Al Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood have undergone since 2011, and argues that each of these actors is facing fundamental questions about their identity.
Global Discourse, 2018
This article investigates the link between the deterioration of
state-society relations and the i... more This article investigates the link between the deterioration of
state-society relations and the increase in state-sponsored violence
in the MENA region in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings.
It does so to address the question of whether state-led security
responses are directly related to the perceived proliferation of
violent extremism networks. Relying on the comparative analysis
of Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, the article argues that together with
the escalation of security responses, worsening socio-economic
conditions and the recurrent imposition of Emergency Laws
indeed lead to the proliferation of violent extremism networks.
Global Discourse, 2016
Our special issue seeks to do something different, broadening the term "Sectarianism" beyond a na... more Our special issue seeks to do something different, broadening the term "Sectarianism" beyond a narrow definition. Much like others have sought to do with terms such as violence, conflict and peace, we suggest that broader understandings of the term are important, which, in turn, also challenge the ontological assumptions that are inherent within narrower definitions. It returns sectarianism to a pure sense of difference, removing the baggage that goes alongside it and seeks to show how the term has resulted in the manifestation of difference within a number of contexts. It does this by applying the concept to 10 different case studies, within individual states, but also at a regional level and possesses an implicit comparative dimension. The interaction of these different levels of analysis facilitates a greater awareness of Middle Eastern politics and this is often driven by (the perception of) sectarian difference. We consider how sectarian differences can shape political, economic and security contexts, while also questioning the extent to which the concept itself can be used as a tool of securitisation. To this end, we look at the dynamics of sectarianism within states and the consequences of such differences upon political and economic stability. We explore the importance of sectarian difference between states, to explain foreign policy, while also serving as a tool of legitimisation.
Radicalization Research, 2015
The Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn) is normally viewed as a radical organization known... more The Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn) is normally viewed as a radical organization known for resorting to violent jihad and fundamentalist means, a sentiment based on episodes of its history when some of its members have indeed resorted to violent means. This view is held not just by the al Sisi government of Egypt, but also by many in the press and government in Western countries, although this often fails to take account of the competing narratives that have developed from the many internal schisms within the Muslim Brotherhood as a whole. While extreme elements have arisen from these recurring internal divisions, it can also be argued that the mainstream organization is still mainly composed by " moderate " members. [1] The subject of the Muslim Brotherhood is frequently controversial, but it is important to understand how these moderate elements have pushed back against the violent extremes of the Brotherhood, which are outlined here.
Global Discourse, 2017
This article looks at the way in which a certain understanding of sectarian violence and discours... more This article looks at the way in which a certain understanding of sectarian violence and discourses has been historically employed as a political tool by the Egyptian government, especially in regards to the systematic repression and discrimination against the MuslimBrotherhood (al-Ik wān al-Muslimūn) throughout the organization's history. Such an understanding is particularly significant as it looks at sectarian divisions along religious and political lines taking place between two political entities within the context of a state in which Sunni Islam is the official religion, therefore tensions have been constructed by the regime on the basis of " moderate " VS. " radical " interpretations of Islam. Looking at the historical relationship between the state and the Islamist organisation, it is rather easy to identify a repeating pattern of short periods of cooperation alternated to much longer interludes of brutal repression, the overarching aim of both being the safeguarding of the regime's fragile perceived legitimacy. It follows that the politicisation of sectarian hatred and strategies at the hand of the state has led to the Muslim Brotherhood being constructed and perceived as " the other " , which has arguably hindered the organization's political development and created a stigma that is still negatively impacting on the understanding of the its role and narrative today.
This is a book chapter that focuses on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (al-ikhwan al-muslimīn) an... more This is a book chapter that focuses on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (al-ikhwan al-muslimīn) and examines the diverse ways in which the Islamist organisation has reacted to periods of uncertainty throughout its history. This chapter will focus on three specific periods of the Brotherhood’s history in order to analyse their strategies and responses to governmental persecution and to their ongoing regime-imposed illegal status, these being the aftermath of the repression initiated by Gamal Nasser and the Free Officers, the response to Anwar Sadat’s assassination in the Mubarak era, and finally the events following the 2011 revolution and uprisings in Tahrir square.
Teaching Documents by Lucia Ardovini
Handbook for the course "Introduction to Peace Studies", taught to second and third years undergr... more Handbook for the course "Introduction to Peace Studies", taught to second and third years undergraduate students. Course Description: This course will investigate and critically examine the theoretical and practical issues surrounding peace and violence within modern society. To do so, it will focus on the analysis of the conditions of peace and war, and assess the scope for conflict resolution, non-violence and reconciliation. Ultimately, this course aims to provide an understanding of the main approaches to peace studies and apply them to contemporary issues. The first term introduces the main approaches within peace studies, exploring the development of ideas in the field as they bear on the roots of violence and the understanding of peace and peace-making. In the second term we apply this thinking to contemporary conflicts and focus on policies of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. The course is taught in a non-dogmatic and interdisciplinary manner, and students are encouraged to develop their own perspectives and come to their own conclusions following discussion and debate throughout the year.
Drafts by Lucia Ardovini
This paper uses Giorgio Agamben’s “State of Exception” as a theoretical approach that allows us t... more This paper uses Giorgio Agamben’s “State of Exception” as a theoretical approach that allows us to see how Emergency laws and legislations operate in the region as mechanisms of control, relying on Egypt as a case study. In 2011 the toppling of Hosni Mubarak ended 44 years of Emergency Legislation, one of the core grievances behind the Uprisings. However, seven years later Egypt is still under an Emergency Status, which seriously restricts the political space and allows for the continuous breach of human rights. This paper traces Emergency Rule in Egypt from the final days of the Mubarak regime to October 2017, using the ‘State of Exception’ as a means to track power dynamics throughout the country’s turbulent recent history. The paper traces the development and implications of different Emergency Laws being imposed on Egypt, leading to the permanent suspension of human rights and political spaces. In doing this, we aim to provide an analysis of the legal structures that shaped Egyptian politics after Tahrir Square, while also adding to debates on the State of Exception, particularly on its application in the non-Western world.
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Papers by Lucia Ardovini
state-society relations and the increase in state-sponsored violence
in the MENA region in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings.
It does so to address the question of whether state-led security
responses are directly related to the perceived proliferation of
violent extremism networks. Relying on the comparative analysis
of Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, the article argues that together with
the escalation of security responses, worsening socio-economic
conditions and the recurrent imposition of Emergency Laws
indeed lead to the proliferation of violent extremism networks.
Teaching Documents by Lucia Ardovini
Drafts by Lucia Ardovini
state-society relations and the increase in state-sponsored violence
in the MENA region in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings.
It does so to address the question of whether state-led security
responses are directly related to the perceived proliferation of
violent extremism networks. Relying on the comparative analysis
of Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, the article argues that together with
the escalation of security responses, worsening socio-economic
conditions and the recurrent imposition of Emergency Laws
indeed lead to the proliferation of violent extremism networks.