Books by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
Цибенко В.В. Историческая память и историческая политика в Турецкой Республике. Р-н/Д-Таганрог: Изд-во ЮФУ, 2023. , 2023
В учебном пособии представлены основные особенности конструирования исторической памяти при помощ... more В учебном пособии представлены основные особенности конструирования исторической памяти при помощи исторической политики в Турецкой Республике (1923 г. — н. в.). Пособие охватывает один из базовых разделов в профессиональной подготовке туркологов (регионоведов и востоковедов) и служит основой для углубленного понимания как исторических, так и политических процессов. В пособии представлены теоретические подходы к изучению исторической памяти, основные акторы и базовые сюжеты исторической политики в Турецкой Республике. Пособие предназначено для студентов вузов, преподавателей, аспирантов и всех изучающих историческую память и историческую политику в Турции и на Ближнем Востоке.
![Research paper thumbnail of История формирования школ международных отношений в Турции [The History of the Formation of Schools of International Relations in Turkey]](https://a.academia-assets.com/images/blank-paper.jpg)
Цибенко В.В. История формирования школ международных отношений в Турции. Р-н/Д-Таганрог: Изд-во ЮФУ, 2024., 2024
В учебном пособии представлены основные особенности истории формирования школ международных отнош... more В учебном пособии представлены основные особенности истории формирования школ международных отношений в Турции в широком социально-политическом контексте. Пособие охватывает один из базовых разделов в профессиональной подготовке
туркологов (регионоведов и востоковедов). В пособии описано устройство академической системы международных отношений в Турецкой Республике, уделено внимание теоретическим подходам, принятым в преподавании международных отношений в Турции, дана история развития 17 государственных и частных университетов Турции, наиболее важных для понимания основных подходов и школ международных отношений.
Предназначено для преподавателей, аспирантов, студентов бакалавриата и магистратуры по направлениям «Востоковедение», «Международные отношения» и «Регионоведение», специализирующихся на изучении Турции и/или Ближнего Востока. Пособие может быть полезно при проектировании учебных планов тематических программ и разработке профильных курсов, поскольку содержит большой объем учебных программ турецких университетов.
Цибенко В.В., Цибенко С.Н. Технологии этнонациональной мобилизации в многосоставных обществах на примере черкесов России и Турции. М.: Весь мир, 2021. 208 с. , 2021
В книге показана значимость, масштаб и вариативность технологий
национальной мобилизации для совр... more В книге показана значимость, масштаб и вариативность технологий
национальной мобилизации для современного нациестроительства и проанализирована их успешность в многосоставных обществах с этнокультурной сегментацией, к которым относят Россию и Турцию. В книге рассмотрены различные символические и сетевые технологии, посредством которых российские и турецкие черкесы (черкесы «исторической родины» и «диаспоры») развивают широкий набор конкурирующих национальных проектов. Выводы, сделанные авторами в отношении черкесской этнонациональной мобилизации, применимы и к другим недоминантным этническим группам в России и за рубежом и могут быть использованы для целей государственного нациестроительства, обеспечения государственной системы мониторинга в сфере межнациональных и межконфессиональных отношений и раннего предупреждения конфликтных ситуаций. Авторы книги стремились содействовать согласованию общегосударственных интересов и интересов народов Кавказа, обеспечению единства и целостности России.
Encyclopaedia by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
is a republic in the western Caucasus, a part of the Russian Federation. It is bordered by the Ka... more is a republic in the western Caucasus, a part of the Russian Federation. It is bordered by the Kabardino-Balkar Republic to the east, Georgia and Abkhazia to the south, Stavropol Krai to the north, and Krasondar Krai to the west. Karachay-Cherkessia lies on the northern slopes of the Greater Caucasus, and the highest point of Europe, the inactive volcano Elbrus (5,642 metres), is located in the republic. The main rivers are the Kuban and its tributaries, the Teberda, Bolshoy Zelenchuk, Urup, and Bolshaya Laba. The population of Karachay-Cherkessia was 466,432 on 1 January 2017. Karachays and Russians prevail in the republic, constituting, according to the 2010 census, 41 percent and 31.6 percent of population, respectively. They are followed by Cherkess (11.9 percent), Abazins (7.8 percent), Nogays (3.3 percent), and others. One-quarter of the population lives in the republic's capital Cherkessk, the former Cossack village of Batalpashinskaya.
Papers by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
![Research paper thumbnail of Сircassian Ethnic Mobilization as a Factor of Contemporary Russian-Turkish Relations [Çağdaş Türk-Rus İlişkilerinin Faktörü Olarak Çerkes Etnik Mobilizasyonu]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/43918170/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Almost two hundred years the Circassian question has been playing a significant role in Russian-T... more Almost two hundred years the Circassian question has been playing a significant role in Russian-Turkish relations. It gained a great importance in the international policy since the Western Caucasus had become de jure a part of the Russian Empire in the first third of the 19th century.
The process of the Circassian ethnic mobilization that began in the late 80-s of the 20th century due to the destruction of the 'Iron Curtain' and the resumption of close ties with Circassian Diaspora opened a new chapter in the actualization of the Circassian question on the international scene. The collapse of the USSR made the future of the Caucasian, including Circassian peoples the problem of the day.
Since then the Circassian community has undergone profound changes. The attempts to unify Adygh peoples in Russia (the Kabardians, the Cherkess, the Adygheans. And others) under the common name 'Circassians' started along with identity shift in Diaspora. Circassian-Caucasian identity has been transforming to the Circassian-Adygh one. Besides, Abkhazians and Chechens preferred to separate from Circassian community and carry out the national projects of their own. The additional impetus to the development of the Circassian national movement gave the international attention to Sochi in the run-up to the 2014 Winter Olympics.
The presence of large and politically active Circassian Diaspora in Turkey makes the influence of Circassian ethnic mobilization over contemporary Russian-Turkish relations substantial. Though it is usually considered in a negative way, we are tending to see a positive potential of Circassian factor in Russian-Turkish relations.
İki yüzıldır Çerkes Sorunu Türk-Rus ilişkilerinde önemli rol oynamaktadır. Batı Kafkasya 1829 yılında resmi olarak Rusya’nın parçası olduktan sonra Çerkes Sorunu uluslararası politikasında önemini kazanmıştı. ‘Demir Perde’nin kaldırılması ve Çerkes Diasporanın Kafkasya’daki Çerkeslerle bağlantıları yeniden kurması yüzünden XX yüzyılın 80’lerinde başlayan Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonu, Çerkes Sorununu yine gündeme taşımıştı. SSCB’nin dağılması da Çerkes dahil olmak üzere Kafkas halklarının geleceği tartışma noktasına getirmişti.
O zamandan beri Çerkes cemiyeti çok değişmişti. Rusya’daki Adıge halklarını (Kabardeyler, Adıgeyler, Çerkesler ve diğerleri) birleştirme çabaları gösterilmişken Türkiye’de Çerkes-Kafkas etnik kimliği Çerkes-Adıge kimliğine dönüşmeye başlamıştı. Bundan başka Abhazlar ve Çeçenler kendi milli hareketleri kurmak için Çerkes cemiyetinden ayrılmayı tercih etmişti. Çerkes Sorununa 2014 Kış Olimpiyatları Soçi’de olacağı kararı belirtilmekten sonraki uluslararası toplumun dikkati Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonuna hız vermişti.
Türkiye’deki büyük ve politik olarak aktif olan Çerkes Diasporası, Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonunun Türk-Rus ilişkilerine etkisini çok artırmaktadır. Çerkes faktörü genellikle olumsuz olarak görüldüğü halde pozitif potansiyeli olmaktan eminiz.
![Research paper thumbnail of 1864 – 1944 – 1994: Коллективная память и особенности черкесо–чеченского взаимодействия на Ближнем Востоке [1864 – 1944 – 1994: Collective Memory and the Features of Circassian-Chechen Interaction in the Middle East]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/42586755/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Статья посвящена изучению причин сближения и особенностей взаимодействия представителей черкесско... more Статья посвящена изучению причин сближения и особенностей взаимодействия представителей черкесской и чеченской диаспор в странах Ближнего Востока. Особое внимание уделяется черкесской и чеченской идентичности. Среди главных факторов сближения черкесов и чеченцев указываются коллективная память, общая история и религия. Кроме того, восприятие России как общего внешнего врага и дискурс геноцида способствуют укреплению и развитию сотрудничества между общинами. Отмечается, что чеченская повестка дня сегодня оказывает сильное влияние на черкесскую диаспору, стремящуюся найти приложение для своей высокой политизированности.
The article is devoted to the interaction, which was established between the Circassians and Chechens in the Middle East in the nineteenth century and still exists nowadays. The process of the Caucasian migration from the places of their origin to the countries of the Middle East (firstly, the Ottoman Empire, than Turkey, Jordan, Syria, Iraq) and a common religion, which they confessed, consequently led to the wide-spread collaboration between Circassians and Chechens. Moreover, since then, they have been seeing Russia as one of the main threats to their existence.
The main goal of the study was to show the reasons of the Chechen-Circassian interaction and to identify the causes of lasting cooperation between the Chechens and Circassians in the countries of the Middle East. Thus, the study has revealed, that collective memory, as well as the common history, religion and enemy may serve as the main factors of such kind of interaction.
Южный федеральный университет Северо-Кавказский научный центр высшей школы Метаморфоз vs Трансфор... more Южный федеральный университет Северо-Кавказский научный центр высшей школы Метаморфоз vs Трансформация. Мультидисциплинарный подход к изучению истории адыгов в XIX-XXI вв. Материалы Международной научной конференции 6 декабря 2013 г., г. Ростов-на-Дону Ростов-на-Дону Издательство СКНЦ ВШ ЮФУ 2013 2 ББК 63.3(2Рос.Ады) М -54 Редакционная коллегия: Розин Михаил Дмитриевич, доктор философских наук, профессор, директор Северо-Кавказского научного центра высшей школы ЮФУ; Несмеянов Евгений Ефимович, доктор философских наук, профессор, заместитель директора Северо-Кавказского научного центра высшей школы ЮФУ; Сущий Сергей Яковлевич, доктор философских и кандидат социологических наук, руководитель научной лаборатории СКНЦ ВШ ЮФУ ISBN 978-5-87872-754-9
В статье рассматривается история и критика концепции ориентализма Эдварда Саида, а также ее приме... more В статье рассматривается история и критика концепции ориентализма Эдварда Саида, а также ее применимость в отечественном кавказоведении. Отдельное внимание уделено российскому востоковедению в контексте саидовской концепции.
The present article traces the history and the critic of the Edward Said’s conception of Orientalism and its applicability in the Caucasus studies in Russia. Besides, Russian orientology is examined in the context of Saidian model.
![Research paper thumbnail of Конкуренция национальных проектов в Турции: пример черкесов и крымских татар [Competition of National Projects in Turkey: the Example of Circassians and Crimean Tatars]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/67281379/thumbnails/1.jpg)
В статье рассмотрена конкуренция национальных проектов (установок в сфере национальной политики) ... more В статье рассмотрена конкуренция национальных проектов (установок в сфере национальной политики) в Турции на нескольких уровнях. Во-первых, проанализировано взаимодействие доминирующего турецкого национального проекта в его эволюции и национальных проектов этнических меньшинств – крымских татар и черкесов. Как представляется автору, турецкий национальный проект может поглощать этнонациональные, изменяя их под себя, а может вступать с ними в прямую конфронтацию. Во-вторых, представлена вариативность самих национальных проектов, идеологи которых, конкурируя за этническую аудиторию, предлагают разные понимания черкесской и крымско-татарской нации. В итоге в Турции одновременно сосуществуют наряду с государственным как этнические национальные проекты, так и комплементарные турецкому национальному проекту псевдоэтнические, построенные на культурной и религиозной идентичности без признания общности происхождения.
The present article examines the competition of national projects in Turkey at several levels. We analysed the interaction of the dominant Turkish national project, given in dynamics, and the national projects of ethnic minorities – the Crimean Tatars and Circassians. We demonstrated that the Turkish national project can absorb ethnonational
ones, changing them to suit itself, or it can enter into direct confrontation with them. Besides, we analysed the variety of national projects, the ideologists of which, competing for an ethnic audience, offer different understandings of the Circassian and Crimean Tata nation. As a result,
both ethnic national projects and pseudo-ethnic-culturally-based projects simultaneously coexist in Turkey along with the state nationalism.
В статье рассматривается политизация черкесской диаспоры в Турции под влиянием таких факторов как... more В статье рассматривается политизация черкесской диаспоры в Турции под влиянием таких факторов как непризнание черкесов меньшинством, этнический характер турецкого национализма, а также развитие в стране дискурса прав человека. Благодаря политизации и борьбе за символическое прошлое черкесский
национальный проект начинает входить в противоречие с доминирующим турецким. При этом попытки сменить этнический характер турецкого национализма на гражданский приводят к обострению общественных страхов в отношении сепаратизма и ужесточению общественно-политической риторики в отношении этнических
меньшинств.
In the present article, we discussed the politicization of the Circassian diaspora in Turkey under the influence of such factors as the non-recognition of Circassians as a minority, the ethnic character of Turkish nationalism, as well as the development of human rights discourse in the country. Due to the politicization of Circassians and the struggle for
a symbolic past, the Circassian national project starts to conflict with the
dominant Turkish one. At the same time, attempts to change the ethnic
national model in Turkey lead to the aggravation of public fears against
separatism and toughening of social and political rhetoric against ethnic
minorities.
Репатриация черкесов как ресурс политической мобилизации: транснациональный подход // Власть. №1 (т. 28). Январь-февраль. 2021. С. 261-270., 2021
Статья посвящена репатриации черкесов, рассматриваемой как ресурс черкесского нациестроительства.... more Статья посвящена репатриации черкесов, рассматриваемой как ресурс черкесского нациестроительства. Авторы анализируют один из новейших подходов к репатриации, определяющий ее как
транснациональное явление. Через погружение в историю «черкесской репатриации» и анализ основных акторов этого процесса авторами определены предпосылки для формирования транснационального подхода к репатриации, раскрыты его сущностные характеристики и ключевые акторы.
The article is devoted to the issue of Circassian repatriation, considered as a resource for the Circassian nation-building. The authors analyze one of the newest approaches to repatriation, which defines it as transnational phenomenon. Through immersion in the history of Circassian repatriation and analysis of the main actors of this process, the authors identify prerequisites for the formation of the transnational approach to repatriation and reveal its essential characteristics and key
actors. The transnational approach to repatriation does not mean resettlement to the homeland for permanent residence with a complete breakdown of ties with the diaspora, but the continuation of relations with both the historical homeland and the diaspora. The main point for authors is the concept of transnation which stands behind transnational repatriation. The authors come to the conclusion that the key obstacle standing in the way of the Circassian national movement towards the creation of a nation is the multiplicity of competing national projects proposing to continue nation-building on the basis of either Soviet nationalities, or Adyghe unity, or Adyghe-Abkhazian brotherhood, or an all-Caucasian unity.In these conditions, the fragmentation and multidirectional aspirations of potential members of the nation in the Caucasus and in the diaspora can be eliminated precisely with the help of the concept of transnation. The transnational concept of repatriation helps to strengthen this understanding of the Circassian nation and, with the successful development of the policy and practice of such repatriation, can lead to the desired national unification. However, there are serious obstacles to implementing the policy of transnational repatriation. The authors conclude that despite the attractiveness of the transnational approach to repatriation for the diaspora actors, given its potential as a resource for uniting the Circassian national movement, the possibilities of its application in the current conditions are still limited.
![Research paper thumbnail of Past Indefinite. Историческая память и политика на Северном Кавказе [The Past Indefinite: Historical Memory and Politics in the North Caucasus]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57493459/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Дискуссия посвящена проблемам исторической памяти и мемориальной политики на Северном Кавказе. Уч... more Дискуссия посвящена проблемам исторической памяти и мемориальной политики на Северном Кавказе. Участники обсуждают несколько взаимосвязанных вопросов. Во-первых, участники дискуссии пытаются определить причины регулярной актуализации прошлого в политическом и публичном дискурсе региона. Во-вторых, дискуссанты выявляют символическую эффективность использования прошлого в качестве политического ресурса. В-третьих, оценивают перспективы
завершения историографических войн. В-четвертых, обсуждают необходимость мемориальной политики на Северном Кавказе. В-пятых, рассуждают о том, как этническая память различных народов Северного Кавказа соотносится с большим нарративом Российской истории.
The discussion is devoted to the problems of historical memory and memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Participants discuss several interrelated issues. First, the participants of the discussion try to determine the reasons for the regular updating of the past in the political and public discourse of the region. Second, the debaters reveal the symbolic effectiveness of using the past as a political resource. Third, they assess the prospects for the end of historiographical wars. Fourth, they discuss the need for a memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Fifth, they talk about the correlations between the ethnic memory of the various peoples of the North Caucasus and the great narrative of Russian history.
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Books by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
туркологов (регионоведов и востоковедов). В пособии описано устройство академической системы международных отношений в Турецкой Республике, уделено внимание теоретическим подходам, принятым в преподавании международных отношений в Турции, дана история развития 17 государственных и частных университетов Турции, наиболее важных для понимания основных подходов и школ международных отношений.
Предназначено для преподавателей, аспирантов, студентов бакалавриата и магистратуры по направлениям «Востоковедение», «Международные отношения» и «Регионоведение», специализирующихся на изучении Турции и/или Ближнего Востока. Пособие может быть полезно при проектировании учебных планов тематических программ и разработке профильных курсов, поскольку содержит большой объем учебных программ турецких университетов.
национальной мобилизации для современного нациестроительства и проанализирована их успешность в многосоставных обществах с этнокультурной сегментацией, к которым относят Россию и Турцию. В книге рассмотрены различные символические и сетевые технологии, посредством которых российские и турецкие черкесы (черкесы «исторической родины» и «диаспоры») развивают широкий набор конкурирующих национальных проектов. Выводы, сделанные авторами в отношении черкесской этнонациональной мобилизации, применимы и к другим недоминантным этническим группам в России и за рубежом и могут быть использованы для целей государственного нациестроительства, обеспечения государственной системы мониторинга в сфере межнациональных и межконфессиональных отношений и раннего предупреждения конфликтных ситуаций. Авторы книги стремились содействовать согласованию общегосударственных интересов и интересов народов Кавказа, обеспечению единства и целостности России.
Encyclopaedia by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
Papers by Veronika Tsibenko (Ivanova) Вероника Цибенко (Иванова)
The process of the Circassian ethnic mobilization that began in the late 80-s of the 20th century due to the destruction of the 'Iron Curtain' and the resumption of close ties with Circassian Diaspora opened a new chapter in the actualization of the Circassian question on the international scene. The collapse of the USSR made the future of the Caucasian, including Circassian peoples the problem of the day.
Since then the Circassian community has undergone profound changes. The attempts to unify Adygh peoples in Russia (the Kabardians, the Cherkess, the Adygheans. And others) under the common name 'Circassians' started along with identity shift in Diaspora. Circassian-Caucasian identity has been transforming to the Circassian-Adygh one. Besides, Abkhazians and Chechens preferred to separate from Circassian community and carry out the national projects of their own. The additional impetus to the development of the Circassian national movement gave the international attention to Sochi in the run-up to the 2014 Winter Olympics.
The presence of large and politically active Circassian Diaspora in Turkey makes the influence of Circassian ethnic mobilization over contemporary Russian-Turkish relations substantial. Though it is usually considered in a negative way, we are tending to see a positive potential of Circassian factor in Russian-Turkish relations.
İki yüzıldır Çerkes Sorunu Türk-Rus ilişkilerinde önemli rol oynamaktadır. Batı Kafkasya 1829 yılında resmi olarak Rusya’nın parçası olduktan sonra Çerkes Sorunu uluslararası politikasında önemini kazanmıştı. ‘Demir Perde’nin kaldırılması ve Çerkes Diasporanın Kafkasya’daki Çerkeslerle bağlantıları yeniden kurması yüzünden XX yüzyılın 80’lerinde başlayan Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonu, Çerkes Sorununu yine gündeme taşımıştı. SSCB’nin dağılması da Çerkes dahil olmak üzere Kafkas halklarının geleceği tartışma noktasına getirmişti.
O zamandan beri Çerkes cemiyeti çok değişmişti. Rusya’daki Adıge halklarını (Kabardeyler, Adıgeyler, Çerkesler ve diğerleri) birleştirme çabaları gösterilmişken Türkiye’de Çerkes-Kafkas etnik kimliği Çerkes-Adıge kimliğine dönüşmeye başlamıştı. Bundan başka Abhazlar ve Çeçenler kendi milli hareketleri kurmak için Çerkes cemiyetinden ayrılmayı tercih etmişti. Çerkes Sorununa 2014 Kış Olimpiyatları Soçi’de olacağı kararı belirtilmekten sonraki uluslararası toplumun dikkati Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonuna hız vermişti.
Türkiye’deki büyük ve politik olarak aktif olan Çerkes Diasporası, Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonunun Türk-Rus ilişkilerine etkisini çok artırmaktadır. Çerkes faktörü genellikle olumsuz olarak görüldüğü halde pozitif potansiyeli olmaktan eminiz.
The article is devoted to the interaction, which was established between the Circassians and Chechens in the Middle East in the nineteenth century and still exists nowadays. The process of the Caucasian migration from the places of their origin to the countries of the Middle East (firstly, the Ottoman Empire, than Turkey, Jordan, Syria, Iraq) and a common religion, which they confessed, consequently led to the wide-spread collaboration between Circassians and Chechens. Moreover, since then, they have been seeing Russia as one of the main threats to their existence.
The main goal of the study was to show the reasons of the Chechen-Circassian interaction and to identify the causes of lasting cooperation between the Chechens and Circassians in the countries of the Middle East. Thus, the study has revealed, that collective memory, as well as the common history, religion and enemy may serve as the main factors of such kind of interaction.
The present article traces the history and the critic of the Edward Said’s conception of Orientalism and its applicability in the Caucasus studies in Russia. Besides, Russian orientology is examined in the context of Saidian model.
The present article examines the competition of national projects in Turkey at several levels. We analysed the interaction of the dominant Turkish national project, given in dynamics, and the national projects of ethnic minorities – the Crimean Tatars and Circassians. We demonstrated that the Turkish national project can absorb ethnonational
ones, changing them to suit itself, or it can enter into direct confrontation with them. Besides, we analysed the variety of national projects, the ideologists of which, competing for an ethnic audience, offer different understandings of the Circassian and Crimean Tata nation. As a result,
both ethnic national projects and pseudo-ethnic-culturally-based projects simultaneously coexist in Turkey along with the state nationalism.
национальный проект начинает входить в противоречие с доминирующим турецким. При этом попытки сменить этнический характер турецкого национализма на гражданский приводят к обострению общественных страхов в отношении сепаратизма и ужесточению общественно-политической риторики в отношении этнических
меньшинств.
In the present article, we discussed the politicization of the Circassian diaspora in Turkey under the influence of such factors as the non-recognition of Circassians as a minority, the ethnic character of Turkish nationalism, as well as the development of human rights discourse in the country. Due to the politicization of Circassians and the struggle for
a symbolic past, the Circassian national project starts to conflict with the
dominant Turkish one. At the same time, attempts to change the ethnic
national model in Turkey lead to the aggravation of public fears against
separatism and toughening of social and political rhetoric against ethnic
minorities.
транснациональное явление. Через погружение в историю «черкесской репатриации» и анализ основных акторов этого процесса авторами определены предпосылки для формирования транснационального подхода к репатриации, раскрыты его сущностные характеристики и ключевые акторы.
The article is devoted to the issue of Circassian repatriation, considered as a resource for the Circassian nation-building. The authors analyze one of the newest approaches to repatriation, which defines it as transnational phenomenon. Through immersion in the history of Circassian repatriation and analysis of the main actors of this process, the authors identify prerequisites for the formation of the transnational approach to repatriation and reveal its essential characteristics and key
actors. The transnational approach to repatriation does not mean resettlement to the homeland for permanent residence with a complete breakdown of ties with the diaspora, but the continuation of relations with both the historical homeland and the diaspora. The main point for authors is the concept of transnation which stands behind transnational repatriation. The authors come to the conclusion that the key obstacle standing in the way of the Circassian national movement towards the creation of a nation is the multiplicity of competing national projects proposing to continue nation-building on the basis of either Soviet nationalities, or Adyghe unity, or Adyghe-Abkhazian brotherhood, or an all-Caucasian unity.In these conditions, the fragmentation and multidirectional aspirations of potential members of the nation in the Caucasus and in the diaspora can be eliminated precisely with the help of the concept of transnation. The transnational concept of repatriation helps to strengthen this understanding of the Circassian nation and, with the successful development of the policy and practice of such repatriation, can lead to the desired national unification. However, there are serious obstacles to implementing the policy of transnational repatriation. The authors conclude that despite the attractiveness of the transnational approach to repatriation for the diaspora actors, given its potential as a resource for uniting the Circassian national movement, the possibilities of its application in the current conditions are still limited.
завершения историографических войн. В-четвертых, обсуждают необходимость мемориальной политики на Северном Кавказе. В-пятых, рассуждают о том, как этническая память различных народов Северного Кавказа соотносится с большим нарративом Российской истории.
The discussion is devoted to the problems of historical memory and memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Participants discuss several interrelated issues. First, the participants of the discussion try to determine the reasons for the regular updating of the past in the political and public discourse of the region. Second, the debaters reveal the symbolic effectiveness of using the past as a political resource. Third, they assess the prospects for the end of historiographical wars. Fourth, they discuss the need for a memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Fifth, they talk about the correlations between the ethnic memory of the various peoples of the North Caucasus and the great narrative of Russian history.
туркологов (регионоведов и востоковедов). В пособии описано устройство академической системы международных отношений в Турецкой Республике, уделено внимание теоретическим подходам, принятым в преподавании международных отношений в Турции, дана история развития 17 государственных и частных университетов Турции, наиболее важных для понимания основных подходов и школ международных отношений.
Предназначено для преподавателей, аспирантов, студентов бакалавриата и магистратуры по направлениям «Востоковедение», «Международные отношения» и «Регионоведение», специализирующихся на изучении Турции и/или Ближнего Востока. Пособие может быть полезно при проектировании учебных планов тематических программ и разработке профильных курсов, поскольку содержит большой объем учебных программ турецких университетов.
национальной мобилизации для современного нациестроительства и проанализирована их успешность в многосоставных обществах с этнокультурной сегментацией, к которым относят Россию и Турцию. В книге рассмотрены различные символические и сетевые технологии, посредством которых российские и турецкие черкесы (черкесы «исторической родины» и «диаспоры») развивают широкий набор конкурирующих национальных проектов. Выводы, сделанные авторами в отношении черкесской этнонациональной мобилизации, применимы и к другим недоминантным этническим группам в России и за рубежом и могут быть использованы для целей государственного нациестроительства, обеспечения государственной системы мониторинга в сфере межнациональных и межконфессиональных отношений и раннего предупреждения конфликтных ситуаций. Авторы книги стремились содействовать согласованию общегосударственных интересов и интересов народов Кавказа, обеспечению единства и целостности России.
The process of the Circassian ethnic mobilization that began in the late 80-s of the 20th century due to the destruction of the 'Iron Curtain' and the resumption of close ties with Circassian Diaspora opened a new chapter in the actualization of the Circassian question on the international scene. The collapse of the USSR made the future of the Caucasian, including Circassian peoples the problem of the day.
Since then the Circassian community has undergone profound changes. The attempts to unify Adygh peoples in Russia (the Kabardians, the Cherkess, the Adygheans. And others) under the common name 'Circassians' started along with identity shift in Diaspora. Circassian-Caucasian identity has been transforming to the Circassian-Adygh one. Besides, Abkhazians and Chechens preferred to separate from Circassian community and carry out the national projects of their own. The additional impetus to the development of the Circassian national movement gave the international attention to Sochi in the run-up to the 2014 Winter Olympics.
The presence of large and politically active Circassian Diaspora in Turkey makes the influence of Circassian ethnic mobilization over contemporary Russian-Turkish relations substantial. Though it is usually considered in a negative way, we are tending to see a positive potential of Circassian factor in Russian-Turkish relations.
İki yüzıldır Çerkes Sorunu Türk-Rus ilişkilerinde önemli rol oynamaktadır. Batı Kafkasya 1829 yılında resmi olarak Rusya’nın parçası olduktan sonra Çerkes Sorunu uluslararası politikasında önemini kazanmıştı. ‘Demir Perde’nin kaldırılması ve Çerkes Diasporanın Kafkasya’daki Çerkeslerle bağlantıları yeniden kurması yüzünden XX yüzyılın 80’lerinde başlayan Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonu, Çerkes Sorununu yine gündeme taşımıştı. SSCB’nin dağılması da Çerkes dahil olmak üzere Kafkas halklarının geleceği tartışma noktasına getirmişti.
O zamandan beri Çerkes cemiyeti çok değişmişti. Rusya’daki Adıge halklarını (Kabardeyler, Adıgeyler, Çerkesler ve diğerleri) birleştirme çabaları gösterilmişken Türkiye’de Çerkes-Kafkas etnik kimliği Çerkes-Adıge kimliğine dönüşmeye başlamıştı. Bundan başka Abhazlar ve Çeçenler kendi milli hareketleri kurmak için Çerkes cemiyetinden ayrılmayı tercih etmişti. Çerkes Sorununa 2014 Kış Olimpiyatları Soçi’de olacağı kararı belirtilmekten sonraki uluslararası toplumun dikkati Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonuna hız vermişti.
Türkiye’deki büyük ve politik olarak aktif olan Çerkes Diasporası, Çerkes etnik mobilizasyonunun Türk-Rus ilişkilerine etkisini çok artırmaktadır. Çerkes faktörü genellikle olumsuz olarak görüldüğü halde pozitif potansiyeli olmaktan eminiz.
The article is devoted to the interaction, which was established between the Circassians and Chechens in the Middle East in the nineteenth century and still exists nowadays. The process of the Caucasian migration from the places of their origin to the countries of the Middle East (firstly, the Ottoman Empire, than Turkey, Jordan, Syria, Iraq) and a common religion, which they confessed, consequently led to the wide-spread collaboration between Circassians and Chechens. Moreover, since then, they have been seeing Russia as one of the main threats to their existence.
The main goal of the study was to show the reasons of the Chechen-Circassian interaction and to identify the causes of lasting cooperation between the Chechens and Circassians in the countries of the Middle East. Thus, the study has revealed, that collective memory, as well as the common history, religion and enemy may serve as the main factors of such kind of interaction.
The present article traces the history and the critic of the Edward Said’s conception of Orientalism and its applicability in the Caucasus studies in Russia. Besides, Russian orientology is examined in the context of Saidian model.
The present article examines the competition of national projects in Turkey at several levels. We analysed the interaction of the dominant Turkish national project, given in dynamics, and the national projects of ethnic minorities – the Crimean Tatars and Circassians. We demonstrated that the Turkish national project can absorb ethnonational
ones, changing them to suit itself, or it can enter into direct confrontation with them. Besides, we analysed the variety of national projects, the ideologists of which, competing for an ethnic audience, offer different understandings of the Circassian and Crimean Tata nation. As a result,
both ethnic national projects and pseudo-ethnic-culturally-based projects simultaneously coexist in Turkey along with the state nationalism.
национальный проект начинает входить в противоречие с доминирующим турецким. При этом попытки сменить этнический характер турецкого национализма на гражданский приводят к обострению общественных страхов в отношении сепаратизма и ужесточению общественно-политической риторики в отношении этнических
меньшинств.
In the present article, we discussed the politicization of the Circassian diaspora in Turkey under the influence of such factors as the non-recognition of Circassians as a minority, the ethnic character of Turkish nationalism, as well as the development of human rights discourse in the country. Due to the politicization of Circassians and the struggle for
a symbolic past, the Circassian national project starts to conflict with the
dominant Turkish one. At the same time, attempts to change the ethnic
national model in Turkey lead to the aggravation of public fears against
separatism and toughening of social and political rhetoric against ethnic
minorities.
транснациональное явление. Через погружение в историю «черкесской репатриации» и анализ основных акторов этого процесса авторами определены предпосылки для формирования транснационального подхода к репатриации, раскрыты его сущностные характеристики и ключевые акторы.
The article is devoted to the issue of Circassian repatriation, considered as a resource for the Circassian nation-building. The authors analyze one of the newest approaches to repatriation, which defines it as transnational phenomenon. Through immersion in the history of Circassian repatriation and analysis of the main actors of this process, the authors identify prerequisites for the formation of the transnational approach to repatriation and reveal its essential characteristics and key
actors. The transnational approach to repatriation does not mean resettlement to the homeland for permanent residence with a complete breakdown of ties with the diaspora, but the continuation of relations with both the historical homeland and the diaspora. The main point for authors is the concept of transnation which stands behind transnational repatriation. The authors come to the conclusion that the key obstacle standing in the way of the Circassian national movement towards the creation of a nation is the multiplicity of competing national projects proposing to continue nation-building on the basis of either Soviet nationalities, or Adyghe unity, or Adyghe-Abkhazian brotherhood, or an all-Caucasian unity.In these conditions, the fragmentation and multidirectional aspirations of potential members of the nation in the Caucasus and in the diaspora can be eliminated precisely with the help of the concept of transnation. The transnational concept of repatriation helps to strengthen this understanding of the Circassian nation and, with the successful development of the policy and practice of such repatriation, can lead to the desired national unification. However, there are serious obstacles to implementing the policy of transnational repatriation. The authors conclude that despite the attractiveness of the transnational approach to repatriation for the diaspora actors, given its potential as a resource for uniting the Circassian national movement, the possibilities of its application in the current conditions are still limited.
завершения историографических войн. В-четвертых, обсуждают необходимость мемориальной политики на Северном Кавказе. В-пятых, рассуждают о том, как этническая память различных народов Северного Кавказа соотносится с большим нарративом Российской истории.
The discussion is devoted to the problems of historical memory and memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Participants discuss several interrelated issues. First, the participants of the discussion try to determine the reasons for the regular updating of the past in the political and public discourse of the region. Second, the debaters reveal the symbolic effectiveness of using the past as a political resource. Third, they assess the prospects for the end of historiographical wars. Fourth, they discuss the need for a memorial policy in the North Caucasus. Fifth, they talk about the correlations between the ethnic memory of the various peoples of the North Caucasus and the great narrative of Russian history.
Circassians constitute the largest diaspora in Turkey. More than 170 Circassian organizations function in the country, engaging into complex relations of cooperation and confrontation based on ethnic, religious, and political divisions. In addition, there is an ongoing struggle for the leadership and the right to represent the interests of Circassians at the governmental level. Under these conditions, the experience of creating
the first and only organization which consolidates the Circassians on a clan (extended family) basis provides unique material for research.
The Association of Culture and Solidarity of the Dzibe family was established in 2011 in Turkey to unite representatives of the Dzibe (Dzybe, Dzyba, Tsyba, Dzybov) clan in the Caucasus (Abkhazia, Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia) and the diaspora. In this article we discuss the history and main features of the organization as well as the reasons for its closure in 2016. We try to explore the mechanisms of consolidation on the clan basis and to identify its limiting factors. Among the main reasons for the failure of this attempt to
consolidate the Circassians we consider the weakening of contacts with the Caucasus, based on the decline in interest to communication, language barriers and political conjuncture; the passivity of the members of the association, along with the fatigue of its leaders; the financial problems and, finally, the generation gap.
As a result, we managed to define the major characteristics of pro et contra politically active groups. The constitutional amendments were supported by religious Circassians, who shared the views of official authorities. That is the necessity of consolidation of Turkish society around the centralized power in the face of threat of the ‘third force intervention’ (USA), Islamists and terrorist attacks, the spread of sociopolitical instability in the region of the Middle East. The rest of the Circassian organizations and Media either passed over in silence or rejected to accept the constitutional amendments. In the oppositional discourse of these Circassian groups, including leftist ones, a number of Circassian national demands were voiced – acknowledgement of ‘Circassian genocide’, recognition of Abkhazia and South Osetia, governmental support of the Chechen refugees in Turkey.
The present paper analyzes the politicization of North Caucasian (Circassian) Diaspora in Turkey in connection with the Turkish general election of June 2015. For the first time the Diaspora made a number of political demands on the Northwest Caucasus to the parliamentary candidates, and the first Circassian party took part in the election. The results of the conducted research showed that the Circassian issues are presented on the agenda of Turkish politics and are used by the Diaspora and the main political parties in their interests. The potential influence of the Diaspora on Russian-Turkish relations was also traced.
The article examines the community-construction strategies of North-Caucasian Diaspora in Turkey. We consider the process of community-construction as an attempt to overcome the impacts of assimilation, the ethnic heterogeneity, and the consequences of the lack of objectivity in historiography. We give much prominence to the study of such constructs as geographical community, ethno-cultural community, linguistic community and community of destiny, paying a special attention to the history of these constructs and their links with assimilation policy, trying to evaluate their efficiency and observe the criticism raised inside the Diaspora.
В данной статье анализируется в исторической ретроспективе формирование ключевых понятий для обозначения военных действий на Северо-Западном Кавказе XIX века в российской, турецкой и западной историографии. Автор прослеживает взаимосвязь между историографическими традициями, предлагает собственную периодизацию.
Проведенное исследование позволяет констатировать, что хотя восприятие событий на Северо-Западном Кавказе было обусловлено локальными историографическими традициями и рамками заданных магистральных подходов, проявляется ряд общих тенденций. Например, можно отметить схожесть в имперский период российского, османского и британского взглядов на Северо-Западный Кавказ как арену борьбы великих держав. В современной историографии отчетливо выделяется собственное направление «автоисториографии», развиваемое исследователями с черкесскими корнями и носящее черты контристории. Несмотря на выявленные взаимовлияния между российской, турецкой и западной историографическими традициями, каждая из них формировалась в соответствии с собственной логикой развития. Таким образом, непонимания, связанные с терминологией по описанию событий на Северо-Западном Кавказе XIX века (в частности, с термином «Кавказская война») опираются на разницу историографических традиций, порождающую конфликты интерпретаций.
Rus ulusçuluğu etnik olarak algılayan Rusya Federasyonu’ndaki birçok halk zorla Ruslaştırılmaktan korktukları için, bu değişiklikler kamuoyunda ciddi tartışmalara neden oluyor. Nisan 2018’de Rus parlamentosuna sunulan yasa tasarısıyla ana dillerin zorunlu öğrenimi iptal edilmeyi önerildi. Bu girişim Kafkas cumhuriyetlerinde ve Kafkas (Çerkes) diasporasında memnuniyetsizliğe neden olurken, bu memnuniyetsizlik mitingler, grevler ve yasanın iptaline ilişkin çok sayıda başvurularla dışa vuruldu. Toplumsal tartışmalar sonucunda Haziran 2018’de yasa tasarısında önemli değişiklikler yapıldı. Kanunun yeni versiyonuna göre anadil zorunlu statüsünü korudu. Aynı zamanda Rusça zorunlu anadil statüsü alırken, öğrencilerin seçecekleri anadiller listesine dahil edildi. Makale yazarları olay ve söylem analizi kullanarak Kuzey Kafkasya’da ve Çerkes diasporasındaki “Ulusal Dil Yasası”nın algılanışları arasındaki farkları göstermektedir.
In April 2018, a group of Russian deputies submitted a proposal to the State Duma for an optional, rather than compulsory, study of native languages in Russian schools (amendments to the Federal Law of the Russian Federation "On Education", which are also known as the "Law on National Languages"). This proposal caused a strong negative reaction of Caucasian and other peoples of Russia and diaspora, especially in Turkey against "discriminatory and asimilation policy" of Russian authorities. As a result of the demands of the united protest movement, the text of the amendments was adjusted, but the protest activity still remains. The authors use discourse and event study analysis to examine the perception in the North Caucasus and the Caucasian (Circassian) Diaspora of these amendments. As the study conducted by us showed, protest activities, both in Russia and in Turkey, had similar forms, but differed in content.
The present paper offers an analysis of the Turkish Circassians’ reaction to the assassination of the Russian Ambassador in Ankara on December 19th, 2016. It is focused on the key factors, which influence on the views of the Turkish Circassians. That includes primarily their political, ideological and religious identities. Due to the identity paradigm chosen they prefer to link the assassination to the activities of the following groups: Islamic extremists, the Gulen movement, the secret services of USA and Israel, the members of Moscow opposition elite. Differences in these versions are investigated in a broad context of social and political situation in Turkey, Turkish discussions on the nature of terrorism, Russian and Turkish military involvement in Syria.