Uluslararası Dil, Edebiyat ve Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi / International Journal of Language, Literature and Culture Researches, 2024
Osmanlı Devleti’nde alfabe ve dil tartışmaları Tanzimat Fermanı’nın ilanıyla başlamıştır. Cumhuri... more Osmanlı Devleti’nde alfabe ve dil tartışmaları Tanzimat Fermanı’nın ilanıyla başlamıştır. Cumhuriyet’in ilanından sonra alfabe ve dil çalışmaları hızlanmış, Türkçeleşme/sadeleşme yolunda çeşitli çalışmalar söz konusu olmuştur. Bu doğrultudaki önemli uygulamalardan biri Teşkilatı Esasiye’nin dilinin sadeleştirilerek Anayasa adını alması, 10 Ocak 1945 tarihinde Meclis’ten geçerek ve 15 Ocak 1945 tarihli Resmi Gazete’de yayınlanarak yürürlüğe girmesidir. Döneminde destek görmüş bu uygulama Demokrat Parti’nin iktidara gelmesi ve siyasi bakış açısının değişmesiyle birlikte geri alınmış, dönemin Dış İşleri Bakanı M. Fuad Köprülü’nün önergesiyle, Teşkilatı Esasiye eski diliyle 24 Aralık 1952 tarihinde Meclis’ten geçerek 31 Aralık 1952 tarihli Resmi Gazete’de yayınlanarak yürürlüğe girmiştir. Teşkilatı Esasiye’nin tekrar yürürlüğe girmesi dönemin Meclis’inde büyük tartışmalara neden olmuş, dil devriminin zorlama olduğu iddia edilmiştir. Bu çalışmada Anayasa (1945) ve Teşkilatı Esasiye’nin (1952) söz varlığı karşılaştırılarak Yazılı Türkçenin Kelime Sıklığı Sözlüğü (1945-1950 Arası) adlı çalışmadan hareketle dil devriminin o dönemde gerçekten başarılı olup olmadığı değerlendirilecektir. Yapılan bu değişiklik gerçekten dil devriminin başarısızlığından mı kaynaklanıyordu? Yoksa tamamen ideolojik yaklaşım nedeniyle mi bu değişiklik yapıldı? İncelemelerimiz ve tespitlerimiz Anayasa’nın kaldırılıp Teşkilatı Esasiye’nin yürürlüğe girmesinin siyasi bakış açısından kaynaklandığını ve dil devriminin belli ölçüde başarıya ulaştığını ortaya koymaktadır.
The discussions on alphabet and language in the Ottoman Empire began with the announcement of the Tanzimat Fermanı (Reforms Edict). After the establishment of the Republic, efforts to reform the alphabet and the language accelerated, involving various initiatives towards Turkification and simplification of the language. One of the significant implementations in this regard was the simplification of the language of the Teşkilatı Esasiye (Fundamental Law) and its rebranding as Anayasa (the Constitution), which was adopted by the Parliament on January 10, 1945, and published in the Official Gazette on January 15, 1945. This implementation, which received support at the time, was reversed with the rise of the Democratic Party and an accompanying change in political perspective. On December 24, 1952, the Teşkilatı Esasiye was reinstated with its original language, as suggested by the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Fuad Köprülü, and was published in the Official Gazette on December 31, 1952. The reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye led to significant debates in the Parliament, with claims that the language reform was a forced practice. This study will evaluate whether the language reform was truly successful by comparing the vocabulary of the Anayasa (1945) and the Teşkilatı Esasiye (1952), utilizing the Turkish Written Language Frequency Dictionary (1945-1950). Did these changes really originate from the failure of the language reform, or were they implemented entirely on the basis of an ideological approach? Our findings suggest that the abolition of the Anayasa and the reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye were driven by political perspectives and that the language reform achieved a degree of success.
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Books by Perihan Ölker
The Ottoman Empire's need for innovation in order to survive in the 19th century required that this situation be supported in the social and cultural fields, too. The emergence of the press played an important role in publicizing and explaining the innovations brought by the Tanzimat. The Turkish press has been guiding the society in political and social life since its inception, and its powerful influence has been resorted to in every period. In the process that started with Takvim-i Vekayi and continued with Ceride-i Havadis, the press of the Meşrutiyet (Constitutional) and National Struggle periods addressed the Ottoman society and tried to direct it. It is seen that the newspapers of the Early Republic period continued the same task. In the Ottoman period, the society was basically divided into two basic classes of Millet/Nation as Muslim Millet and non-Muslim Millet, and administrative procedures were conducted based on this classification. The Millet System came into effect for the non-Muslim community with the conquest of Istanbul. The Non-Muslims included the Greek Millet, the Armenian Millet and the Jewish Millet. The word Milliyet, which was derived from the word millet, appeared in the Tasvir-i Efkar newspaper in 1863 and was used to refer to the Poles. Therefore, it is understood that the word milliyet/nationality, due to its meaning expressing ulus/nation, was derived in order not to mix it with the word millet/nation that expressed religion/sect. In this study, on the basis of the Tanzimat period newspapers, light was shed on the transformation of the words İngiltereli-İngiliz (from Britain>British), Fransalı-Fransız (from France>French), İtalyalı-İtalyan (from Italy>Italian) and Almanyalı-Alman (from Germany>German) in the Meşrutiyet and Early Republican periods, and thus an effort was made to evaluate a debate which largely remained on the popular front from a scientific perspective. It has been determined that the terms İngiliz/English, Fransız/French, Italyan/Italian and Alman/German took root in the Early Republican Period, and the terms İngiltereli/from England, Fransalı/from France, İtalyalı/from Italy and Almanyalı/from Germany, which were seen in the Tanzimat Period, fell into disuse and were forgotten.
günümüze kadar sürekli bir değişim yaşamıştır. Resmî dilin ortaya konması ve buna dayalı eğitim dilinin yerleşmesiyle imlanın standart hâle gelmesi ancak mümkün olmuş; iletişimin kolaylaşması, okullaşma oranının artması da bu standartlaşmaya imkân tanımıştır. Klasik Osmanlı Türkçesi döneminde, 16. yüzyıldan 20. yüzyıla kadar, derviş âşıkların sözlü icrasını yazıya döktüğü görülmektedir. Bu yazılar sözlü icranın takip edilebileceği şekilde olmuştur. Yani âşık, aynı dönemdeki başka yazar ve şairler gibi, konuştuğu şekilde de yazabilmiştir. Bu çalışmada tarih kaydı düşülmüş en eskisi 1656 en yenisi 1810 yılına ait; Tekke Edebiyatı dâhilinde, manzum Şükür-name nüshalarının, tenkitli okunmuş dördü üzerinden, dönemin ağız özelliklerinin yazı diline yansıması tespit edilmiştir. Şimdiye kadar on nüshasını tespit edebildiğimiz, tamamı harekeli olan Şükür-name’nin uzun süre hem sözlü icra edildiği hem de yazıya döküldüğü anlaşılmaktadır. Hece ölçüsüyle ve koşma tipi nazım biçimiyle kâğıda dökülmüş eserin tam olan bazı nüshalarında sözlü icrasını da yapan âşığın mahlası mevcuttur. Nüshalar arasında ceger~ciger, get-~git-, yeren-~yerin- gibi örneklere rastladığımız gibi dudak uyumunu da takip edebiliyoruz. 17. yüzyıl ortasında daġ yazarken 18. yüzyılın sonunda ṭaġ yazabildiğini görüyoruz. Bunlara benzer örneklerden anlaşılıyor ki derviş âşıklar sözlü dille yazı dili arasında kalmışlardır.
The speech is a constantly changing, dynamic entity. Therefore, the written language also constantly changes depending on the speech. Turkish of Turkey has undergone a constant change since the first time it began to become a written language. It was only with the introduction of the official language and the establishment of the instruction of language based on it that orthography became standardized, and the facilitation of communication and the increase in the rate of schooling added to this standardization. In the Classical Ottoman Turkish period, it is seen that dervish minstrels put their oral performance into writing from the 16th century to the 20th century. These writings were such that the oral performance could be followed on the basis of them. In other words, the minstrels could write as well as they spoke. In this study, an effort was made to determine the reflections of the dialectal characteristics of the period on written language via four of the critically read copies of the verse Shukur-names belonging to the Tekke (Lodge) Literature, with the oldest one bearing the date 1656 and the most recent one dated 1810. It is understood that Shukurnames, of which we have been able to identify ten copies so far all with vowel points, were both performed orally and put into written form for a long time. In some full versions of the work, which was written in syllabic meter and koshma type verse, the pseudonym of the minstrel, who also did the oral performance, was also included. We find examples such as ceger~ciger, get-~git-, yeren-~yerin- in the copies while we can also observe the lip harmony. We see the form daġ in the middle of the 17th century, whereas it was written ṭaġ at the end of the 18th century. It is understood from examples similar to these that dervish minstrels were split between oral and written language.
Papers by Perihan Ölker
The discussions on alphabet and language in the Ottoman Empire began with the announcement of the Tanzimat Fermanı (Reforms Edict). After the establishment of the Republic, efforts to reform the alphabet and the language accelerated, involving various initiatives towards Turkification and simplification of the language. One of the significant implementations in this regard was the simplification of the language of the Teşkilatı Esasiye (Fundamental Law) and its rebranding as Anayasa (the Constitution), which was adopted by the Parliament on January 10, 1945, and published in the Official Gazette on January 15, 1945. This implementation, which received support at the time, was reversed with the rise of the Democratic Party and an accompanying change in political perspective. On December 24, 1952, the Teşkilatı Esasiye was reinstated with its original language, as suggested by the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Fuad Köprülü, and was published in the Official Gazette on December 31, 1952. The reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye led to significant debates in the Parliament, with claims that the language reform was a forced practice. This study will evaluate whether the language reform was truly successful by comparing the vocabulary of the Anayasa (1945) and the Teşkilatı Esasiye (1952), utilizing the Turkish Written Language Frequency Dictionary (1945-1950). Did these changes really originate from the failure of the language reform, or were they implemented entirely on the basis of an ideological approach? Our findings suggest that the abolition of the Anayasa and the reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye were driven by political perspectives and that the language reform achieved a degree of success.
takip edilebilen –mAdUk hem Eski Uygur Türçesi metinlerinde hem de Eski
Anadolu Türkçesi metinlerinde -pek çok araştırmada da değinilen sıfat-fiil
vazifesinin yanı sıra yüklem yapma- bitimli cümle kurma vazifesini de
üstlenmiştir. Garib-nâme’de olumsuz geçmiş zaman işaretleyicisi –mAdUk yüklem olarak kullanılmış, üstelik -mAdUkdUr ve –mAdUkdI şekilleriyle hem pekiştirilmiş hem de birleşik zamanlı biçimleriyle tartışılamayacak şekilde tespit edilmiştir. Örneklerin bilhassa aynı yüzyılda, çok yakın dönemde ve aynı bölgede yetişmiş iki şairin eserinde –Gülşehri’nin Mantıku’t-Tayr’ı ve Âşık Paşa’nın Garibnâmesi- yoğunlukla görülmesi dikkat çekicidir. Bu noktada –mAdUk şeklinin hem bir Oğuzca unsur hem de Eski Anadolu Türkçesinin yazı dili hâline gelme sürecinde etkili olan ağızlar açısından ayırıcı bir özellik olabileceği düşünülmelidir.
Aşık Paşa, who died in Kırşehir in 1332 and has a tomb in his name there, was known as a well-educated and spiritually enlightened sheikh. Kırşehir, where Gülşehri was also raised, was an important cultural center during the period when Garib-name was written by Âşık Paşa. A religious-sufi work of approximately 10,600 verses written by Aşık Paşa in the first half of the 14th century, Garib-name contributed significantly to the emergence of Old Oghuz Turkish as a written language in Anatolia. In the work, alongside examples of the continuation of the Old Uighur spelling tradition, various archaic elements are also present. In this study, first, verses from Garib-name where the negative past tense marker
mAdUk was used as a predicate were identified. Then, in order to accurately determine the meaning and function of –mAdUk in the sentences, the verses were translated into modern Turkish as faithfully as possible to the original. The negative past tense marker –mAdUk, which can be traced back to Old Turkic as a participle with adjectival function as well as the function of forming sentences with verb, has been identified in both Old Uighur Turkish texts and Old Anatolian Turkish texts in many studies. In Garib-name, the negative past tense marker -mAdUk was used as a predicate, and also, it was identified indisputably with both the reinforcing and compound tense forms as –mAdUkdUr and –mAdUkdI. It is noteworthy that the usage of –mAdUk is particularly prevalent in the works of two poets who lived in the same century, at about the same years, and in the same region—Gülşehri's Mantıku’t-Tayr and Aşık Paşa's Garib-name. At this point, it should be considered that the form –mAdUk may be a distinguishing feature in terms of dialects that were influential both as an Oghuz element and in the process of becoming the written language of Old Anatolian Turkish.
The concept known as Nur-ı Muhammadi (The Light of Muhammad) or Hakikat-i Muhammadiye (The Truth of Muhammad) refers in Sufism to the first being created. According to this understanding, which emerged under the influence of philosophical schools, the universe was created from this light. It was handed down from prophets to prophets, finally taking shape in Muhammad’s person (pbuh). It was handed through guardianship, and thanks to it, the universe continues to exist. This concept is frequently discussed in Sufi works, but since the 17th century, prose works titled Nur name have been written where only Nur-ı Muhammedi is described. Nur names written by Cafer Iyani Bey and Mustafa Takî Efendi have been identified so far in the Ottoman field of study. However, many prose Nur names written in Chagatai Turkish are encountered in the Chagatai realm. Nur-names, which were identified in the journals containing the professional treatises, especially in the language of Chagatai, seem to have found their place as an important part of the Ahi community and culture. In this study, the concept of Nur-ı Muhammedî is discussed; Nur-names written in Ottoman Turkish and Chagatai Turkish are introduced and the Chagatai Nur-name with archive number 13758 in Koyunoğlu City Museum and Library is emphasised. In addition to the translation of the prose work, the translation into Turkey Turkish was made, the language and spelling elements that attract attention were mentioned and in this direction, it was revealed that the work was written in Chagatai Turkish after the classical period.
Kutlu olsun, daim olsun.
The first turning point for Turkish in Turkey was the Kösedağ War, the second turning point was the conquest of Istanbul, and the third turning point was Tanzimat. However, the fourth and most important turning point is the declaration of the Republic. Turkish, which could not be a language of education and training in the Ottoman Empire, has today reached the 100th anniversary of the Republic, free from political-ideological polarisations, reinforced its existence with the state power behind it and opened up to the world.
May it be blessed, may it be perpetual.
batı Türk edebiyatında hem de doğu Türk edebiyatında konu edildiği
görülmektedir. Allah, kâinatı yaratmadan önce nübüvvet nurunu yaratmış, yüz bin yıl beklemiş ve geriye kalan bütün mahlukatı da bu nurdan
yaratmıştır. Nur-ı Muhammedî peygamberden peygambere intikal etmiş, en son Hz. Muhammed’de (sav) karar kılmıştır. Onun vefatından
sonra varlığını dört halife ve veliler üzerinden sürdürdüğü, âlemin bu
surette ayakta kaldığı, İslam tasavvufunda kabul edilen bir düşüncedir.
Nur-ı Muhammedî’yi konu edinen, şimdiye kadar mensur tertip edilmiş
bu eserler nur-name adıyla edebiyatta yerini almıştır. 17. yüzyıl başında
Osmanlı sahasında, 20. yüzyıl başlarında da Çağatay sahasında nur-name tespit edilmiş ve üzerinde çalışma yapılmıştır. Şimdiye kadar tespit
edilmiş Türkçe üç esere ilaveten bu çalışmada ele alacağımız Nur-name, Konya Ahmet Rasih İzzet Koyunoğlu Şehir Müzesi ve Kütüphanesi’nde bulunmuştur. Katalogda dilinin Osmanlıca olarak kaydedildiği
görülmektedir. Çağatay Türkçesi olan el yazması eserin yazılış tarihi
ve yazarı belli değildir. Daha önce taş baskı olarak tespit edilmiş iki
nur-nameden içerik ve söz varlığı açısından ayrışmaktadır. Metni çeviri
yazıyla aktararak hem eserin içeriği hem de dili hakkında tespitlerde
bulunmaya çalışacak, Çağatay Türkçesinin imlası hususunda bazı meselelere de işaret edeceğiz.
It is seen that the concept of Nur-ı Muhammedî, which is adopted
and explained by Islamic scholars and mystical movements based on
verses and hadiths, is the subject of both western Turkish literature and
eastern Turkish literature. Before creating the universe, God created the
light of prophecy, waited a hundred thousand years, and then created
all the remaining creatures from this light. The Nur-ı Muhammedî was
transferred from prophet to prophet, and finally decided on Prophet
Muhammad. It is a belief accepted in Islamic mysticism that he
continued his existence through the four caliphs and saints after his
death, and that the world survived in this way. These works about Nur-ı
Muhammedî has been written in prose form and have taken their place in
literature under the name of nur-name. Nur-names were identified and
studied in the Ottoman lands at the beginning of the 17th century and
in the Chaghatai lands at the beginning of the 20th century. In addition
to the three works identified in Turkish so far, the Nur-name, which
we will discuss in this study, was found in Konya Ahmet Rasih Izzet
Koyunoğlu City Museum and Library. It is seen that the language of the
manuscript is recorded as Ottoman Turkish in the catalogue. The date
and author of the manuscript, whose language is Chaghatai Turkish, is
unknown. It differs from the two nur-names, which were previously
identified as lithographs, in terms of content and vocabulary. We will
make some points about both the content and language of the work
through transliteration. In particular, we will point out some issues
regarding the spelling of Chaghatai Turkish.
risale mecmuası içinde yer alan Du’â-yı Habîb-nâme, Doğu Türklüğünde koruyucu dua yazma ve taşıma geleneğini yansıtmaktadır. Gerek Klasik Türk edebiyatı bünyesinde gerekse halk edebiyatı kapsamında değerlendirilebilecek, her duruma göre, dua mecmuaları ve duanameler
görülmektedir. Bilhassa meslek risaleleri ile bu duaların aynı mecmua içinde yer alması Ahilik kültürünün de yansımasıdır. Zanaat erbabı koruyucu, bereket verici, işini kolaylaştırıcı olduğuna inandığı dualarla mesleğini icra etmektedir. Metinde geçen térek (kavak) ağacı da Türk
mitolojisinin, İslami dönemdeki yansımasıdır. Eski Türkçe döneminde +nI ilgi durum eki ile zamir+edat bağlantısının sağlandığı bilinmektedir.
Ancak elimizdeki Çağatay Türkçesinin klasik sonrası dönemine ait olan metinde de aynı şekil görülmekte, başka Çağatayca metinlerde de örnekler tespit edilebilmektedir. Bu çalışmada metinde geçen klasik sonrası Çağatay Türkçesine dair unsurlar ele alınacak, Türkçedeki ilgi durum
eki +nI üzerinde durulacak ve lehçeleşme aşamasında Eski Türkçe döneminde olduğu gibi bir kullanımın (anı üçün, meni üçün, seni birle vb…) örneklerle nasıl devam ettiği ve taşındığı değerlendirilecektir
The Ottoman Empire's need for innovation in order to survive in the 19th century required that this situation be supported in the social and cultural fields, too. The emergence of the press played an important role in publicizing and explaining the innovations brought by the Tanzimat. The Turkish press has been guiding the society in political and social life since its inception, and its powerful influence has been resorted to in every period. In the process that started with Takvim-i Vekayi and continued with Ceride-i Havadis, the press of the Meşrutiyet (Constitutional) and National Struggle periods addressed the Ottoman society and tried to direct it. It is seen that the newspapers of the Early Republic period continued the same task. In the Ottoman period, the society was basically divided into two basic classes of Millet/Nation as Muslim Millet and non-Muslim Millet, and administrative procedures were conducted based on this classification. The Millet System came into effect for the non-Muslim community with the conquest of Istanbul. The Non-Muslims included the Greek Millet, the Armenian Millet and the Jewish Millet. The word Milliyet, which was derived from the word millet, appeared in the Tasvir-i Efkar newspaper in 1863 and was used to refer to the Poles. Therefore, it is understood that the word milliyet/nationality, due to its meaning expressing ulus/nation, was derived in order not to mix it with the word millet/nation that expressed religion/sect. In this study, on the basis of the Tanzimat period newspapers, light was shed on the transformation of the words İngiltereli-İngiliz (from Britain>British), Fransalı-Fransız (from France>French), İtalyalı-İtalyan (from Italy>Italian) and Almanyalı-Alman (from Germany>German) in the Meşrutiyet and Early Republican periods, and thus an effort was made to evaluate a debate which largely remained on the popular front from a scientific perspective. It has been determined that the terms İngiliz/English, Fransız/French, Italyan/Italian and Alman/German took root in the Early Republican Period, and the terms İngiltereli/from England, Fransalı/from France, İtalyalı/from Italy and Almanyalı/from Germany, which were seen in the Tanzimat Period, fell into disuse and were forgotten.
günümüze kadar sürekli bir değişim yaşamıştır. Resmî dilin ortaya konması ve buna dayalı eğitim dilinin yerleşmesiyle imlanın standart hâle gelmesi ancak mümkün olmuş; iletişimin kolaylaşması, okullaşma oranının artması da bu standartlaşmaya imkân tanımıştır. Klasik Osmanlı Türkçesi döneminde, 16. yüzyıldan 20. yüzyıla kadar, derviş âşıkların sözlü icrasını yazıya döktüğü görülmektedir. Bu yazılar sözlü icranın takip edilebileceği şekilde olmuştur. Yani âşık, aynı dönemdeki başka yazar ve şairler gibi, konuştuğu şekilde de yazabilmiştir. Bu çalışmada tarih kaydı düşülmüş en eskisi 1656 en yenisi 1810 yılına ait; Tekke Edebiyatı dâhilinde, manzum Şükür-name nüshalarının, tenkitli okunmuş dördü üzerinden, dönemin ağız özelliklerinin yazı diline yansıması tespit edilmiştir. Şimdiye kadar on nüshasını tespit edebildiğimiz, tamamı harekeli olan Şükür-name’nin uzun süre hem sözlü icra edildiği hem de yazıya döküldüğü anlaşılmaktadır. Hece ölçüsüyle ve koşma tipi nazım biçimiyle kâğıda dökülmüş eserin tam olan bazı nüshalarında sözlü icrasını da yapan âşığın mahlası mevcuttur. Nüshalar arasında ceger~ciger, get-~git-, yeren-~yerin- gibi örneklere rastladığımız gibi dudak uyumunu da takip edebiliyoruz. 17. yüzyıl ortasında daġ yazarken 18. yüzyılın sonunda ṭaġ yazabildiğini görüyoruz. Bunlara benzer örneklerden anlaşılıyor ki derviş âşıklar sözlü dille yazı dili arasında kalmışlardır.
The speech is a constantly changing, dynamic entity. Therefore, the written language also constantly changes depending on the speech. Turkish of Turkey has undergone a constant change since the first time it began to become a written language. It was only with the introduction of the official language and the establishment of the instruction of language based on it that orthography became standardized, and the facilitation of communication and the increase in the rate of schooling added to this standardization. In the Classical Ottoman Turkish period, it is seen that dervish minstrels put their oral performance into writing from the 16th century to the 20th century. These writings were such that the oral performance could be followed on the basis of them. In other words, the minstrels could write as well as they spoke. In this study, an effort was made to determine the reflections of the dialectal characteristics of the period on written language via four of the critically read copies of the verse Shukur-names belonging to the Tekke (Lodge) Literature, with the oldest one bearing the date 1656 and the most recent one dated 1810. It is understood that Shukurnames, of which we have been able to identify ten copies so far all with vowel points, were both performed orally and put into written form for a long time. In some full versions of the work, which was written in syllabic meter and koshma type verse, the pseudonym of the minstrel, who also did the oral performance, was also included. We find examples such as ceger~ciger, get-~git-, yeren-~yerin- in the copies while we can also observe the lip harmony. We see the form daġ in the middle of the 17th century, whereas it was written ṭaġ at the end of the 18th century. It is understood from examples similar to these that dervish minstrels were split between oral and written language.
The discussions on alphabet and language in the Ottoman Empire began with the announcement of the Tanzimat Fermanı (Reforms Edict). After the establishment of the Republic, efforts to reform the alphabet and the language accelerated, involving various initiatives towards Turkification and simplification of the language. One of the significant implementations in this regard was the simplification of the language of the Teşkilatı Esasiye (Fundamental Law) and its rebranding as Anayasa (the Constitution), which was adopted by the Parliament on January 10, 1945, and published in the Official Gazette on January 15, 1945. This implementation, which received support at the time, was reversed with the rise of the Democratic Party and an accompanying change in political perspective. On December 24, 1952, the Teşkilatı Esasiye was reinstated with its original language, as suggested by the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Fuad Köprülü, and was published in the Official Gazette on December 31, 1952. The reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye led to significant debates in the Parliament, with claims that the language reform was a forced practice. This study will evaluate whether the language reform was truly successful by comparing the vocabulary of the Anayasa (1945) and the Teşkilatı Esasiye (1952), utilizing the Turkish Written Language Frequency Dictionary (1945-1950). Did these changes really originate from the failure of the language reform, or were they implemented entirely on the basis of an ideological approach? Our findings suggest that the abolition of the Anayasa and the reinstatement of the Teşkilatı Esasiye were driven by political perspectives and that the language reform achieved a degree of success.
takip edilebilen –mAdUk hem Eski Uygur Türçesi metinlerinde hem de Eski
Anadolu Türkçesi metinlerinde -pek çok araştırmada da değinilen sıfat-fiil
vazifesinin yanı sıra yüklem yapma- bitimli cümle kurma vazifesini de
üstlenmiştir. Garib-nâme’de olumsuz geçmiş zaman işaretleyicisi –mAdUk yüklem olarak kullanılmış, üstelik -mAdUkdUr ve –mAdUkdI şekilleriyle hem pekiştirilmiş hem de birleşik zamanlı biçimleriyle tartışılamayacak şekilde tespit edilmiştir. Örneklerin bilhassa aynı yüzyılda, çok yakın dönemde ve aynı bölgede yetişmiş iki şairin eserinde –Gülşehri’nin Mantıku’t-Tayr’ı ve Âşık Paşa’nın Garibnâmesi- yoğunlukla görülmesi dikkat çekicidir. Bu noktada –mAdUk şeklinin hem bir Oğuzca unsur hem de Eski Anadolu Türkçesinin yazı dili hâline gelme sürecinde etkili olan ağızlar açısından ayırıcı bir özellik olabileceği düşünülmelidir.
Aşık Paşa, who died in Kırşehir in 1332 and has a tomb in his name there, was known as a well-educated and spiritually enlightened sheikh. Kırşehir, where Gülşehri was also raised, was an important cultural center during the period when Garib-name was written by Âşık Paşa. A religious-sufi work of approximately 10,600 verses written by Aşık Paşa in the first half of the 14th century, Garib-name contributed significantly to the emergence of Old Oghuz Turkish as a written language in Anatolia. In the work, alongside examples of the continuation of the Old Uighur spelling tradition, various archaic elements are also present. In this study, first, verses from Garib-name where the negative past tense marker
mAdUk was used as a predicate were identified. Then, in order to accurately determine the meaning and function of –mAdUk in the sentences, the verses were translated into modern Turkish as faithfully as possible to the original. The negative past tense marker –mAdUk, which can be traced back to Old Turkic as a participle with adjectival function as well as the function of forming sentences with verb, has been identified in both Old Uighur Turkish texts and Old Anatolian Turkish texts in many studies. In Garib-name, the negative past tense marker -mAdUk was used as a predicate, and also, it was identified indisputably with both the reinforcing and compound tense forms as –mAdUkdUr and –mAdUkdI. It is noteworthy that the usage of –mAdUk is particularly prevalent in the works of two poets who lived in the same century, at about the same years, and in the same region—Gülşehri's Mantıku’t-Tayr and Aşık Paşa's Garib-name. At this point, it should be considered that the form –mAdUk may be a distinguishing feature in terms of dialects that were influential both as an Oghuz element and in the process of becoming the written language of Old Anatolian Turkish.
The concept known as Nur-ı Muhammadi (The Light of Muhammad) or Hakikat-i Muhammadiye (The Truth of Muhammad) refers in Sufism to the first being created. According to this understanding, which emerged under the influence of philosophical schools, the universe was created from this light. It was handed down from prophets to prophets, finally taking shape in Muhammad’s person (pbuh). It was handed through guardianship, and thanks to it, the universe continues to exist. This concept is frequently discussed in Sufi works, but since the 17th century, prose works titled Nur name have been written where only Nur-ı Muhammedi is described. Nur names written by Cafer Iyani Bey and Mustafa Takî Efendi have been identified so far in the Ottoman field of study. However, many prose Nur names written in Chagatai Turkish are encountered in the Chagatai realm. Nur-names, which were identified in the journals containing the professional treatises, especially in the language of Chagatai, seem to have found their place as an important part of the Ahi community and culture. In this study, the concept of Nur-ı Muhammedî is discussed; Nur-names written in Ottoman Turkish and Chagatai Turkish are introduced and the Chagatai Nur-name with archive number 13758 in Koyunoğlu City Museum and Library is emphasised. In addition to the translation of the prose work, the translation into Turkey Turkish was made, the language and spelling elements that attract attention were mentioned and in this direction, it was revealed that the work was written in Chagatai Turkish after the classical period.
Kutlu olsun, daim olsun.
The first turning point for Turkish in Turkey was the Kösedağ War, the second turning point was the conquest of Istanbul, and the third turning point was Tanzimat. However, the fourth and most important turning point is the declaration of the Republic. Turkish, which could not be a language of education and training in the Ottoman Empire, has today reached the 100th anniversary of the Republic, free from political-ideological polarisations, reinforced its existence with the state power behind it and opened up to the world.
May it be blessed, may it be perpetual.
batı Türk edebiyatında hem de doğu Türk edebiyatında konu edildiği
görülmektedir. Allah, kâinatı yaratmadan önce nübüvvet nurunu yaratmış, yüz bin yıl beklemiş ve geriye kalan bütün mahlukatı da bu nurdan
yaratmıştır. Nur-ı Muhammedî peygamberden peygambere intikal etmiş, en son Hz. Muhammed’de (sav) karar kılmıştır. Onun vefatından
sonra varlığını dört halife ve veliler üzerinden sürdürdüğü, âlemin bu
surette ayakta kaldığı, İslam tasavvufunda kabul edilen bir düşüncedir.
Nur-ı Muhammedî’yi konu edinen, şimdiye kadar mensur tertip edilmiş
bu eserler nur-name adıyla edebiyatta yerini almıştır. 17. yüzyıl başında
Osmanlı sahasında, 20. yüzyıl başlarında da Çağatay sahasında nur-name tespit edilmiş ve üzerinde çalışma yapılmıştır. Şimdiye kadar tespit
edilmiş Türkçe üç esere ilaveten bu çalışmada ele alacağımız Nur-name, Konya Ahmet Rasih İzzet Koyunoğlu Şehir Müzesi ve Kütüphanesi’nde bulunmuştur. Katalogda dilinin Osmanlıca olarak kaydedildiği
görülmektedir. Çağatay Türkçesi olan el yazması eserin yazılış tarihi
ve yazarı belli değildir. Daha önce taş baskı olarak tespit edilmiş iki
nur-nameden içerik ve söz varlığı açısından ayrışmaktadır. Metni çeviri
yazıyla aktararak hem eserin içeriği hem de dili hakkında tespitlerde
bulunmaya çalışacak, Çağatay Türkçesinin imlası hususunda bazı meselelere de işaret edeceğiz.
It is seen that the concept of Nur-ı Muhammedî, which is adopted
and explained by Islamic scholars and mystical movements based on
verses and hadiths, is the subject of both western Turkish literature and
eastern Turkish literature. Before creating the universe, God created the
light of prophecy, waited a hundred thousand years, and then created
all the remaining creatures from this light. The Nur-ı Muhammedî was
transferred from prophet to prophet, and finally decided on Prophet
Muhammad. It is a belief accepted in Islamic mysticism that he
continued his existence through the four caliphs and saints after his
death, and that the world survived in this way. These works about Nur-ı
Muhammedî has been written in prose form and have taken their place in
literature under the name of nur-name. Nur-names were identified and
studied in the Ottoman lands at the beginning of the 17th century and
in the Chaghatai lands at the beginning of the 20th century. In addition
to the three works identified in Turkish so far, the Nur-name, which
we will discuss in this study, was found in Konya Ahmet Rasih Izzet
Koyunoğlu City Museum and Library. It is seen that the language of the
manuscript is recorded as Ottoman Turkish in the catalogue. The date
and author of the manuscript, whose language is Chaghatai Turkish, is
unknown. It differs from the two nur-names, which were previously
identified as lithographs, in terms of content and vocabulary. We will
make some points about both the content and language of the work
through transliteration. In particular, we will point out some issues
regarding the spelling of Chaghatai Turkish.
risale mecmuası içinde yer alan Du’â-yı Habîb-nâme, Doğu Türklüğünde koruyucu dua yazma ve taşıma geleneğini yansıtmaktadır. Gerek Klasik Türk edebiyatı bünyesinde gerekse halk edebiyatı kapsamında değerlendirilebilecek, her duruma göre, dua mecmuaları ve duanameler
görülmektedir. Bilhassa meslek risaleleri ile bu duaların aynı mecmua içinde yer alması Ahilik kültürünün de yansımasıdır. Zanaat erbabı koruyucu, bereket verici, işini kolaylaştırıcı olduğuna inandığı dualarla mesleğini icra etmektedir. Metinde geçen térek (kavak) ağacı da Türk
mitolojisinin, İslami dönemdeki yansımasıdır. Eski Türkçe döneminde +nI ilgi durum eki ile zamir+edat bağlantısının sağlandığı bilinmektedir.
Ancak elimizdeki Çağatay Türkçesinin klasik sonrası dönemine ait olan metinde de aynı şekil görülmekte, başka Çağatayca metinlerde de örnekler tespit edilebilmektedir. Bu çalışmada metinde geçen klasik sonrası Çağatay Türkçesine dair unsurlar ele alınacak, Türkçedeki ilgi durum
eki +nI üzerinde durulacak ve lehçeleşme aşamasında Eski Türkçe döneminde olduğu gibi bir kullanımın (anı üçün, meni üçün, seni birle vb…) örneklerle nasıl devam ettiği ve taşındığı değerlendirilecektir
We can cite dictionaries and indexes among studies that reveal vocabulary. On the other hand, we must add that frequency dictionaries, too, are important compared with other studies in that they provide statistical information. Knowing how frequently a word is used written language is important to reveal the direction of changes in vocabulary and evaluate the historical processes of a language. In our study, we will compare a translation of Qabusname rendered by Orhan Şaik Gökyay and another translation rendered by Nazmizade Murtaza through intra-language based on a translation of Mercümek Ahmet dated 1705 found among the manuscripts at Kütahya Vahit Pasha Library, in terms of vocabulary. In this way, we will be able to determine the direction of change in the vocabulary of Turkish. While doing this, we will compare the frequency rates of the words, thereby obtaining more accurate data
Postpositions, which do not have a meaning on their own but gain a meaning by virtue of the place they occupy in the sentence, are usually used together with verbal nouns in Turkish. They follow nouns and assume the task of linking them to a verb or another element in the sentence. However, there are some exceptions. The postposition Diye comes, apart from these verbal nouns, after conjugated verbs and fulfils the task of linking reported sentences to the main verb. On the other hand, the postposition Gibi is thought to come after participles. However, in this study, an example is presented to show that postpositions can come after conjugated verbs apart from verbal nouns. This study provides views about the origins of the postposition için and recounts generally agreed-upon information about its use from historical dialects to Turkish of Turkey. Apart from these, from the Karahanlı Turkish to modern Turkey Turkish the use of the postposition with the third person imperative form was identified and assessed for the first time in this study. The reasons for this form of use were discussed and the aspect of the imperative that sharpens and emphasizes expression was stressed.
Tarihî süreçte Türkiye Türkçesi, siyasi desteğin geldiği yöne göre şekillenme/şekillendirilme yoluna girmiştir. Türkiye Selçuklu Devleti döneminde edebî dil ve bilim dili olarak destek görmemiş, 11.-12. yüzyıllarda yeterince gelişememiş ve Türkçe eserler de yeterince görülmemiştir. Kösedağ Savaşı’nın arkasından zayıflayan Selçuklu Devleti ve güçlenen Beylikler doğrultusunda, Eski Anadolu Türkçesi dönemi olarak adlandırdığımız dönemde Türkçe eserler inanılmaz sayıda artmıştır. Beylerin verdiği siyasi ve maddi destek bu artışı kaçınılmaz kılmıştır. İstanbul’un fethiyle Osmanlı Devleti; padişahın ve bürokrasinin desteğiyle büyük ve güçlü bir imparatorluk oluşunun ispatı doğrultusunda Klasik Osmanlı Türkçesini 16. yüzyılda geliştirmiştir. Tanzimat reformlarının halka anlatılabilmesi, halk tarafından anlaşılabilmesi, için yönetim ve aydınlar dilin sadeleşmesi alfabenin ıslahı ya da değiştirilmesi doğrultusunda çalışmalara başlamıştır. II. Abdülhamit döneminde hem Türkçenin/Lisan-ı Osmani’nin okullarda zorunlu ders hâline getirilmesi hem de okullara sade dilde eğitim yapılması için genelge gönderilmesindeki (1894) amaç eğitimdeki reformlarla devletin güçleneceğine olan inançtı. Cumhuriyet yalnızca Osmanlı’nın hayata geçirmek için çırpındığı tüm dil reformlarını ulus devlet olma yolunda hızla gerçekleştirmesi açısından ayrışmaktadır. Türk dünyasının 1926’da Bakü’de ortak latin alfabesine geçme kararı alması da, 1928’de Türkiye’de alfabe değişikliğinden itibaren dili sadeleştirme çalışmaları da ulus devlet olabilmenin gereğiydi. Bu doğrultuda M. Fuad Köprülü 3 Kasım 1928 yılında İkdam gazetesinde yazdığı Türkçemiz başlıklı yazısıyla Türkçenin sadeleşmesini desteklemiştir. Teşkilat-ı Esasiye de bu doğrultuda 1945 yılında dili sadeleştirilerek Anayasa adını almıştır. Ancak aynı M. Fuad Köprülü 1952 yılında Demokrat Parti hükümetinin Dışişleri Bakanı iken Anayasa’nın tekrar eski şekline dönüştürülüp adının da Teşkilat-ı Esasiye olarak değiştirilmesi için Meclis’e önerge vermiş ve kabul edilmiştir. Bu çalışmamızda siyasi ve sosyal değişimlerin dili etkilemesi açıklanırken Anayasa’nın da Teşkilat-ı Esasiye’ye dönüştürülmesi değerlendirilecektir.
Anahtar Kelimeler : Anayasa, Teşkilat-ı Esasiye, dil politikaları, M. Fuad Köprülü
ABSTRACT
In its historical process, the Turkish language of Turkey has been shaped in accordance with the direction where political support came from. The Turkish language was not supported as a literary language and scientific language during the period of Seljuk State, nor did it develop sufficiently in the 11th and 12th centuries. Likewise, not many Turkish works were seen in the same period. However, in line with the weakening of the Seljuk State and the rise of Principalities after the Battle of Kösedağ, Turkish works increased in incredible numbers in the period called the Old Anatolian Turkish period. The political and financial support provided by the begs, or princes, made this increase inevitable. Following the conquest of Istanbul, the Ottoman Empire endeavoured to develop Classical Ottoman Turkish in the 16th century, with the support of the Sultan and the bureaucracy in order to prove that it was a great and powerful empire. In order for the Tanzimat reforms to be explained and understood by the public, the administration and the intellectuals began to exert efforts aimed at simplifying the language and reforming or changing the alphabet. The purpose behind making the Turkish/Ottoman Language a compulsory subject in schools and sending a circular to schools to provide education in plain language (1894) during the reign of Abdulhamid II was the belief that the state would be strengthened through reforms in education. The Republican era differs from these previous efforts only in that it quickly implemented all the language reforms that the Ottoman Empire was trying to enforce, on its way to becoming a nation state. The Turkic world's decision to switch to the Latin alphabet in Baku in 1926 and the efforts to simplify the language in Turkey since the alphabet change in 1928 were both necessary to become a nation state. In this direction, M. Fuad Köprülü supported the simplification of Turkish with his article titled Our Turkish, which he wrote in the Ikdam newspaper on November 3, 1928. In line with this, the language of Teşkilat-ı Esasiye (Essential Organization) was simplified and given the name Anayasa (Constitution) in 1945. However, the same M. Fuad Köprülü, when he was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Party government in 1952, made a proposal to the Parliament to transform the Anayasa back to its old form and change its name to Teşkilat-ı Esasiye, and it was accepted. In this study, the impact of political and social changes on language will be explained and the transformation of the Anayasa into Teşkilat-ı Esasiye will be evaluated.
Key Words: Anayasa (Constitution), Teşkilat-ı Esasiye, language policies, M. Fuad Köprülü
Osmanlı döneminde Tanzimat Fermanı’nın ilanıyla dilde sadeleşme ve alfabe değişikliği tartışmaları da başlamıştır. Cumhuriyet’in ilanıyla birlikte alfabe değişikliği konusunda görüşler aydınlar tarafından açıklanmaya devam etmiştir. Bakü’de 26 Şubat-6 Mart 1926 tarihlerinde düzenlenen Türkiyat kongresinde, Türkiye’nin çekince koymuş olmasına rağmen, Türk dünyasının latin alfabesine geçmesi kararı alınmıştır. Türkiye resmen 1 Kasım 1928 tarihinde alfabe değişikliğini onaylamakla birlikte ulusal ve yerel gazetelerin bu değişime hazırlanmak ve toplumu da hazırlamak amacıyla 1928 yılının Eylül ayından itibaren bazı sütunlarını ve manşetlerini latin alfabeli çıkardıklarını görüyoruz. Osmanlı Türkçesinin klasik hâle gelerek yaygın bir standart yazıma ulaşması 16. yüzyılda mümkün olabilmiştir. Ancak imlanın klasik olması nedeniyle elif ( ﺍ ), vav (ﻮ) ve ya (ﻯ) harflerinin yüzlerce yıl boyunca Türkçe kelimelerdeki sesletimi (a-e, o-ö-u-ü, ı-i) tartışma konusu olmuştur. Buna mukabil 16-20. yy. aralığında Batılılar tarafından hazırlanmış Osmanlı Türkçesi konuşma kılavuzları ve sözlükleri Türkçe kelimelerin latin alfabesiyle karşılıklarını verebildiği için dönemin konuşma dilinin ve ağız özelliklerinin tespitinde çok yardımcı olmaktadır. Osmanlı döneminde Arap alfabesinin yazıda bir birlik sağlarken aslında okuma ve konuşma hususunda ciddi bir kargaşa yaşattığı 1928 yılındaki yerel ve ulusal gazetelerden anlaşılmaktadır. Alfabe değişikliği çalışmaları ve uygulamaları esnasında konuşma diline özgü örnekler bu gazetelerde çoklukla karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Dönemin gazetelerinde latin alfabesinin kullanılmaya başlamasıyla gördüğümüz haylı (hayli), vakıt (yâhut vakhit), meyer (meğer), eyi (iyi), beyendi (beğendi), kongıra (kongre), İyran (İran) gibi pek çok yazım şekli insanların o dönemde ortak bir yazıda birleşmiş olsalar da -aynı şekilde konuşmadıkları ayrı bir mesele- aynı şekilde okumadıkları da anlaşılmaktadır. Bu çalışmamızda Kastamonu’nun yerel gazetesi olan Açık Söz’ün Ekim-Kasım 1928 nüshaları üzerinden Kastamonu ağzıyla olan bağlantısı üzerinde durulacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler : Ağız araştırmaları, Kastamonu ağzı, alfabe devrimi, Açık Söz gazetesi
ABSTRACT
During the Ottoman period, discussions on simplification of the Turkish language and alphabet change began with the proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict. When the Republic was proclaimed, opinions on the alphabet change continued to be expressed by intellectuals. At the Turkic Studies congress held in Baku between 26 February and 6 March 1926, it was decided that the Turkish world would switch to the Latin alphabet, despite Turkey's reservations. Although Turkey officially approved the alphabet change on November 1, 1928, we see that national and local newspapers published some of their columns and headlines in the Latin alphabet starting from September 1928 in preparation for this change and to prepare the society for it as well. It was only in the 16th century that Ottoman Turkish attained a classical form and reached a widespread standard spelling. However, due to the classical orthography, the pronunciation of the letters aleph (ﺍ), waw (ﻮ) and ya (ﻯ) in Turkish words (a-e, o-ö-u-ü, ı-i) had been a matter of debate for hundreds of years. On the other hand, Ottoman Turkish speaking guides and dictionaries prepared by Westerners between the 16th and 20th centuries are very helpful in determining the characteristics of the spoken language and the dialects of the period, as they gave the equivalents of Turkish words in the Latin alphabet. It is understood from local and national newspapers in 1928 that, while the Arabic alphabet provided unity in writing during the Ottoman period, it actually caused serious chaos in reading and speaking. During the alphabet change efforts and practices, examples specific to spoken language often appear in these newspapers. Many spelling styles such as haylı (hayli), vakıt (or vakhit), meyer (meğer), eyi (iyi), beyendi (beğendi), kongira (kongre) and Iyran (Iran) that were observed in the newspapers of the period when the Latin alphabet started to be used indicate that even though people had agreed on a common spelling style - it is a separate matter that they do not talk in the same way - they did not read them in the same way. In this study, we will focus on the reflection of these efforts on the Kastamonu dialect through the October-November 1928 copies of Açık Söz, a local newspaper in the city of Kastamonu.
Key Words: Dialect research, Kastamonu dialect, alphabet revolution, Açık Söz newspaper
Türkçe, tarihi boyunca aynı dil ailesinden olsun ya da olmasın gerek sözcük gerekse şekil açısından pek çok dille alışverişte bulunmuştur. Coğrafi, dinî, siyasi, ticari etmenlerin sözcük alışverişinde etkili olduğu genel kabul görmüştür. Şimdiye kadar hem Batı kökenli dillerden hem de Doğu kökenli dillerden Türkçeye yerleşen sözcük ve şekiller hususunda pek çok çalışma yapılmıştır. Aynı şekilde Türkçeden bu dillere de sözcük ve şekillerin yerleştiği ve bunlar üzerinde de çeşitli çalışmaların yapıldığı bilinmektedir. İtalyanlar İstanbul’a hem ticaret hem de misyonerlik faaliyetleri için X. yüzyılda gelmiştir. İtalyanca en azından XVIII. yüzyıla kadar Osmanlı’da taltif edilmiş ve öğrenilmiş ve Türkiye Türkçesinin tarihî gelişim sürecinde yer almıştır. İtalyanların Osmanlı sınırlarında İtalyancayı öğretmek için Dil Oğlanları Okulu sistemini oluşturduğu bilinmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Türkçe Verintiler Sözlüğü’nden hareketle, Türkçeden İtalyancaya geçmiş kelimelerin, Türkçe üzerinden, hangi dönemde geçmiş olabileceğine ve seyrine ışık tutulmaya çalışılacaktır.
Turkish has been in interaction with various languages throughout history, be they are of same the language family or not, in terms of vocabulary and form. It is generally acknowledged that geographical, religious, political and commercial factors have been influential in the exchange of vocabulary. Numerous studies have so far been conducted with respect to words and forms that have entered Turkish from both Western and Eastern languages. Similarly, it is known that words and forms from Turkish have entered those languages and that various studies have been implemented in this regard. Italians came to Istanbul in the 10th century for both trade and missionary activities. The Italian language was praised and learned in the Ottoman state at least until the 18th century and took its place in the historical process of development of the Turkish language. It is known that Italians established the system Dil Oğlanları Okulu (Language Boys School) to teach Italian within the borders of the Ottoman state. In this study, an attempt will be made, on the basis of Turkish Loan Words, to shed light on in what periods words that had entered Italian from Turkish had done so and their journey and process in the course of time.
Abstract
Numerous scientific studies have been conducted on Kutadgu Bilig (1069/70), the great representative of the Turkish language in the 11th century. Being a political treatise in verse form has made it not only a material for Turkish language but also one of the works where Turkish culture, history and philosophy have been exhibited. The book is at the same time a representative of the Turkish language of diplomacy in the 11th century. Atebetü'l-Hakâyık, another work belonging to the Karahanlılar period like Kutadgu Bilig, is considered to have been written in the 12th century. It is a religious didactic work and in this respect it is different from Kutadgu Bilig. However, it is generally acknowledged that the chapters in both books, the topics covered and the way that are treated exhibit great similarity. It is thought that there is a difference of 100 to 150 years between the times these works were written. Humboldt, one of the most important language theoreticians of the 19th century, argued, with his ergon-energia theory, that language was a living and constantly changing entity, that there was a relationship between language and nation and maintained that in order to obtain information about the history and culture of a nation, one had to look at the linguistic works it produced. In the course of time, this theory has been adopted by language researchers. This theory, which is generally accepted by linguists today, emphasize the importance of diachronic language studies. The 11th and 12th centuries cover an era of the Turkish geography and culture characterized by rapid developments. Therefore, texts written in the Turkish language in the said period need to be investigated in a multidisciplinary manner. Moreover, the direction of change in the Turkish language, history and culture need to be revealed from different angles and the nature of the change in the Turkish language has to be evaluated through diachronic studies. In this study, Kutadgu Bilig and Atebetü'l-Hakâyık, both of which belong to the Karahanlılar period, will be subjected to an analysis and comparison and contrast guided by linguistic materials of the said period and the change which Turkish and hence the Turkish culture experienced will be evaluated in light of the ergon-energia theory.