…Scholars and professional researchers, on the other hand, have to actually make a considerable effort to remain so ignorant.
David Graeber and David Wengrow, The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity (New York, 2021), p. 147.
Of the many sins of scholars, pedantry and defensiveness are among the most common. The first needs little in the way of explanation. Accuracy is a requirement not a virtue for academics and that attracts and breeds a certain cast of mind. In the case of the second bad habit, researchers are used to having to argue for the value of their subject and their work to an indifferent audience and can be overly aggressive in doing so, insisting that their area of study is indispensable in any situation. But seeing an interloper venturing into their sanctum without the reverence they feel it deserves raises hackles.
I try, not always successfully, to repress these instincts. They are unhelpful traits, which threaten to stifle good faith attempts at interdisciplinarity. They also work against efforts to look at the larger picture of the human past. Any ‘big’ history is by nature going to venture well past the specialisms of the people conducting it, which means that nuances will be missed and mistakes made. Yet whether we like it or not, both academics and the wider public go about their day with grand narratives of human history in the background of their minds, if only to somehow navigate the long course between The Flintstones and The Jetsons. Not trying to do big history today simply means that those narratives will be based on desperately out of date material (like mid-twentieth century Hanna-Barbera cartoons).
The best attempts at big history are also intriguingly provocative, inspiring new connections and approaches in a range of different fields. The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity, by Davids Graeber and Wengrow, is most certainly that. Published in 2021, it seeks to revolutionise our understanding of the development of human society. In particular, they argue that far from being locked into one inevitable path of civilisation, which unites agriculture, urbanism, global connectivity, social complexity and inequality as part of the same inseparable package, humans actually had considerable choice and control over what they did and how they did it. Farming could be adopted piecemeal, neolithic people could routinely travel vast distances, cities and archival practices could be developed without needing resource inequality or violence.
In support of this thesis, Graeber and Wengrow draw upon their expertise as anthropologist and archaeologist respectively. One of the great joys of their book is how wide-ranging it is. Anyone reading it will encounter something fascinating and new. Highlights for me included the discussion of cities in neolithic Ukraine, power dynamics among the Nuer of South Sudan and the unexpectedly Calvinist Native Americans of northern California. There are worlds to be explored in this book.
Provocative can, however, also mean bad. Despite its many virtues, The Dawn of Everything is bad on ancient and medieval Europe. Some of this is small stuff. Alaric the Goth is repeatedly presented as a barbarian antithetical to Rome and everything it stood for, rather than as a man who was raised in the empire, served in its military, and who took up arms against it in part because he wanted to rise within it. On multiple occasions the book repeats the claim that modern office employees work longer hours than medieval peasants. (For a particularly good breakdown of why this isn’t the case, I recommend Bret Devereaux’s wonderful series on peasant life). This sort of thing is irritating but not a big deal given that neither David is pretending to be a specialist on late antiquity, nor is their book primarily about it.
But some of the mistakes are bigger problems for the overall thrust of the argument, particularly when it comes to the early chapters. While I suspect that the other parts of the book are better, being closer to the authors’ areas of study, it is alarming when the bit that seems weakest is that which is about things I actually know about (Gell-Mann Amnesia is not your friend). This matters because The Dawn of Everything has sold extremely well by academic book standards. The copy I have been reading was one of three available in my small, local library. It has been translated into many different languages and been favourably reviewed in newspapers around the world.
While these are good reasons to muscle past my initial reluctance to pedantically pile in, there is another, much less good one, which is that the authors of The Dawn of Everything are very quick to assume that people who disagree with them are incompetent and lazy. While I’m sure both Davids were lovely people in real life (sadly David Graeber died before the book could come out), what emerges from the pages of their work is an often startling contempt for scholars in other fields. That’s not in itself a reason to disagree with a book. Academic writing can be correct even if it’s unpleasant. But it does reduce my instinct to be charitable over mistakes given that the authors seem disinclined to grant the same charity in return.
(Incidentally, if the name David Graeber sounds familiar, he also wrote Bullshit Jobs in 2018. It’s an interesting coincidence that the man who thinks large numbers of jobs in sectors of which he has no personal experience are worthless is also extremely critical of scholars who work in different fields to him.)
In the first chapter of The Dawn of Everything we are told that our familiar narratives of the birth of civilisation are the product of the Enlightenment, in particular Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s vision of the state of nature and the first appearance of inequality, laid out in his Discourse on the Origins of Social Inequality (1755). Rousseau and his contemporaries were inspired by conversations with Native Americans, particularly the Wendat leader Kandiaronk, recorded by Europeans. These unprecedented critiques challenged Enlightenment figures to defend the naturalness of European civilisation. It was in this context that people first began seriously to think about how inequality began and where our standard model of simple primitives slowly trading their egalitarian communities for social complexity comes from.
Graeber and Wengrow believe that the opinions attributed to Kandiaronk are real and not the product of literary artifice written for political reasons. (Their treatment of historians who are worried that this might be the case is not kind). Perhaps they’re right, but their argument ignores the long tradition in European writing of using the perspective of an outside ‘barbarian’ to comment on civilisation and its ills. I won’t hammer this point because David Bell has already talked about it in detail here, but any educated individual in the eighteenth century would have had the opportunity to read someone like Tacitus (‘they make a waste and call it peace’) and seen how the most damning indictments of the Roman empire, although written by Romans, were placed in the mouths of ‘uncivilised’ Britons or Germans. The idea of the noble savage, superior to civilisation, who could see through its veneer to plumb the corruption that lay within, did not begin with Kandiaronk.

We won’t linger here too long, but I think it speaks to some of the recurring weaknesses of The Dawn of Everything. There’s a blind spot about the role of literary culture in shaping ideas and perception. Rousseau and company are depicted as inventing their narrative of the human past ex novo rather than being part of a conversation that stretched back to classical antiquity. Later writers looked back to that ancient world and comprehended their present in light of their reading of the past.
A case in point is Graeber and Wengrow’s discussion of Tlaxcala, which I enjoyed, but underplays the extent to which writers like Cortés and particularly Peter Martyr d’Anghiera depended upon analogies to Switzerland and republican Rome in their understanding of the city. It still says something about Tlaxcala that those were the comparisons that came to mind, but it means we need to think through the implications carefully, particularly when Tlaxcala became a vital talking point in imperial Spanish debates about whether Native Americans were human or not. (I discuss this problem in this chapter here).
This Rousseauian reading also flattens a European culture that consisted of many different strands, turning it into an incurious monolith until stung into action by an outside perspective. In particular, Europeans long before the eighteenth century were deeply exercised by the question of inequality and where it came from. Graeber and Wengrow are aware of classical traditions of the birth of inequality, but argue that they were so varied that it’s hard to connect them with modern ideas. However, the Middle Ages were also filled by people looking back to early humanity to ask questions about the origins of civilisation and how it should be organised, sometimes with explosive consequences, which formed an important context for later ideas.
Medieval Europe had good reason to be interested in the roots of inequality. Any Christian society has to find ways of reckoning with the words of the Bible. Jesus had preached a creed of giving away worldly goods to the needy. The famous injunction that ‘It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God’ (Mark 10:25) had considerable force. So too did the words of Paul, ‘here is neither Jew nor Greek: there is neither bond nor free: there is neither male nor female. For you are all one in Christ Jesus’ (Galatians 3:28). If all were equal in the eyes of God, and the poor and humble were cherished by the Lord, then the origin of worldly inequality was a question of considerable importance. Was it divinely ordained or a sinful betrayal of the command of heaven?
The medieval west had also inherited a large number of ideas about primitive humanity from the Greco-Roman past. While many of these told positive stories about how early humans had acquired fire, learned to build shelter, and formed cooperative societies, others were much more negative, depicting a lost Golden Age before the corrupting influence of civilisation. One of the features of these legends was that this was an age of equality, when all shared the bounty of the earth. These ideas were widespread in the classical world, appearing in the writings of Cicero, Ovid, Tacitus and Lucretius (who Rousseau would later draw upon particularly heavily), among others.
This rhymed nicely with Jewish and Christian ideas of a fall from a primeval Eden. Already in antiquity there were people who sought to fuse Greco-Roman myth with the Bible. Thus the Jewish writer Josephus attributed much of this corruption to Cain, claiming that whereas early humans had lived peaceful unconstrained lives, the son of Adam taught them to desire more and to acquire it through violence towards their neighbours, drawing up boundaries and claiming the earth as their property (Antiquities, 1.2.60-62). These themes spread into early Christian thought, so that the idea that humans had originally lived simply and without property until greed and sin broke this equality became a commonplace.
Among my favourites is the fourth-century writer Lactantius, who argued in his Divine Institutes (5.14–20) that all civilisations were unjust because they were unequal and ‘where people are not all equal, there is no fairness: the inequality excludes justice of itself.’ Among the most influential commentators was Ambrose of Milan, who attributed inequality to human greed, writing in his De Officiis that:
God commanded that all things be generated so that nourishment would be common to all and the earth therefore would be a common possession of all. (1.28.132)
This tradition culminated in the words of Pope Gregory the Great that ‘by nature all of us are equal’ (Moralia in Job 21.22).
This intellectual background did not prevent medieval Europe from being an extremely hierarchical society, with enormous differences in wealth and legal status, where social rank was fiercely policed. Gregory himself was quick to urge his readers to obey the laws of the land. But it did mean that inequality had to be justified. When we encounter something like Adalbero of Laon’s division of society into Three Orders, or John of Salisbury’s description of the Body Politic (Policraticus, books 5 and 6), or Thomas Aquinas’ exposition on the Great Chain of Being (Summa Theologica, 1.108.a.4), we are reading an argument in support of inequality in a world where the basic assumption was that humans had been created equal and where the blessings of subsequent hierarchy were contested.
One of the striking things about medieval ideas of primitive equality is quite how widespread they are. Chroniclers such as Frechulf of Lisieux and Otto of Freising took their cue from Josephus in their depiction of tyrannical rulers upending a communal past. This model also played a strong role in the development of monasticism. The influential early monk and theologian John Cassian condemned the powerful who ‘base their lives on plunder rather than live from the sweat of craftsmanship and labour’ (Collationes patrum, 8.21). For him, the monastic life offered a route back to the primeval simplicity that had existed before some people began monopolising what God had given to all in common. Anxieties about property and inequality played out through monastic orders such as the Franciscans, whose holy poverty could appear downright subversive to the powers-that-be, defensive of their place in society.
These concepts also appeared in other fields, such as philosophy. The cornerstone of early medieval Latin philosophy was On the Consolation of Philosophy, readers of which would encounter Boethius’ poetic mourning for a lost Golden Age of equality (metre 5). Much later, students at the universities of the thirteenth century had to wrestle with the competing ideas of equality discussed by Aristotle in his Nicomachean Ethics. These questions also showed up in law. Near the opening of Justinian’s Institutes appears the statement that ‘by the law of Nature all men from the beginning were born free’ (1.1.sec 4), with a similar line appearing in the Digest. Gratian’s Decretum notes that under natural law all property is held in common for the use of all. Both Justinian and Gratian then start sketching out laws for a highly unequal society. But every law student would learn that human society had begun equal.
Nor were such notions confined to intellectual circles. The thirteenth-century Old French Roman de la Rose, popular across the courts of Europe and otherwise distinguished by an almost impressive level of misogyny, observes that:
Naked and impotent are all, / High-born and peasant, great and small. / That human nature is throughout / The whole world equal, none can doubt. (c. 98, lines 19411-14)
Lower down the social ladder, and more unsettling for church authorities, were the reports of heretic movements that held all property in common. Determining what was fact and what the fevered imagination of churchmen is difficult, but the idea that early humans had lived egalitarian lives and that inequality was an unnatural and unholy imposition seems to have been circulating in parts of medieval Europe.
The potential political consequences of such a concept were most famously explored by the Peasant’s Revolt in 1381. When the rebels gathered at Blackheath in southeast London, they were given a sermon by the radical priest John Ball. In the version recorded by Thomas Walsingham in his Historia Anglicana, Ball asked:
When Adam delved and Eve span, Who was then the gentleman? From the beginning all men by nature were created alike, and our bondage or servitude came in by the unjust oppression of naughty men.
This question of political philosophy would soon be ended by Richard II’s soldiers, with Ball hanged, drawn and quartered. But the episode suggests that ordinary peasants had views about societal inequality, in which human society had been equal and had become less so not by nature but by political choice.
Returning to The Dawn of Everything, this medieval habit of thinking about the history of inequality challenges the notion that the writers of the Enlightenment were doing something entirely new in response to critiques from overseas. Writing as someone who has a bit of a soft spot for Enlightenment writers, Europe had a long tradition of considering the development of unequal societies, drawn from Christian and classical ideas, which pervaded theology, history, law and philosophy. This allows us to place Rousseau and his contemporaries in context. They may well have been innovators, but they emerged from a culture that had long wrestled with ideas of inequality.
Does any of this matter? Most of the book has nothing to do with medieval Europe. In the last chapters of The Dawn of Everything, Graeber and Wengrow explore the institutions of the Iroquois Confederacy, which were built around ideals of egalitarian deliberation. They suggest that these in turn emerged from a revolution against hierarchical elites in Cahokia beginning in the late fourteenth century. Many of the American Founding Fathers such as Benjamin Franklin, George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were fascinated by the Confederacy and drew upon their example for inspiration.
But the long history of the late antique and medieval past also left their mark on the revolutionaries of 1776. When Jefferson wrote in the United States Declaration of Independence that ‘all men are created equal’, he probably didn’t know that he was quoting Gregory the Great. But the reason that he wanted to put down those words (despite the many enslaved people working on his estates who might look askance at him for doing so), was because he was the product of a long culture of writing and debate that reached back to the sixth-century pope and beyond. When, two decades earlier, Rousseau wrote his account of the birth of inequality and humanity before civilisation, he was doing so in a Europe that was open to the wider world like never before, but also as the heir to a culture that had been wrestling with these problems for thousands of years.








