This chapter analyses: first the growth, diversification and types of corruption in Europe; secon... more This chapter analyses: first the growth, diversification and types of corruption in Europe; second, the causes and dynamics at the heart of corrupt transactions; third, the effects of corruption (on the economy and the political system); and finally, the attempts to fight corruption. The chapter concludes that this fight might not only lack any positive effects, but could even be counter-productive, making corruption one of the most significant challenges facing European democracies today.
Embarking, in the early 1980s, on the study of Italian politics with a primitive command of the l... more Embarking, in the early 1980s, on the study of Italian politics with a primitive command of the language, very few resources available in English, and Italian newspapers largely impenetrable to an outsider, I discovered the work of Gianfranco Pasquino, which stood out for the clarity of both its (Italian) language and explanations. I then discovered that he could achieve the same thing in the English language – a real benefit for overseas Italianist beginners in those years. I have been reading Pasquino ever since – whereby now he stands out as the doyen and Maestro of Italian politics. And this work is, in many ways, the culmination of a life-long study of the politics of his nation – and we hope not his last word. It is not just his knowledge of the subject area and command of the written word that makes this book so compelling. Pasquino’s touch comes also from his wide-ranging knowledge of the politics of other countries, his deep understanding of comparative politics and the comparative method and his willingness to adopt a critical stance towards his subject matter, while still managing to retain scientific impartiality. Indeed, in this work, Pasquino explicitly wears his heart on his sleeve. It is evident that he tires of stereotypes of the Italian case (‘frequently formulated by Italian scholars and commentators and then repeated by scholars and commentators outside Italy’ – 1), and authors who ‘seem unwilling to criticize the country they are studying and whose politics they are describing’ (1). Not so Pasquino, who of course served his country in the Senate in the 1980s and 1990s, and his willingness to lambast deficiencies where they could be overcome makes the reading of the text all the more enjoyable. In short, this is the book I would have wanted somebody to place on my desk back in the early 1980s, and this is the book any aspiring new scholar (or an expert of another country’s politics) who wants a solid grasp of this complex polity, should start with today. Chapter 1 is a masterful journey through the historical development of Italy as a ‘classic parliamentary republic’, why it made the choices it did (compared with other nations), and how it became distinctive. Institutions matter, of course, but in Italy, they have taken on an importance as a scapegoat for Italy’s (presumed) ills out of all proportion to reality. As Pasquino writes,
The Eurozone crisis had a more significant and longer-lasting impact on Italy than on virtually a... more The Eurozone crisis had a more significant and longer-lasting impact on Italy than on virtually any other Member State, with the effects still visible a decade after. The extent of the shock was surprising in view of progress Italy had apparently made in the 1990s in terms of enhancing its capacity to meet the demands of European Monetary Union. The explanation for this traumatic economic experience lies in Italy's deep, long-term, structural tensions which were placed under severe pressure during the 1990s and which were cracked open by the 2011 sovereign debt crisis. These have had long-standing economic effects as well as political ramifications in terms of a significant change in the Italy-EU relationship.
Italian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007-2017 decade under the impact of the ... more Italian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007-2017 decade under the impact of the eurozone crisis, whose peak in 2011-2013 could be equated to the earlier watershed years of 1992-1994. The lasting impact of the upheaval in Italian politics in the early 1990s could still be felt in the decade of economic recession, but there were also new challenges prompted by a crisis that had its roots in international financial contagion and which unravelled under the shadow of both recession and austerity. The changes were of an economic, social, cultural, institutional, policy-oriented and political nature. If one central quintessentially political theme stands out by the end of this decade it is the apparent exhaustion of the quest for bipolarisation that was initiated in the early 1990s.
This Symposium brings together the academic and publishing industry in two key countries (the UK ... more This Symposium brings together the academic and publishing industry in two key countries (the UK and the US) to analyse and assess the implications of Open Access (OA) journal publishing in the social and political sciences, as well as its different formats and developments to date. With articles by three academics (all involved in academic associations) and three publishers, the Symposium represents an exchange of views that help each of the two sectors understand better the perspectives of the other. More generally, the Symposium aims to raise the visibility of OA among the academic community whose general awareness and knowledge of OAcompared with publishershas been rather limited to date.
Academic associations are a vital part of the academic community, facilitating the interaction of... more Academic associations are a vital part of the academic community, facilitating the interaction of researchers and production of knowledge, yet the impact of Open Access on their future has been too often regarded as marginal to the main discussion. Open Access presents an evident threat to those associations, which have become dependent upon a sizeable proportion of their income coming from owned journals published in conjunction with publishers. Yet, Open Access also presents opportunities, and academic associations should be bold in using a combination of their expertise, prestige and experience in publishing to ensure their futures in a newly emerging market.
ABSTRACT Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and ... more ABSTRACT Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and the volume published to mark this occasion, this article evaluates the state of the discipline today. The discipline’s late birth, small size and competition from other disciplines help to explain its incomplete institutionalisation. Yet, what is too often overlooked is a detailed analysis of the sub-fields of Italian political science, how they have changed over time and what this might signal. Using an analogous volume published 24 years earlier, an analysis of the sub-fields reveals a discipline undergoing significant change through the emergence of new sub-fields accounting for at least a quarter of Italian political science research today. This development is important because of the historical and continuing preponderance of research on Italian politics amongst Italian political scientists. It is the (curious) elephant in the room: visible and clearly shaping Italian political science but rarely mentioned; curious, because, for all this, Italian political science remains dissatisfied with its lack of ‘relevance’ to the Italian world beyond academe. The discipline’s future will likely be shaped by the possibilities of whether and how this preponderance is overcome.
As Pizzorno (1992) points out, the potential for corruption is inherent in all liberal democracie... more As Pizzorno (1992) points out, the potential for corruption is inherent in all liberal democracies because in such systems the function of political intermediation between electorate and government is largely carried out by private agents (that is, parties) using private resources and because the activity of inter-mediation is not separable from activities designed to gather the resources necessary to carry it out. But if corruption can thus arise in democracies, it is also subversive of democracies (della Porta and Vannucci, 1999a: 9), this by virtue of its tendency to undermine confidence in the application of universalistic criteria in the exercise of power and therefore, ultimately, its tendency to undermine confidence in democratic institutions themselves.
Reform of the Socialist System in Central and Eastern Europe, 1998
The demise of the communist - or, more accurately ‘real socialist’ - regimes that had controlled ... more The demise of the communist - or, more accurately ‘real socialist’ - regimes that had controlled the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) for forty-five years or more was a watershed in post-war European history and signalled the beginning of one of history’s great experiments (Eley 1992, pp. 22–3; Hobsbawm 1991, p. 115).1 The transitions underway mark an attempt to replace previously totalitarian (or, at least, by the 1980’s, authoritarian) governments, which attempted to control their economies by means of central planning, by political democracies with market economies.2 While these are far from being the first transitions from authoritarian rule, there are radical differences in the situation facing CEE countries compared with earlier transitions in Southern Europe and Latin America. Even those (such as Schmitter and Karl 1994; Karl and Schmitter 1995) who argue, in contrast to many former sovietologists (e.g. Bunce 1995), that existing theories of democratic tradition can be used to understand transitions in CEE, nonetheless recognize that there are significant differences in the tasks facing the countries of the region, especially in terms of the magnitude, scope, sequencing and speed of the reforms necessary for success. In particular, while previous transitions to democracy were characterized by a reasonably stable economic order — something consequently cited by some (e.g. Przeworski 1986) as a prerequisite for a successful democratic transition — the countries of CEE are confronted with a double transformation of polity and economy which, in its turn, has considerable implications for the development of civil society:
Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italian politics underwent in the period 198... more Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italian politics underwent in the period 1989-1994.
Despite the promise of the so-called 'Second Republic' in the early 1990s, Italy remains ... more Despite the promise of the so-called 'Second Republic' in the early 1990s, Italy remains one of Europe's least well-governed countries. Optimistic expectations were generated in the early 1990s by an apparently new generation of reformers. However, this book, analysing in depth a range of sectors of the Italian polity, uncovers little real progress. Badly needed reforms have foundered on bickering between the political parties and their leaders. Both left and right-wing coalitions have been guilty of impeding the anti-corruption revolution. Little has been done to improve the quality of public expenditure: infrastructure and education systems remain poorly performing, and years of periodic devaluation and deficit spending have left the economy structurally weakened. Italian politics suffers in particular from 'stratificazione' or 'layering': the introduction of new policies and institutions without removing those they are replacing. The result is a damaging mix of obsolete and contradictory legislation, the product of bargaining over reform by weak governments in a veto-ridden polity. The outcome - 'immobolismo' - is a system in which all parties, and democratic government itself, are steadily losing legitimacy. This book brings together a range of Italian specialists who analyse different sectors of the Italy polity and what has changed in the past decade or so
Despite the promise of the new "Second Republic" launched in the early 1990s, Italy rem... more Despite the promise of the new "Second Republic" launched in the early 1990s, Italy remains Europe's least well-governed country. Fifteen years ago, politicians on the take and mafiosi on the make were supposedly pushed aside by a new generation of reformers and crusading magistrates. However, the contributions to this Special Issue uncover little real progress. Badly needed reforms have foundered on bickering between the political parties and their ego-centric leaders. Both left and right-wing coalitions have been guilty of impending the anti-corruption revolution. Little has been done to improve the quality of public expenditure: infrastructure and education systems remain shambolic, and decades of periodic devaluation and deficit spending have left the economy structurally weakened. Italy's politicians are not just masters of trasformismo (the blurring of the distinction between government and opposition) but of stratificazione ("layering", the introduction of new policies and institutions without replacing those that preceded them). The result is a damaging mix of obsolete and contradictory legislation, the product of bargaining over reform by chronically weak governments in a veto-ridden polity. The outcome - immobolismo - is a system in which all parties, and democratic government itself, are steadily losing legitimacy
This chapter analyses: first the growth, diversification and types of corruption in Europe; secon... more This chapter analyses: first the growth, diversification and types of corruption in Europe; second, the causes and dynamics at the heart of corrupt transactions; third, the effects of corruption (on the economy and the political system); and finally, the attempts to fight corruption. The chapter concludes that this fight might not only lack any positive effects, but could even be counter-productive, making corruption one of the most significant challenges facing European democracies today.
Embarking, in the early 1980s, on the study of Italian politics with a primitive command of the l... more Embarking, in the early 1980s, on the study of Italian politics with a primitive command of the language, very few resources available in English, and Italian newspapers largely impenetrable to an outsider, I discovered the work of Gianfranco Pasquino, which stood out for the clarity of both its (Italian) language and explanations. I then discovered that he could achieve the same thing in the English language – a real benefit for overseas Italianist beginners in those years. I have been reading Pasquino ever since – whereby now he stands out as the doyen and Maestro of Italian politics. And this work is, in many ways, the culmination of a life-long study of the politics of his nation – and we hope not his last word. It is not just his knowledge of the subject area and command of the written word that makes this book so compelling. Pasquino’s touch comes also from his wide-ranging knowledge of the politics of other countries, his deep understanding of comparative politics and the comparative method and his willingness to adopt a critical stance towards his subject matter, while still managing to retain scientific impartiality. Indeed, in this work, Pasquino explicitly wears his heart on his sleeve. It is evident that he tires of stereotypes of the Italian case (‘frequently formulated by Italian scholars and commentators and then repeated by scholars and commentators outside Italy’ – 1), and authors who ‘seem unwilling to criticize the country they are studying and whose politics they are describing’ (1). Not so Pasquino, who of course served his country in the Senate in the 1980s and 1990s, and his willingness to lambast deficiencies where they could be overcome makes the reading of the text all the more enjoyable. In short, this is the book I would have wanted somebody to place on my desk back in the early 1980s, and this is the book any aspiring new scholar (or an expert of another country’s politics) who wants a solid grasp of this complex polity, should start with today. Chapter 1 is a masterful journey through the historical development of Italy as a ‘classic parliamentary republic’, why it made the choices it did (compared with other nations), and how it became distinctive. Institutions matter, of course, but in Italy, they have taken on an importance as a scapegoat for Italy’s (presumed) ills out of all proportion to reality. As Pasquino writes,
The Eurozone crisis had a more significant and longer-lasting impact on Italy than on virtually a... more The Eurozone crisis had a more significant and longer-lasting impact on Italy than on virtually any other Member State, with the effects still visible a decade after. The extent of the shock was surprising in view of progress Italy had apparently made in the 1990s in terms of enhancing its capacity to meet the demands of European Monetary Union. The explanation for this traumatic economic experience lies in Italy's deep, long-term, structural tensions which were placed under severe pressure during the 1990s and which were cracked open by the 2011 sovereign debt crisis. These have had long-standing economic effects as well as political ramifications in terms of a significant change in the Italy-EU relationship.
Italian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007-2017 decade under the impact of the ... more Italian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007-2017 decade under the impact of the eurozone crisis, whose peak in 2011-2013 could be equated to the earlier watershed years of 1992-1994. The lasting impact of the upheaval in Italian politics in the early 1990s could still be felt in the decade of economic recession, but there were also new challenges prompted by a crisis that had its roots in international financial contagion and which unravelled under the shadow of both recession and austerity. The changes were of an economic, social, cultural, institutional, policy-oriented and political nature. If one central quintessentially political theme stands out by the end of this decade it is the apparent exhaustion of the quest for bipolarisation that was initiated in the early 1990s.
This Symposium brings together the academic and publishing industry in two key countries (the UK ... more This Symposium brings together the academic and publishing industry in two key countries (the UK and the US) to analyse and assess the implications of Open Access (OA) journal publishing in the social and political sciences, as well as its different formats and developments to date. With articles by three academics (all involved in academic associations) and three publishers, the Symposium represents an exchange of views that help each of the two sectors understand better the perspectives of the other. More generally, the Symposium aims to raise the visibility of OA among the academic community whose general awareness and knowledge of OAcompared with publishershas been rather limited to date.
Academic associations are a vital part of the academic community, facilitating the interaction of... more Academic associations are a vital part of the academic community, facilitating the interaction of researchers and production of knowledge, yet the impact of Open Access on their future has been too often regarded as marginal to the main discussion. Open Access presents an evident threat to those associations, which have become dependent upon a sizeable proportion of their income coming from owned journals published in conjunction with publishers. Yet, Open Access also presents opportunities, and academic associations should be bold in using a combination of their expertise, prestige and experience in publishing to ensure their futures in a newly emerging market.
ABSTRACT Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and ... more ABSTRACT Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and the volume published to mark this occasion, this article evaluates the state of the discipline today. The discipline’s late birth, small size and competition from other disciplines help to explain its incomplete institutionalisation. Yet, what is too often overlooked is a detailed analysis of the sub-fields of Italian political science, how they have changed over time and what this might signal. Using an analogous volume published 24 years earlier, an analysis of the sub-fields reveals a discipline undergoing significant change through the emergence of new sub-fields accounting for at least a quarter of Italian political science research today. This development is important because of the historical and continuing preponderance of research on Italian politics amongst Italian political scientists. It is the (curious) elephant in the room: visible and clearly shaping Italian political science but rarely mentioned; curious, because, for all this, Italian political science remains dissatisfied with its lack of ‘relevance’ to the Italian world beyond academe. The discipline’s future will likely be shaped by the possibilities of whether and how this preponderance is overcome.
As Pizzorno (1992) points out, the potential for corruption is inherent in all liberal democracie... more As Pizzorno (1992) points out, the potential for corruption is inherent in all liberal democracies because in such systems the function of political intermediation between electorate and government is largely carried out by private agents (that is, parties) using private resources and because the activity of inter-mediation is not separable from activities designed to gather the resources necessary to carry it out. But if corruption can thus arise in democracies, it is also subversive of democracies (della Porta and Vannucci, 1999a: 9), this by virtue of its tendency to undermine confidence in the application of universalistic criteria in the exercise of power and therefore, ultimately, its tendency to undermine confidence in democratic institutions themselves.
Reform of the Socialist System in Central and Eastern Europe, 1998
The demise of the communist - or, more accurately ‘real socialist’ - regimes that had controlled ... more The demise of the communist - or, more accurately ‘real socialist’ - regimes that had controlled the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) for forty-five years or more was a watershed in post-war European history and signalled the beginning of one of history’s great experiments (Eley 1992, pp. 22–3; Hobsbawm 1991, p. 115).1 The transitions underway mark an attempt to replace previously totalitarian (or, at least, by the 1980’s, authoritarian) governments, which attempted to control their economies by means of central planning, by political democracies with market economies.2 While these are far from being the first transitions from authoritarian rule, there are radical differences in the situation facing CEE countries compared with earlier transitions in Southern Europe and Latin America. Even those (such as Schmitter and Karl 1994; Karl and Schmitter 1995) who argue, in contrast to many former sovietologists (e.g. Bunce 1995), that existing theories of democratic tradition can be used to understand transitions in CEE, nonetheless recognize that there are significant differences in the tasks facing the countries of the region, especially in terms of the magnitude, scope, sequencing and speed of the reforms necessary for success. In particular, while previous transitions to democracy were characterized by a reasonably stable economic order — something consequently cited by some (e.g. Przeworski 1986) as a prerequisite for a successful democratic transition — the countries of CEE are confronted with a double transformation of polity and economy which, in its turn, has considerable implications for the development of civil society:
Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italian politics underwent in the period 198... more Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italian politics underwent in the period 1989-1994.
Despite the promise of the so-called 'Second Republic' in the early 1990s, Italy remains ... more Despite the promise of the so-called 'Second Republic' in the early 1990s, Italy remains one of Europe's least well-governed countries. Optimistic expectations were generated in the early 1990s by an apparently new generation of reformers. However, this book, analysing in depth a range of sectors of the Italian polity, uncovers little real progress. Badly needed reforms have foundered on bickering between the political parties and their leaders. Both left and right-wing coalitions have been guilty of impeding the anti-corruption revolution. Little has been done to improve the quality of public expenditure: infrastructure and education systems remain poorly performing, and years of periodic devaluation and deficit spending have left the economy structurally weakened. Italian politics suffers in particular from 'stratificazione' or 'layering': the introduction of new policies and institutions without removing those they are replacing. The result is a damaging mix of obsolete and contradictory legislation, the product of bargaining over reform by weak governments in a veto-ridden polity. The outcome - 'immobolismo' - is a system in which all parties, and democratic government itself, are steadily losing legitimacy. This book brings together a range of Italian specialists who analyse different sectors of the Italy polity and what has changed in the past decade or so
Despite the promise of the new "Second Republic" launched in the early 1990s, Italy rem... more Despite the promise of the new "Second Republic" launched in the early 1990s, Italy remains Europe's least well-governed country. Fifteen years ago, politicians on the take and mafiosi on the make were supposedly pushed aside by a new generation of reformers and crusading magistrates. However, the contributions to this Special Issue uncover little real progress. Badly needed reforms have foundered on bickering between the political parties and their ego-centric leaders. Both left and right-wing coalitions have been guilty of impending the anti-corruption revolution. Little has been done to improve the quality of public expenditure: infrastructure and education systems remain shambolic, and decades of periodic devaluation and deficit spending have left the economy structurally weakened. Italy's politicians are not just masters of trasformismo (the blurring of the distinction between government and opposition) but of stratificazione ("layering", the introduction of new policies and institutions without replacing those that preceded them). The result is a damaging mix of obsolete and contradictory legislation, the product of bargaining over reform by chronically weak governments in a veto-ridden polity. The outcome - immobolismo - is a system in which all parties, and democratic government itself, are steadily losing legitimacy
Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and the volum... more Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and the volume published to mark this event (Pasquino et al 2103), this article evaluates the state of the discipline today. The discipline’s late birth, small size and competition from other disciplines helps to explain its incomplete institutionalization. Yet, what is too often overlooked is any detailed analysis of the sub-fields of Italian political science, how they have changed over time and what this might signal. Using an analogous volume published 24 years earlier (Morlino 1989), an analysis of the sub-fields reveals a discipline undergoing significant change through the emergence of new sub-fields accounting for approximately at least a quarter of Italian political science research today. This development is important because of the historical and continuing preponderance of research on Italian politics amongst Italian political scientists today. It is the (curious) elephant in the room: visible and clearly shaping Italian political science but rarely mentioned; curious, because, for all this, Italian political science remains dissatisfied with its lack of ‘relevance’ to the Italian world beyond academe. The discipline’s future will likely be shaped by whether and how this preponderance is overcome.
Until the early 1990s, the Italian political system was regarded as anomalous among advanced demo... more Until the early 1990s, the Italian political system was regarded as anomalous among advanced democracies because of its failure to achieve alternation in government. Since then, that problem has been overcome, but Italy has been popularly viewed as continuing to be different to other democracies because it is ‘in transition’ between regimes. However, this position itself is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain because of the length of time of this so-called transition. Rather than focus on what is rather an abstract debate, it may be more fruitful to analyse what, in substance, is distinctive about Italian politics in this period: the manner in which a debate over fundamental institutional (including electoral) reform has become entangled in day-to-day politics. This can best be exemplified through an analysis of two key electoral consultations held in 2006: the national elections and the referendum on radically revising the Italian Constitution.
Published by Palgrave Macmillan since 2005, EPS: European Political Science is a journal of the E... more Published by Palgrave Macmillan since 2005, EPS: European Political Science is a journal of the European Consortium for Political Research. European Political Science (EPS) is an international journal devoted to publishing contributions by and for the political science community ...
Martin Bull and James Newell assess the second Italian election, under the new quasi‐majoritarian... more Martin Bull and James Newell assess the second Italian election, under the new quasi‐majoritarian ‘mixed member’ system, and its historic significance.
This article argues that the 1990s have witnessed a sea change in the study of political corrupti... more This article argues that the 1990s have witnessed a sea change in the study of political corruption, especially in political science. It explores the reasons for the relative neglect of corruption by political science in the past, and suggests that a process is underway whereby the study of corruption is becoming more integrated into the mainstream of the discipline. It explores the paradox of the co-existence of unresolved disputes about the definition of corruption with a consensus on the severity of the problem, suggesting that corruption remains a worthwhile object of investigation. Finally, it summarises how the contributions to this special issue light possible new avenues in the study of the phenomenon.
The authors find that four defects of Italian politics attributed to the old electoral system hav... more The authors find that four defects of Italian politics attributed to the old electoral system have not been remedied by the two‐vote system.
This article evaluates the impact of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe on the West Euro... more This article evaluates the impact of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe on the West European communist movement. The state of the movement before 1989 is examined, followed by an analysis of the different trajectories of the parties after the revolutions and an assessment of their future prospects. It is argued that the momentous changes of 1989 have witnessed the passing of the West European communist tradition and that, while some communist parties live on, it is no longer fruitful to regard them and the ex‐communist parties as one ‘family’ or to study them under a common framework.
Page 1. The Italian Referenda of April 1993: Real Change at Last? JAMES L. NEWELL and MARTIN J. B... more Page 1. The Italian Referenda of April 1993: Real Change at Last? JAMES L. NEWELL and MARTIN J. BULL On 18 April 1993 the widest popular consultation in postwar Italy took place when voters were asked to express their ...
The fundamental reason for corporatism's persistence in political science debates is its failure ... more The fundamental reason for corporatism's persistence in political science debates is its failure to respond to the demands of political theory and present a convincing idealtype to capture the relationship between interest groups and the state. Corporatist writers have misused ideal-typea and the most refined example to date of the corporatist ideal-type (Cawson's) is structurally flawed. There arc more profound problems than this, however, in the construction of a corporatist ideal-type because of the nature of the dynamics at the heart of the corporatist process: political exchange.
This article attempts to explain why the largest and most successful communist party in the West ... more This article attempts to explain why the largest and most successful communist party in the West (the Italian Communist Party) has been the first to dissolve itself under the apparent impact of the revolutions in Eastern Europe. It does so by utilising and comparing four possible approaches to the study of West European Communist parties: ideological, electoral, strategic and ‘internal‐external’
A NEW ERA FOR THE NON-RULERS TOO: 'WEST EUROPEAN COMMUNIST PARTIES, P E R E S T R O I . AND THE R... more A NEW ERA FOR THE NON-RULERS TOO: 'WEST EUROPEAN COMMUNIST PARTIES, P E R E S T R O I . AND THE REVOLUTION IN EASTERN EUROPE M4RTLN J BULL THE DEGREE of attention focused on the collapse of communist regimes in
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 1990
ABSTRACT When Achille Occhetto became general secretary of the PCI in the summer of 1988 he inher... more ABSTRACT When Achille Occhetto became general secretary of the PCI in the summer of 1988 he inherited a party that was politically isolated at the national level and declining both electorally and organizationally. Occhetto embarked upon a programme of political, ideological and organizational renewal (the so‐called ‘new course’) which sought to reverse the decline and transform the PCI into a party of government. The upheavals in the communist regimes of Eastern Europe accelerated the process of party reform, culminating in the decision of the nineteenth congress (March 1990) to dissolve the PCI and create a new democratic socialist force.
Uploads
Papers by Martin J Bull