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Belinda Davis

Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, History, Faculty Member

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Belinda Davis is author or co-editor of six books and over 50 articles and book chapters, on themes including popular politics and social movements; conceptions of democracy and how change takes place; gender; history of everyday life; oral history, memory, and emotion; urban history; transnational history; policing, violence, and terror; and consumption.
Address: Dept. of History
16 Seminary Pl.
Rutgers University
New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1108

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François Soyer

University of New England - Australia

Alejandra B Osorio

Wellesley College

Maria Cristina La Rocca

Università degli Studi di Padova

University of Florida

University of California, Riverside

ISCTE - University Institute of Lisbon (ISCTE-IUL)

University of Antwerp

Fabien Montcher

Saint Louis University

Herbert S Klein

Columbia University

José Manuel Santos

University of Salamanca

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Books by Belinda Davis

"CURRICULUM FOR DISOBEDIENCE: Raising Children to Transform Adults"

by Belinda Davis and Peter Appelbaum

Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, 2013

We base our discussion of the movement primarily on the selfrepresentations of the adults who cre... more We base our discussion of the movement primarily on the selfrepresentations of the adults who created and ran "Kinderläden" (pl. of Kinderladen), and these adults' own critical analyses of their efforts, beginning in the late 1960s in West Berlin and West Germany. These sources include contemporary, ongoing, and retrospective interchanges among the adults and sometimes the children who created these collectives, concerning day-today experiences, processes of decisionmaking, and perceived successes and failures. They include philosophical reflections on the relationship between child-rearing and radical social change. Children's voices appear largely mediated through adults in the collective. The focus here is on what the adults thought they were doing and how well they thought they were doing it over time.

What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe

The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only... more The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only concerning contemporary Europe, but also regarding the nature of politics and political change more broadly, and pertaining to the historian's practice as well. Collectively, this body of work advances an alternative political history of postwar and Cold War Europe, demonstrating that there were regular and connected manifestations of political expression all across the continent and beyond, occurring outside formal channels and involving broad populations. In offering a fresh look at the sources of transformation in latetwentieth-century European political cultures, and at how many Europeans imagined and in turn produced "European values," such works generally demand that longer-term processes and singular events be understood through broad human experience, perception, communications, memory, and agency. Read together, these studies offer significant perspectives on the nature of politics, and of political change, useful beyond the subject of contemporary Europe. Indeed, although it is most often implicit in the work, this historiography poses challenges to the utility of basic modernist political terminology. It reveals at the same time how difficult it can be to write outside these conventional frameworks and attendant vocabularies, or to work through the implications of terms such as "revolution" and the notion of a political "left" and "right." Finally, many among this first wave of historians of contemporary popular politics in Europe write both as critical scholars and as invested contemporaries. Their works demonstrate the rewards of such efforts, and also expose impediments to this task. Altogether, through their shortcomings as well as their considerable achievements, the ambitious early studies of this historical literature provide wide-ranging and important lessons. The year 1945 brought the military defeat of Nazism and fascism in Europe; 1953 saw the death of Joseph Stalin, whose methods were then denounced by Nikita Khrushchev three years later. In this same period, the developing Cold War divided the continent, not least between two models of politics and governance. How satisfactorily do such events and processes explain the materialization of particular Deep thanks for generous comments to Rutgers colleagues

"Transnation/Transculture: Gender and Politicization in and out of the BRD, 1950s-1970s"

Gender in Trans-it: Transkulturelle und Transnationale Perspektiven/Transcultural and Transnational Perspectives (Basel: Chronos, 2009), 2009

“Experience, Identity, and Memory: The Legacy of World War I,” review article

Journal of Modern History, 2003

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears... more Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

“From Starbuck to Starbucks, or, Terror: what's in a Name?”

Radical History Review , 2002

Young man holds placard, chants "Free Fries!" Second young man enthusiastically offers to join in... more

“’Women’s Strength Against Their Crazy Male Power’. Gendered Language in the West German Peace Movement of the 1980s"

Frieden - Gewalt - Geschlecht. Friedens- und Konfliktforschung als Geschlechterforschung, 2005

Transnation Transculture

Personal is Political

What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe

The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only... more The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only concerning contemporary Europe, but also regarding the nature of politics and political change more broadly, and pertaining to the historian's practice as well. Collectively, this body of work advances an alternative political history of postwar and Cold War Europe, demonstrating that there were regular and connected manifestations of political expression all across the continent and beyond, occurring outside formal channels and involving broad populations. In offering a fresh look at the sources of transformation in latetwentieth-century European political cultures, and at how many Europeans imagined and in turn produced "European values," such works generally demand that longer-term processes and singular events be understood through broad human experience, perception, communications, memory, and agency. Read together, these studies offer significant perspectives on the nature of politics, and of political change, useful beyond the subject of contemporary Europe. Indeed, although it is most often implicit in the work, this historiography poses challenges to the utility of basic modernist political terminology. It reveals at the same time how difficult it can be to write outside these conventional frameworks and attendant vocabularies, or to work through the implications of terms such as "revolution" and the notion of a political "left" and "right." Finally, many among this first wave of historians of contemporary popular politics in Europe write both as critical scholars and as invested contemporaries. Their works demonstrate the rewards of such efforts, and also expose impediments to this task. Altogether, through their shortcomings as well as their considerable achievements, the ambitious early studies of this historical literature provide wide-ranging and important lessons. The year 1945 brought the military defeat of Nazism and fascism in Europe; 1953 saw the death of Joseph Stalin, whose methods were then denounced by Nikita Khrushchev three years later. In this same period, the developing Cold War divided the continent, not least between two models of politics and governance. How satisfactorily do such events and processes explain the materialization of particular Deep thanks for generous comments to Rutgers colleagues

Culture of Conflict in Berlin

Civil Society in a New Key

Provokation als Emanzipation

Two Lives in Uncertain Times: Facing the Challenges ofthe 20th Century as Scholars and Citizens

Nonsense! The FRG was not and is not fascistic! We can even give interviews-very nice! The '68' e... more Nonsense! The FRG was not and is not fascistic! We can even give interviews-very nice! The '68' era r~mains close to the surface of public memory: it has given way to a virtual explosion of scholarly and popular treatment. Some Germans have noted cynically how '68 has now become a third modern German past that, following on the transcendence of the Nazi and communist pasts, must be overcome. 2 The melding of these three pasts, and the raising of one through the other, follows consistently on contemporary practices within '68, a shorthand for the era from about 1965 through 1977. During that period, Germans of all political stripes regularly instrumentalized the" notion of "fascism" and the need to overcome it as a means.to understand and!or demonize contemporary political opponents. 3 This does not mean that such discussions were completely without substance. 4 In their bid for what they conceived as a better future for Germany, adherents of the New Left actively debated the presence of the Nazi past in the Federal Republic, above all in the intensification of state-authorized physical violence throughout this era and in the perceived ongoing corruption of the public sphere. Yet contemporary activists who cast the "charge of fascism" (Faschismusvorwur/J at elements ofWest German state and society acknowledged that through various means it was this same society that had provoked their questioning and challenging nature. Moreover, the "public sphere(s)" created by New Left protestors themselves, through public acts, demonstrations, speeches, new forms of public assembly and action, and literally thousands of newspapers and journals,. provided an imposing monument to serious public speech and argument-and Notes for this chapter begin on page 230.

The City as Theater of Protest

Si nce its explosive growth at the turn of the twentieth century, Berlin has both shared many cha... more Si nce its explosive growth at the turn of the twentieth century, Berlin has both shared many characteristics with other German, European, and "world cities" (Weltstä dte) and boasted many unique associations. The latter was all the more the case for the two "half-cities" in the post-World War II Germanies, each side representing the last, best bulwark, physical and ideological, against incursions from the Cold War enemy. West Berlin in particular captured the popular imagination of millions, in West Germany and elsewhere, though its formal geopolitical status was entirely anomalous, and though its residents suffered the effects of its peculiar "island" existence, all the more once East German authorities erected the Wall in August 1961. "Front City Berlin" or "Cold War Island Berlin" represented for many young West Germans and others a potential beacon of freedom and democracy-in sharp contrast to its actual circumstances, "hard" in many senses. Though not a capital like Paris or Tokyo, West Berlin shared with those cities the symbolism of a powerful modernity-and postmodernity-and the characteristics of the "new urbanism," with its "electrifying atmosphere." 1 But, beyond this, it represented an especial mutability; indeed, it was largely the imposition of fantasy that made the gray, hardscrabble city seem alive. The physical space of the city was in the postwar era a kaleidoscope of enduring (if competing) symbolisms and open signifiers. From the early 1960s through the early 1980s particularly, protestors drew on that space in its complexity to inform particular forms of activism. Further, activists mapped characteristics and qualities of themselves onto the city's surfaces, and adopted the same in turn from the city. Politics made the space; activists "made" West Berlin; West Berlin in turn made the activists. 2 Its peculiar uprooting from established meanings made it a site particularly accommodating of activists' fantasies.

Redefi ning the Political The Gender of Activism in Grassroots Movements of the 1960s to 1980s

What was the West German women's movement, and how should we position it relative to the larger e... more What was the West German women's movement, and how should we position it relative to the larger extraparliamentary and alternative political movement? Was it defi ned by the fi erce-and partially successfuldemand for reproductive choice that coalesced in the early 1970s? Does its essence lie in women's frustration with men's dominating habits in the "student movement" of the late 1960s? Was it about the pragmatic need for childcare? Is it best represented by separatist groupings of the 1970s: women's centers, "self-discovery" groups, lesbian living communities, even the constitution of lives lived entirely among women only? By readers of feminist magazines Emma, or Courage? All of these constitute pieces of the movement but only limited parts thereof. Moreover, for all its concrete, specifi c achievements for women-indeed because of its larger achievements-"the" West German women's movement is deserving of attention too for its signifi cant role in the broader contemporary extraparliamentary opposition (Außerparlamentarische Opposition, APO). Like that umbrella movement, in turn, the women's movement is worth thinking about as a process taking place over the course of many years, across a great breadth of experience, and through a wide diversity of action. This chapter argues that the West German women's movement-and its antecedents in actions prior to this designation from 1968-were deeply entangled with the APO from the early 1960s to the early 1980s. This entangled character is critical to understanding the women's movement, its infl uences, and its impact. The idea that the women's movement arose out of, and in part in protest against, the student movement and broader APO is hardly new. Likewise, there has been attention to the importance of the women's movement within the sphere of alternative politics in the 1970s. This chapter highlights the entanglements and examines their par

German History 1977 Forum July 2007

Davis: There was a genuine sense of terror, or at least of widespread anxiety, across a broad pop... more Davis: There was a genuine sense of terror, or at least of widespread anxiety, across a broad population of West Germans. But the terror's sources and in turn the population on which it had its greatest detrimental impact might be characterized somewhat differently than it often is. Those activists who carried out active, offensive physical violence-or even threatened it in any immediate sense-counted among the tiniest number of individuals. And the acts of the RAF and other militant groups were hardly random in their targets, all the less so in their deadly force; not even they suggested otherwise in their bid to create insecurity. Nor did they have the ability to create widespread terror on their own. For various purposes, officials at all levels as well as certain segments of the press created terrorists out of these few individuals, and, in so doing, very effectively created terror. It was largely the yellow press, and, to some degree, the press more broadly, that created a generalized insecurity-and thereby gave officials (and vigilantes) licence to pursue not only suspected individuals but also a far broader population. This was not only (over)reaction, but a succession of active, offensive steps. Numerous officials sought to put an end to protest that threatened a strict sense of public order and pushed the limits of a very narrow view of public discourse. This in turn begs the question of the objects of this terror. Whether or not the 'average' West German who was not engaged in leftist political protest felt threatened by possible physical and other forms of violence, certainly many of those who did participate in some form of such activity, or associated with those who did-altogether a notably broad swathe of the population-felt occasionally or regularly under siege. Many former protestors recall learning how to avoid the worst confrontations with police-at least the ones they could anticipate. But others speak to just how easy it could be to wake up at the wrong end of a police pistol, and, of course, this is the definition of terror. Such official activity was highly successful: the blossoming alternative culture and movement scene notwithstanding, great 404 Forum

A BRIEF COSMOGENY OF THE WEST GERMAN GREEN PARTY

Today's German Green Party looks much like its parliamentary counterparts. However, the long-term... more Today's German Green Party looks much like its parliamentary counterparts. However, the long-term political experience of activists who founded the party informed flexible and open political thinking and structure, and raised questions about the nature of deep social change that are worth returning to. The Green Party in its current form is not the only possible relevant and practical manifestation of this thinking. This piece briefly traces an evolution of political thought before the emergence of the Green Party through the case of one former activist.

Changing the World, Changing Oneself: Political Protest and Collective Identities in West Germany and the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s

Alltag, Erfahrung, Eigensinn: Historisch-anthropologische Erkundungen

"CURRICULUM FOR DISOBEDIENCE: Raising Children to Transform Adults"

by Belinda Davis and Peter Appelbaum

Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, 2013

We base our discussion of the movement primarily on the selfrepresentations of the adults who cre... more We base our discussion of the movement primarily on the selfrepresentations of the adults who created and ran "Kinderläden" (pl. of Kinderladen), and these adults' own critical analyses of their efforts, beginning in the late 1960s in West Berlin and West Germany. These sources include contemporary, ongoing, and retrospective interchanges among the adults and sometimes the children who created these collectives, concerning day-today experiences, processes of decisionmaking, and perceived successes and failures. They include philosophical reflections on the relationship between child-rearing and radical social change. Children's voices appear largely mediated through adults in the collective. The focus here is on what the adults thought they were doing and how well they thought they were doing it over time.

What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe

The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only... more The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only concerning contemporary Europe, but also regarding the nature of politics and political change more broadly, and pertaining to the historian's practice as well. Collectively, this body of work advances an alternative political history of postwar and Cold War Europe, demonstrating that there were regular and connected manifestations of political expression all across the continent and beyond, occurring outside formal channels and involving broad populations. In offering a fresh look at the sources of transformation in latetwentieth-century European political cultures, and at how many Europeans imagined and in turn produced "European values," such works generally demand that longer-term processes and singular events be understood through broad human experience, perception, communications, memory, and agency. Read together, these studies offer significant perspectives on the nature of politics, and of political change, useful beyond the subject of contemporary Europe. Indeed, although it is most often implicit in the work, this historiography poses challenges to the utility of basic modernist political terminology. It reveals at the same time how difficult it can be to write outside these conventional frameworks and attendant vocabularies, or to work through the implications of terms such as "revolution" and the notion of a political "left" and "right." Finally, many among this first wave of historians of contemporary popular politics in Europe write both as critical scholars and as invested contemporaries. Their works demonstrate the rewards of such efforts, and also expose impediments to this task. Altogether, through their shortcomings as well as their considerable achievements, the ambitious early studies of this historical literature provide wide-ranging and important lessons. The year 1945 brought the military defeat of Nazism and fascism in Europe; 1953 saw the death of Joseph Stalin, whose methods were then denounced by Nikita Khrushchev three years later. In this same period, the developing Cold War divided the continent, not least between two models of politics and governance. How satisfactorily do such events and processes explain the materialization of particular Deep thanks for generous comments to Rutgers colleagues

"Transnation/Transculture: Gender and Politicization in and out of the BRD, 1950s-1970s"

Gender in Trans-it: Transkulturelle und Transnationale Perspektiven/Transcultural and Transnational Perspectives (Basel: Chronos, 2009), 2009

“Experience, Identity, and Memory: The Legacy of World War I,” review article

Journal of Modern History, 2003

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears... more Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

“From Starbuck to Starbucks, or, Terror: what's in a Name?”

Radical History Review , 2002

Young man holds placard, chants "Free Fries!" Second young man enthusiastically offers to join in... more

“’Women’s Strength Against Their Crazy Male Power’. Gendered Language in the West German Peace Movement of the 1980s"

Frieden - Gewalt - Geschlecht. Friedens- und Konfliktforschung als Geschlechterforschung, 2005

Transnation Transculture

Personal is Political

What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe

The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only... more The first gush of a flood of research in progress, these publications offer new insights not only concerning contemporary Europe, but also regarding the nature of politics and political change more broadly, and pertaining to the historian's practice as well. Collectively, this body of work advances an alternative political history of postwar and Cold War Europe, demonstrating that there were regular and connected manifestations of political expression all across the continent and beyond, occurring outside formal channels and involving broad populations. In offering a fresh look at the sources of transformation in latetwentieth-century European political cultures, and at how many Europeans imagined and in turn produced "European values," such works generally demand that longer-term processes and singular events be understood through broad human experience, perception, communications, memory, and agency. Read together, these studies offer significant perspectives on the nature of politics, and of political change, useful beyond the subject of contemporary Europe. Indeed, although it is most often implicit in the work, this historiography poses challenges to the utility of basic modernist political terminology. It reveals at the same time how difficult it can be to write outside these conventional frameworks and attendant vocabularies, or to work through the implications of terms such as "revolution" and the notion of a political "left" and "right." Finally, many among this first wave of historians of contemporary popular politics in Europe write both as critical scholars and as invested contemporaries. Their works demonstrate the rewards of such efforts, and also expose impediments to this task. Altogether, through their shortcomings as well as their considerable achievements, the ambitious early studies of this historical literature provide wide-ranging and important lessons. The year 1945 brought the military defeat of Nazism and fascism in Europe; 1953 saw the death of Joseph Stalin, whose methods were then denounced by Nikita Khrushchev three years later. In this same period, the developing Cold War divided the continent, not least between two models of politics and governance. How satisfactorily do such events and processes explain the materialization of particular Deep thanks for generous comments to Rutgers colleagues

Culture of Conflict in Berlin

Civil Society in a New Key

Provokation als Emanzipation

Two Lives in Uncertain Times: Facing the Challenges ofthe 20th Century as Scholars and Citizens

Nonsense! The FRG was not and is not fascistic! We can even give interviews-very nice! The '68' e... more Nonsense! The FRG was not and is not fascistic! We can even give interviews-very nice! The '68' era r~mains close to the surface of public memory: it has given way to a virtual explosion of scholarly and popular treatment. Some Germans have noted cynically how '68 has now become a third modern German past that, following on the transcendence of the Nazi and communist pasts, must be overcome. 2 The melding of these three pasts, and the raising of one through the other, follows consistently on contemporary practices within '68, a shorthand for the era from about 1965 through 1977. During that period, Germans of all political stripes regularly instrumentalized the" notion of "fascism" and the need to overcome it as a means.to understand and!or demonize contemporary political opponents. 3 This does not mean that such discussions were completely without substance. 4 In their bid for what they conceived as a better future for Germany, adherents of the New Left actively debated the presence of the Nazi past in the Federal Republic, above all in the intensification of state-authorized physical violence throughout this era and in the perceived ongoing corruption of the public sphere. Yet contemporary activists who cast the "charge of fascism" (Faschismusvorwur/J at elements ofWest German state and society acknowledged that through various means it was this same society that had provoked their questioning and challenging nature. Moreover, the "public sphere(s)" created by New Left protestors themselves, through public acts, demonstrations, speeches, new forms of public assembly and action, and literally thousands of newspapers and journals,. provided an imposing monument to serious public speech and argument-and Notes for this chapter begin on page 230.

The City as Theater of Protest

Si nce its explosive growth at the turn of the twentieth century, Berlin has both shared many cha... more Si nce its explosive growth at the turn of the twentieth century, Berlin has both shared many characteristics with other German, European, and "world cities" (Weltstä dte) and boasted many unique associations. The latter was all the more the case for the two "half-cities" in the post-World War II Germanies, each side representing the last, best bulwark, physical and ideological, against incursions from the Cold War enemy. West Berlin in particular captured the popular imagination of millions, in West Germany and elsewhere, though its formal geopolitical status was entirely anomalous, and though its residents suffered the effects of its peculiar "island" existence, all the more once East German authorities erected the Wall in August 1961. "Front City Berlin" or "Cold War Island Berlin" represented for many young West Germans and others a potential beacon of freedom and democracy-in sharp contrast to its actual circumstances, "hard" in many senses. Though not a capital like Paris or Tokyo, West Berlin shared with those cities the symbolism of a powerful modernity-and postmodernity-and the characteristics of the "new urbanism," with its "electrifying atmosphere." 1 But, beyond this, it represented an especial mutability; indeed, it was largely the imposition of fantasy that made the gray, hardscrabble city seem alive. The physical space of the city was in the postwar era a kaleidoscope of enduring (if competing) symbolisms and open signifiers. From the early 1960s through the early 1980s particularly, protestors drew on that space in its complexity to inform particular forms of activism. Further, activists mapped characteristics and qualities of themselves onto the city's surfaces, and adopted the same in turn from the city. Politics made the space; activists "made" West Berlin; West Berlin in turn made the activists. 2 Its peculiar uprooting from established meanings made it a site particularly accommodating of activists' fantasies.

Redefi ning the Political The Gender of Activism in Grassroots Movements of the 1960s to 1980s

What was the West German women's movement, and how should we position it relative to the larger e... more What was the West German women's movement, and how should we position it relative to the larger extraparliamentary and alternative political movement? Was it defi ned by the fi erce-and partially successfuldemand for reproductive choice that coalesced in the early 1970s? Does its essence lie in women's frustration with men's dominating habits in the "student movement" of the late 1960s? Was it about the pragmatic need for childcare? Is it best represented by separatist groupings of the 1970s: women's centers, "self-discovery" groups, lesbian living communities, even the constitution of lives lived entirely among women only? By readers of feminist magazines Emma, or Courage? All of these constitute pieces of the movement but only limited parts thereof. Moreover, for all its concrete, specifi c achievements for women-indeed because of its larger achievements-"the" West German women's movement is deserving of attention too for its signifi cant role in the broader contemporary extraparliamentary opposition (Außerparlamentarische Opposition, APO). Like that umbrella movement, in turn, the women's movement is worth thinking about as a process taking place over the course of many years, across a great breadth of experience, and through a wide diversity of action. This chapter argues that the West German women's movement-and its antecedents in actions prior to this designation from 1968-were deeply entangled with the APO from the early 1960s to the early 1980s. This entangled character is critical to understanding the women's movement, its infl uences, and its impact. The idea that the women's movement arose out of, and in part in protest against, the student movement and broader APO is hardly new. Likewise, there has been attention to the importance of the women's movement within the sphere of alternative politics in the 1970s. This chapter highlights the entanglements and examines their par

German History 1977 Forum July 2007

Davis: There was a genuine sense of terror, or at least of widespread anxiety, across a broad pop... more Davis: There was a genuine sense of terror, or at least of widespread anxiety, across a broad population of West Germans. But the terror's sources and in turn the population on which it had its greatest detrimental impact might be characterized somewhat differently than it often is. Those activists who carried out active, offensive physical violence-or even threatened it in any immediate sense-counted among the tiniest number of individuals. And the acts of the RAF and other militant groups were hardly random in their targets, all the less so in their deadly force; not even they suggested otherwise in their bid to create insecurity. Nor did they have the ability to create widespread terror on their own. For various purposes, officials at all levels as well as certain segments of the press created terrorists out of these few individuals, and, in so doing, very effectively created terror. It was largely the yellow press, and, to some degree, the press more broadly, that created a generalized insecurity-and thereby gave officials (and vigilantes) licence to pursue not only suspected individuals but also a far broader population. This was not only (over)reaction, but a succession of active, offensive steps. Numerous officials sought to put an end to protest that threatened a strict sense of public order and pushed the limits of a very narrow view of public discourse. This in turn begs the question of the objects of this terror. Whether or not the 'average' West German who was not engaged in leftist political protest felt threatened by possible physical and other forms of violence, certainly many of those who did participate in some form of such activity, or associated with those who did-altogether a notably broad swathe of the population-felt occasionally or regularly under siege. Many former protestors recall learning how to avoid the worst confrontations with police-at least the ones they could anticipate. But others speak to just how easy it could be to wake up at the wrong end of a police pistol, and, of course, this is the definition of terror. Such official activity was highly successful: the blossoming alternative culture and movement scene notwithstanding, great 404 Forum

A BRIEF COSMOGENY OF THE WEST GERMAN GREEN PARTY

Today's German Green Party looks much like its parliamentary counterparts. However, the long-term... more Today's German Green Party looks much like its parliamentary counterparts. However, the long-term political experience of activists who founded the party informed flexible and open political thinking and structure, and raised questions about the nature of deep social change that are worth returning to. The Green Party in its current form is not the only possible relevant and practical manifestation of this thinking. This piece briefly traces an evolution of political thought before the emergence of the Green Party through the case of one former activist.

Changing the World, Changing Oneself: Political Protest and Collective Identities in West Germany and the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s

Alltag, Erfahrung, Eigensinn: Historisch-anthropologische Erkundungen

CHAPTER 7 The City as Theater of Protest: West Berlin and West Germany, 1962-1983

The Spaces of the Modern City

Tyrinėjimų erdvė suteikia daug galimybių skatinti vaikų patirtį. Vaikų žodynas plečiamas, kai kal... more Tyrinėjimų erdvė suteikia daug galimybių skatinti vaikų patirtį. Vaikų žodynas plečiamas, kai kalbama apie jų tyrinėjimus. Pasinaudojame kiekviena proga supažindinti su naujais žodžiais, kai vaikas liečia, uosto, skanauja, stebi gyvus ir negyvus daiktus. Skatiname vaikus pasakoti apie tai, ką jie daro. Su rašto samprata vaikai susipažįsta, fiksuodami tyrinėjimų rezultatus. Ieškodami informacijos knygose, pradeda suprasti teksto reikšmę, suvokti skaitymą kaip malonumą. Skaičiuojant tyrinėjamus objektus, gamtinę medžiagą, skatinamas skaitmenų suvokimas, kiekio lyginimas, atliekant vienokį ar kitokį veiksmą (padidinant ar sumažinant). Matavimo įgūdžiai lavinami, naudojantis įvairiomis tūrio, kiekio, atstumo matavimo priemonėmis. Vaikų supratimas apie gyvąją gamtą, kuo ji skiriasi nuo negyvosios, ugdomas, atnešus į tyrinėjimų erdvę augalų ir gyvūnėlių. (Trister Dodge, Colker, Heroman 2007). Pažinimo kompetencija-tai vaiko domėjimasis viskuo, kas yra aplink, gebėjimas sutelkti dėmesį, suvokti, įsiminti, samprotauti, spręsti problemas, kritiškai mąstyti; gebėjimas taikyti įvairius pasaulio pažinimo būdus: stebėjimą, klausinėjimą, eksperimentavimą, informacijos ieškojimą (Ikimokyklinio ugdymo programa, 2016). Vaikai įgyja žinių apie supančią aplinką, gyvąją ir negyvąją gamtą, mokosi su ja sąveikauti. Gamta lengvai neatskleidžia paslapčių, perprasti jos elgesį sudėtinga, ji neatsako į klausimą ,,kodėl?" Reikia sumanumo, kad galėtum su ja pasikalbėti. Pokalbio su gamta rezultatas-stebėjimų ir matavimų duomenys. Ką juose įžvelgs jaunieji tyrėjai, priklauso nuo mokėjimo analizuoti duomenis. Jei esate jaunųjų tyrėjų vadovas, jums labai pasisekė-nenustebkite, jei sulauksite kritikos ir pastabų, sužinosite daug naujo ne tik apie tyrimus, bet ir apie save. Darbas su jaunaisiais tyrėjais yra vienas įdomiausių užsiėmimų, kokį dar galima sugalvoti. Tik nereiktų pamiršti, kad jaunoji karta turi būti rengiama profesijoms, kurių dar nėra ir kūrybiškai spręsti problemas, kurios dar neiškilo (Jaunojo tyrėjo vadovas A 2007-2013). ,,Interneto amžiaus" vaikų savitumas Sparčiai keičiantis visuomenei bei technologijoms kinta ir požiūris į vaiką, jo ugdymą bei ugdymąsi ikimokyklinio ugdymo įstaigose. Šiandien vaikai, jų poreikiai

Europe is a Peaceful Woman, America is a War-Mongering Man? The 1980S Peace Movement in Nato-Allied Europe 1

Europäische Geschlechtergeschichte in Quellen und Essays, 2018

What S in a Revolution 68 and Its Aftermath in West Germany

Global 1968: Cultural Revolutions in Europe and Latin America, 2021

The City as Theater of Protest

The Spaces of the Modern City, 2021

Disappointment and the Emotion of Historical Law and Change

Hoffen - Scheitern - Weiterleben, 2020

‘A Serious Concern of U.S. Foreign Policy’: The West German Student Movement and the Western Alliance

The Gender of War and Peace: Rhetoric in the West German Peace Movement of the Early 1980s

Moving the Social, 2004

This article attempts to trace some of the gendered sources in drawing great numbers of feminists... more This article attempts to trace some of the gendered sources in drawing great numbers of feminists alongside other groups of West Germans into the unprecedentedly large peace movement of the early 1980s. It examines some of the tensions and paradoxes of these sources, including concerning the relation between "everyday violence" and war, and regarding the relation between "feminine" characteristics and pacifism, and whether these characteristics could apply to both men and women. Finally the piece looks at the ways in which a gendered rhetoric became mapped onto the question of "rearmament alongside disarmament" in a fashion simultaneously extremely effective and potentially problematic, in setting up more and less useful visions of "self' (as "women" and as "West Germans") and "other," and the relationship between them.

Katharina Karcher. Sisters in Arms: Militant Feminisms in the Federal Republic of Germany since 1968

The American Historical Review, 2019

Book Review:Strabenpolitik: Zur Sozialgeschichte der Offentlichen Ordnung in Berlin 1900 bis 1914. Thomas Lindenberger, Dieter Dowe, Michael Schneider

J Mod Hist, 1997

Changing the World, Changing Oneself: Political Protest and Collective Identities in West Germany and the US in the 1960s and 1970s - Edited by Belinda Davis, Wilfried Mausbach, Martin Klimke and Carla MacDougall

Political Studies Review, 2012

... Power and Resistance 8. Transformation by Subversion? ... in its program of prestigious inter... more ... Power and Resistance 8. Transformation by Subversion? ... in its program of prestigious international symposiums, thus admitting us to its splendid Art Deco villa ... Trans-cultural Relations and PoliticalProtest in Germany and the US, 1958-1977&amp;amp;amp;quot; enjoyed munificent funding from ...

New leftists and West Germany: fascism, violence, and the public sphere, 19671974

Coping with the Nazi Past: …, 2006

Recently, Farhi, Goldstone, and Gutmann gave a quantum algorithm for evaluating nand trees that r... more Recently, Farhi, Goldstone, and Gutmann gave a quantum algorithm for evaluating nand trees that runs in time O(√ N log N) in the Hamiltonian query model. In this note, we point out that their algorithm can be converted into an algorithm using O(N 1/2+ǫ) queries in the conventional quantum query model, for any fixed ǫ > 0.

Women's Strength Against Their Crazy Male Power: Gendered Language in the West German Peace Movement of the 1980s

… -Geschlecht: Friedens-und …, 2005

What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe

The American Historical Review, 2008

... were motivated in part by Christian religious identities.34 Organized Catholicism provided an... more ... were motivated in part by Christian religious identities.34 Organized Catholicism provided an unexpectedly encouraging early source for the women&amp;amp;#x27;s movement in Italy, for example, through Catholic women&amp;amp;#x27;s organizations and Catholic universities; this, Roberta Fossati argues ...

Kennedy in Berlin: Politik, Kultur und Emotionen im Kalten Krieg

Belinda Davis, Review of Andreas W. Daum: Kennedy in Berlin. Politik, Kultur und Emotionen im Kal... more

What’s in a Revolution?

Global 1968, 2021

Representing Berlin: Sexuality and the City in Imperial and Weimar Germany (2003)

Sean Dobson, Authority and Upheaval in Liepzig, 1910-1920: The Story of a Relationship. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. xvi+ 352 pp. $50.00 cloth

International Labor and Working-Class History, 2002

... to producing opium and cotton, at a time when world cotton prices were bound to fall. ... the... more

Disappointment and the Emotion of Historical Law and Change

Hoffnung – Scheitern – Weiterleben, 2021

Early on in Helma Sanders-Brahm's 1975 film "Unter dem Pflaster ist der Strand", the protagonist ... more Early on in Helma Sanders-Brahm's 1975 film "Unter dem Pflaster ist der Strand", the protagonist Grischa muses to her new lover Heinrich that she would like to see more of a merging between her "professional and private life" 1. This leads to a more general discussion about pursuing change, for oneself and more broadly. Heinrich, recalling the "revolutionary feeling" of a few years earlier, mourns the loss of his sense then that change was to be imminent, quick, and total. "Of course", Grischa answers: what Heinrich describes "is a utopia". The lesson she drew from the earlier period, conversely, was to keep at her efforts, using past disappointments to rethink how to produce change. But Heinrich seems to find the sense disabling: now he spends his evenings in a bar, or returns home alone, for "a couple of hours" when he can be "happy". Sanders-Brahms intercuts their discussion with documentary footage from the late 1960s, of protestors in West Berlin struggling against water cannons, apparently from the "Battle of the Tegeler Way" 2. Heinrich then describes a fantasy counterpart to the historical footage. In this version, protestors take over the water cannons aimed at them. The police throw canisters of tear gas, but the wind carries the gas back the police. The protestors continue their march, ending up at the Technical University Berlin, where they remove their wet clothing and make love. "We thought, tomorrow it will all start happening!" "But", he finishes the story, "nothing happened, you know?" Worse still than this disappointing past was the corrosive effect of the disappointment: dividing activists in a self-eating sectarianism, or casting them out of politics altogether, leaving them isolated and emotionally bereft. So contemporary activist Volker T. recalled retrospectively, "I think it was '75, '75. And it was now personally […] very hard for me then […], I lost the majority of my circle of friends, all aside from this political disappointment, that it all fell apart" 3. But had really nothing happened? Grischa importunes Heinrich to change his own head, in order to understand the story-history-in a new way, "without the utopia". By using his disappointments with the past as a means to rethink history, how change occurs, he would be able to challenge the present and create a different future. Sanders-Brahms's film reminds us that the political inspiration and activism of the extraparliamentary opposition-as arguably political engagement broadly-stemmed from emotional impulse as much as from "theory" 4 .

“What’s in a Revolution? ’68 and Its Aftermath in West Germany"

Global 1968: Cultural Revolutions in Europe and Latin America, 2021

The Poor People’s Economic and Human Right Campaign a Case for How Change Works Black Agenda Report

Black Agenda Report, 2020