Books by Vladimir Plungian
Edited books by Vladimir Plungian
Т. А. Майсак, В. А. Плунгян, Кс. П. Семёнова (ред.). Исследования по теории грамматики. Выпуск 7: Типология перфекта. СПб.: Наука (Acta Linguistiica Petropolitana XII: 2), 2016
Е. В. Головко, М. А. Даниэль, В. А. Плунгян, Кс. П. Семёнова (ред.). Исследования по теории грамматики, вып. 6: Типология аспектуальных систем и категорий. СПб: Наука, 2012
В. Ю. Гусев, В. А. Плунгян, А. Ю. Урманчиева (ред.). Исследования по теории грамматики, вып. 4: Грамматические категории в дискурсе. М.: Гнозис, 2008
Ю. А. Ландер, В. А. Плунгян, А. Ю. Урманчиева (ред.). Исследования по теории грамматики, вып. 3: Ирреалис и ирреальность. М.: Гнозис, 2004. , 2004
В. А. Плунгян (ред.). Исследования по теории грамматики, вып. 2: Грамматикализация пространственных значений в языках мира. М.: Русские словари, 2002. , 2002
Linguistics: Papers in English, French or German by Vladimir Plungian
Russian Journal of Linguistics 26 (4), 1012–1030, 2022
The combination of perfective aspect and present tense is frequently considered as an example of ... more The combination of perfective aspect and present tense is frequently considered as an example of semantically incompatible grams. If verbal forms including markers of both perfective aspect and present tense do exist in a language, they tend not to express present resp. perfective in the strict sense. Thus, in Russian such forms usually convey the future, as in napishu 'I will write'. The article discusses a specific type of contexts where these forms develop a less trivial meaning of what can be called "prospective present". Obligatory components of these contexts are first person of the verb and negation. We focus on three instances of this kind: ne skazhu (lit. 'I won't tell'), ne dam (lit. 'I won't give') and ne pushchu (lit. 'I won't let')'. With the data of Russian National Corpus (RNC) and notably of the parallel corpora within RNC, we demonstrate that in certain uses, these constructions correspond to speech acts of refusal or prohibition and can be viewed, accordingly, as expressing a kind of performative meaning. As performatives, these verbs refer to a present situation: the speaker's refusal or prohibition comes into operation at the moment of utterance, and not at some point in the future. The present-tense reference is corroborated by the translational counterparts of ne skazhu / ne dam / ne pushchu from parallel corpora, as other languages regularly use present forms in these contexts. Thus, performative-like constructions provide new data on potential nonfuture meanings of perfective present forms.
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics, 2020
The category of mood is closely related to modality, though specifically involves grammatical (in... more The category of mood is closely related to modality, though specifically involves grammatical (inflectional) means for expressing core modal meanings (most notably, those of possibility and necessity). In other words, mood is defined as modality that is grammaticalized in the verbal system as an inflectional category. The category of mood is found in nearly all full-fledged inflectional verbal systems, along with the categories of aspect and tense. The typical opposition expected within the system of moods is the division into “indicative” and “non-indicative” moods, dependent on the real vs. irreal (or, more precisely, asserted vs. non-asserted) status of the proposition.
There is no “preferable” morphological device for the expression of mood in the world’s languages—all the existing grammatical means are in demand, both synthetic and periphrastic. Among the segmental markers of mood affixal marking prevails, involving both prefixes and suffixes and various combinations thereof (yielding circumfixal marking). Non-segmental and suprasegmental marking of mood is less frequent, but also quite common. Another strategy for mood marking in the languages of the world is suppletion, when inflectional modal meanings require a different stem feeding into the verbal paradigm.
Along with dedicated morphological markers of mood, there exists a plethora of cumulative types of marking, when mood is expressed simultaneously with other verbal categories, such as tense, aspect, voice, person, number, and possibly some others.
The structure of mood as a grammatical category poses a challenge for universal typological descriptions, as the diversity of all its guises in the world’s languages is notoriously high. Imperative and subjunctive are regarded as the two core non-indicative members of mood domain attested cross-linguistically. A kind of terminological complication may arise with respect to the terms indicative vs. subjunctive and realis vs. irrealis. Still, there exist some points that reveal the differences between subjunctive and irrealis, syntactic distribution being one of the most essential (given that subjunctive is to be considered primarily as a morphological device for expressing syntactic subordination).
Of course, the systems of mood in the world’s languages often display a greater diversity within the domain of non-indicative moods, and specifically epistemic and volitive values grammaticalize to separate inflectional forms, comprising various epistemic and optative moods respectively.
Olga Artyushkina, Vladimir Beliakov, Natalia Bernitskaïa, Tatiana Bottineau (éds.). Études de linguistique slave – mélanges offerts à Robert Roudet. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Midi, 2020, 161–176, 2020
Cet article a été réalisé dans le cadre du projet nº 16-18-02071 de la Fondation russe pour la re... more Cet article a été réalisé dans le cadre du projet nº 16-18-02071 de la Fondation russe pour la recherche faisant partie du Programme
Russian Linguistics, 2018
The paper deals with many problems related to our understanding of 19th-century Russian. Our main... more The paper deals with many problems related to our understanding of 19th-century Russian. Our main claim is that what may seem straightforward and nearly identical to the contemporary usage often displays significant difference in semantic and syntactic patterns. This difference, however, is usually 'latent', and special efforts are needed to unearth it. The paper is focused on one specific construction with a parenthetical govorju ja 'I say'. It is shown that 19-century usage differs from what a modern speaker of Russian would expect, both semantically and syntactically. Аннотация Статья посвящена многообразным проблемам, связанным с интерпретацией русских текстов XIX века. Наш основной тезис состоит в том, что многое из того, что в этих текстах кажется простым и более или менее идентичным современному узусу, на самом деле скрывает существенные отличия в семантико-синтаксическом поведении, которые не всегда видны без специальных исследовательских усилий. Центральным материалом статьи является конструкция с вводным оборотом говорю я; показано, что его значение и структура в текстах XIX века существенно отличается от того, что мог бы ожидать современный носитель языка. The present study is an output of a research project implemented as part of the Basic Research Program
Daniël Van Olmen, Tanja Mortelmans, Frank Brisard (eds.). Aspects of linguistic variation: Studies in honor of Johan van der Auwera. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 2018, 233-245., 2018
The paper discusses two “hidden” semantic oppositions in the Armenian verbal system: both have no... more The paper discusses two “hidden” semantic oppositions in the Armenian verbal system: both have no specific segmental markers but are manifested in the division of verbal forms into certain formal classes. In the first case, we deal with the the division into synthetic and periphrastic forms, which corresponds to the expression of the so-called "temporal mobility" (or the ability to express the opposition between present and past). In the second case, it is the morphological opposition between the basic verbal stem and the stem with an alternation. The choice of the alternating stem is related to the perfective semantics of the verbal form, so that one can speak of a general aspectual opposition of perfective and imperfective sets of forms in Armenian (not isolated in traditional analysis).
The paper discusses the emergent grammaticalization of Russian prepositional phrase bez konca, li... more The paper discusses the emergent grammaticalization of Russian prepositional phrase bez konca, lit. 'without end'. Various corpus data (including specialized corpora of Russian) allow us to isolate several stages of this process, which finally results in a kind of iterative marker. The resulting meaning of (habitual) iterativity is not fully compositional but has well established crosslinguistic counterparts.
В статье на корпусном материале (в том числе с использованием специализированных корпусов) обсуждается проблема грамматикализации русского предложного сочетания "без конца". Прослеживается процесс его превращения в грамматический показатель и выявляются ограничения на этот процесс. Показано, что возникающее в результате особое значение (хабитуальной) итеративности некомпозиционально, но типологически релевантно и ожидаемо.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
This paper focuses on some lexical properties of two groups of verbs in the languages of the worl... more This paper focuses on some lexical properties of two groups of verbs in the languages of the world, without trying to provide an exhaustive typological description of these groups. The first group includes the verbs of movement through air (verbs of 'flying'); the other includes those verbs that designate temporary separation from a supporting surface (verbs of 'jumping').
This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod ‘under’ and iz-pod ‘from-un... more This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod ‘under’ and iz-pod ‘from-under’. It focuses on how temporal meanings are developed from spatial meanings. We relate three temporal constructions with the preposition pod to spatial constructions with the same preposition. It is argued that the preposition iz-pod is a blend of the two prepositions iz ‘from’ and pod ‘under’. This argument is supported by symmetry between the spatial uses of both prepositions, and the fact that a temporal construction with the preposition iz-pod is directly related to one of the temporal constructions with the preposition pod. We show that temporal uses of both pod and iz-pod develop from peripheral spatial uses. Moreover only directional spatial constructions have parallels in the domain of time. We draw a parallel between the directional movement in space and time which is perceived as being in constant motion.
Russian Linguistics, 2013
This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod 'under' and iz-pod 'from-un... more This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod 'under' and iz-pod 'from-under'. It focuses on how temporal meanings are developed from spatial meanings. We relate three temporal constructions with the preposition pod to spatial constructions with the same preposition. It is argued that the preposition iz-pod is a blend of the two prepositions iz 'from' and pod 'under'. This argument is supported by symmetry between the spatial uses of both prepositions, and the fact that a temporal construction with the preposition iz-pod is directly related to one of the temporal constructions with the preposition pod. We show that temporal uses of both pod and iz-pod develop from peripheral spatial uses. Moreover only directional spatial constructions have parallels in the domain of time. We draw a parallel between the directional movement in space and time which is perceived as being in constant motion. Аннотация В статье рассматриваются временные конструкции, образованные при помощи предлогов под и из-под. В фокусе внимания данной работы находится развитие временных значений этих предлогов из пространственных значений. Мы исследуем связь между пространственными употреблениями под и тремя временными конструк
Russian Linguistics, 2013
The article examines the relationship between time and space in language on the basis of adjectiv... more The article examines the relationship between time and space in language on the basis of adjectives denoting high or low speed in Russian and other (mostly Slavic) languages. In physics the notion of speed is defined in terms of time and space (distance per time unit). It is argued, however, that speed in natural language is a primarily temporal concept involving the comparison of the temporal properties of a 'target situation' with those of a 'norm'. Speed terms are shown to develop their own metaphors and metonymies, subsequently becoming connectors and intensifying markers. This argument has important theoretical implications insofar as it demonstrates that the domain of time is less dependent on space than the traditional view might indicate.
Poljarnyj Vestnik 14, 22-44., 2011
G. Diewald & E. Smirnova (eds.). Linguistic realization of evidentiality in European languages. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2010, 15-58., 2010
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Books by Vladimir Plungian
Edited books by Vladimir Plungian
Linguistics: Papers in English, French or German by Vladimir Plungian
There is no “preferable” morphological device for the expression of mood in the world’s languages—all the existing grammatical means are in demand, both synthetic and periphrastic. Among the segmental markers of mood affixal marking prevails, involving both prefixes and suffixes and various combinations thereof (yielding circumfixal marking). Non-segmental and suprasegmental marking of mood is less frequent, but also quite common. Another strategy for mood marking in the languages of the world is suppletion, when inflectional modal meanings require a different stem feeding into the verbal paradigm.
Along with dedicated morphological markers of mood, there exists a plethora of cumulative types of marking, when mood is expressed simultaneously with other verbal categories, such as tense, aspect, voice, person, number, and possibly some others.
The structure of mood as a grammatical category poses a challenge for universal typological descriptions, as the diversity of all its guises in the world’s languages is notoriously high. Imperative and subjunctive are regarded as the two core non-indicative members of mood domain attested cross-linguistically. A kind of terminological complication may arise with respect to the terms indicative vs. subjunctive and realis vs. irrealis. Still, there exist some points that reveal the differences between subjunctive and irrealis, syntactic distribution being one of the most essential (given that subjunctive is to be considered primarily as a morphological device for expressing syntactic subordination).
Of course, the systems of mood in the world’s languages often display a greater diversity within the domain of non-indicative moods, and specifically epistemic and volitive values grammaticalize to separate inflectional forms, comprising various epistemic and optative moods respectively.
В статье на корпусном материале (в том числе с использованием специализированных корпусов) обсуждается проблема грамматикализации русского предложного сочетания "без конца". Прослеживается процесс его превращения в грамматический показатель и выявляются ограничения на этот процесс. Показано, что возникающее в результате особое значение (хабитуальной) итеративности некомпозиционально, но типологически релевантно и ожидаемо.
There is no “preferable” morphological device for the expression of mood in the world’s languages—all the existing grammatical means are in demand, both synthetic and periphrastic. Among the segmental markers of mood affixal marking prevails, involving both prefixes and suffixes and various combinations thereof (yielding circumfixal marking). Non-segmental and suprasegmental marking of mood is less frequent, but also quite common. Another strategy for mood marking in the languages of the world is suppletion, when inflectional modal meanings require a different stem feeding into the verbal paradigm.
Along with dedicated morphological markers of mood, there exists a plethora of cumulative types of marking, when mood is expressed simultaneously with other verbal categories, such as tense, aspect, voice, person, number, and possibly some others.
The structure of mood as a grammatical category poses a challenge for universal typological descriptions, as the diversity of all its guises in the world’s languages is notoriously high. Imperative and subjunctive are regarded as the two core non-indicative members of mood domain attested cross-linguistically. A kind of terminological complication may arise with respect to the terms indicative vs. subjunctive and realis vs. irrealis. Still, there exist some points that reveal the differences between subjunctive and irrealis, syntactic distribution being one of the most essential (given that subjunctive is to be considered primarily as a morphological device for expressing syntactic subordination).
Of course, the systems of mood in the world’s languages often display a greater diversity within the domain of non-indicative moods, and specifically epistemic and volitive values grammaticalize to separate inflectional forms, comprising various epistemic and optative moods respectively.
В статье на корпусном материале (в том числе с использованием специализированных корпусов) обсуждается проблема грамматикализации русского предложного сочетания "без конца". Прослеживается процесс его превращения в грамматический показатель и выявляются ограничения на этот процесс. Показано, что возникающее в результате особое значение (хабитуальной) итеративности некомпозиционально, но типологически релевантно и ожидаемо.
subsequent contributions, provides a general overview of the project aimed at a database of cross-linguistically relevant grammatical contexts based on a parallel corpus of New Testament translations. In the final part, the reader will find a brief summary of the structure and content of the papers included in this issue.
В настоящих заметках мы хотели бы привлечь внимание к чрезвычайно богатой и разнообразной системе вокалических и консонантных чередований, засвидетельствованных в шугнанском языке. Мы ограничимся только шугнанским материалом (как наилучшим образом документированным на сегодняшний день), хотя рассматриваемые явления в большинстве случаев характерны и для других памирских языков и могут считаться их общей чертой. Своеобразные системы чередований памирских языков, безусловно, представляют значительный интерес не только для иранистики, но и для ареальной типологии и для той части общей теории языка, которая занимается взаимодействием морфологии и фонологии (или, как сейчас модно говорить, проблематикой интерфейса).
of the primary spatial usages of past’: these came to be expressed by a newly created aspectual pair, padat’/upast’. The latter is close to the so-called two-stem perfectivation verbs, which I examined in more detail in my previous work.
(о семантике аористной формы см. в разделе 2). Именно эта форма называется прошедшим временем в грамматических описаниях энецкого [Siegl 2013], [Сорокина 2010], (а также в грамматических описаниях ненецкого, глагольная система которого в части, касающейся прошедшего времени, практически идентична системе лесного энецкого). Вместе с тем, показатель прошедшего времени может прибавляться не только к форме аориста, но и к целому ряду
других финитных глагольных форм. Семантика этих комбинаций также будет описана в статье.