ISG

Português * Dansk * English Este mestrado utiliza uma abordagem de medicina social como subcategoria de economia política em analisar a pandemia da SIDA e obstáculos ao aumento do acesso à terapia anti-retroviral no sector da saúde publico de Moçambique contemporâneo. Depois de um breve capítulo introdutório no qual a natureza epistemológica de medicina social é esclarecida, o capítulo dois pergunta porque Moçambique tem sido-e continua sendo-muito vulnerável ao HIV/SIDA. Uma investigação de desconstrução histórica responde por revelar um número de fatores geopolíticos, socioeconômicos e ambientais que crescem e fortalecem a crise da SIDA de Moçambique. Subseqüentemente, o terceiro capítulo segue a totalidade da resposta Moçambicana nacional à pandemia durante as últimas duas décadas bem como as suas características epidemiológicas e regionais. Capítulo quatro introduz o sujeito de terapia anti-retroviral e retrata as dificuldades financiais, práticas e éticas das quais a sua provisão está repleta em qualquer cenário de recursos limitados. Capítulo cinco examina o sujeito especificamente em relação às condições nacionais de Moçambique de dependência das instituições e atores estrangeiros. Capítulo seis apresenta uma discussão que sugere que falta de recursos humanos e baixos níveis capacitivos das instituições do setor da saúde publico constituem os obstáculos mais sérios ao aumento completo da provisão de terapia anti-retroviral em Moçambique. Capítulo sete sumariza e conclui numa discussão das contribuições da medicina social à nossa compreensão da pandemia da SIDA e ao aumento da provisão de anti-retrovirais. Ademais, esse capítulo descreve as implicações das descobertas desta tese para recomendações de políticas no futuro. Exemplificações e relatos de outros paises de desenvolvimento do sul da África são incluídos com intuito de comparação e contextualização. * Dette speciale benytter en tilgang af social medicin som en underkategori af politisk økonomi i en analyse af AIDS pandemien og hindringer for at opskalere adgang til anti-retroviral HIV/AIDS terapi i den offentlige sundhedssektor i samtidens Mozambique. Efter et kort introducerende kapital, i hvilket social medicins epistemologiske natur uddybes, spørger kapitel to hvorfor Mozambique har vaeretog fortsat er-meget sårbar overfor HIV/AIDS. En historisk dekonstruerende undersøgelse svarer ved at afsløre et antal geopolitiske, socioøkonomiske og miljømaessige faktorer som fremmende og understøttende for Mozambiques AIDS krise. Efterfølgende sporer det tredje kapitel helheden af Mozambiques nationale svar på pandemien gennem de sidste to årtier, såvel som dens epidemiologiske og regionale karakteristika. Kapitel fire introducerer emnet anti-retroviral terapi, og portraetterer de finansielle, praktiske og etiske besvaerligheder som dens administration er befaengt med i ressourcebegraensede scenarier. Kapitel fem undersøger emnet med saerligt henblik på Mozambiques nationale omstaendigheder af afhaengighed af udenlandske institutioner og aktører. Kapitel seks praesenterer en diskussion, der indikerer manglende menneskelige ressourcer og kapacitetssvagheder i den offentlige sundhedssektors institutioner som de mest alvorlige hindringer * 2 * ABSTRACTS for fuld opskalering af administrationen af anti-retroviral terapi. Endvidere beskriver dette kapitel implikationerne af dette speciales fund for fremtidige politikanbefalinger. Eksemplifikationer og beskrivelser fra andre udviklingslande i det sydlige Afrika er inkluderet for sammenligningen og sammenhaengens skyld.

This article argues that the rehabilitation of the sugar industry in Mozambique cannot be understood without including the active role played by the state and government. It focuses on key aspects of why and how the Mozambican sugar industry was rehabilitated after 1996 with and through foreign direct investments. It challenges the externalist literature on Mozambique that has commonly argued that all policy decisions are enforced by the pressure of well-meaning donors and/or ignorant international financial institutions preparing the ground for large international corporations through neoliberal policies, privatisation and structural adjustment programmes. There can be no doubt that donors in general, international financial institutions, and international capital have had and continue to have considerable influence over economic and industrial policy in Mozambique, but externalist accounts of various persuasions have limitations and tend to present accounts of the Mozambican state and government solely as victims instead of active players.

This article argues that due to the particular position of crime in South Africa, the resurgence of vigilantism needs to be re-evaluated in light of the country's attempt at institutionalising human rights as the new society's founding values. Because many township dwellers see vigilantes as their protection against crime, vigilantism should be seen as a criticism of and a comment on human rights as the new expression of the country's most intimate values. The article begins by introducing an ethnographic case study of a vigilante group from Port Elizabeth's townships, which has become incorporated as an official ‘Safety and Security’ structure under the Community Policing Forum. The article suggests that fighting crime relates to wider questions of the perceived need for discipline and corporal punishment in response to the erosion of social authority.

In this essay I will outline the contours of the attempt by the ANC government to reorder state-civil society relations. This will be done by delineating the form of civil society participation that the government has promulgated in the field of justice enforcement in order to 'tame' or direct the uncontrolled aspects and forces of self-organisation emanating from the struggle against apartheid known as 'people's power'. The article will argue that the establishment of institutions like the Community Policing Forums (CPF) were created to harbour and give direction to these forces rests on and allows for a particular type of democratic citizenship or normative ethical being, while excluding other types of political-ethical being. The essay illustrates how past ideas about friends and enemies of the ANC are used as the interpretive lens to decode opposition to the CPF.

In 2000 the Mozambican government initiated a process of formally recognizing traditional
leaders both as representatives of local community interests and as assistants of local state
organs. Twenty-five years after the FRELIMO government abolished the formal power of
traditional leaders, the Decree 15/2000 provided for their re-inclusion in the performance of a
long list of state administrative tasks and re-named chiefs or régulos as ‘community authorities’.
In line with post-war commitments to democratic decentralization, the Decree promises to
enhance community participation in local administration and rural development. The role of
traditional authority as intermediary between rural populations and the state is not a new problematique,
but has been part of the ongoing process of state formation from Portuguese
colonial rule, through post-colonial FRELIMO nation-state building, to today's liberal democratic
governance. This article addresses some fundamental questions pertaining to the official
recognition of traditional leaders as community authorities. It argues that the double role that
they are expected to fulfil as both community-representatives and state-assistants is not equally
balanced either in the Decree 15/2000 or in its implementation: the scale tips heavily towards
the state-assistance role. After a brief history of traditional authority as a basis for understanding
the recent official recognition, the article outlines the main techniques through which traditional
leaders have been made legible as ‘true’ community representatives capable of working
as state assistants. Based on analysis of the processes of legibility, the article scrutinizes the reified
notions underpinning the Decree, such as the understanding of ‘traditional rules’ and the
definition of ‘community’. It concludes by pointing out some consequences of these reified
notions for kin-based forms of community authority.

Economic transformation is driven by successfully implemented industrial policy, but industrial policy is inherently political. We cannot understand why some governments pursue and implement industrial policy better than others without understanding its politics. This article addresses the conditions under which industrial policies are successfully implemented. It presents an analytical approach to understanding why some ruling elite-capitalist alliances lead to better economic outcomes than others. Sub-Saharan African countries present a particular puzzle, given their low productive capabilities and the relatively small number of successful productive sectors. The article examines the most successful productive sectors in Mozambique and in Ghana in order to illuminate the conditions under which such alliances occur and their specific characteristics and outcomes.

The DFID-ESRC Growth Research Programme (DEGRP) produces a range of knowledge products aimed at linking the research of DEGRP to a number of research and policy debates on the following themes: agriculture; financial markets; and innovation and growth. This paper relates to the innovation theme and draws together a number of essays that emerged from two sessions on state-business relations and . We are grateful to Hubert Schmitz for his comments on this paper with respect to informal state-business relations.

and Sida (Swedish Development Agency), and undertaken by a number of institutions including UNU-WIDER and DIIS. For more information on the programme, please see ABSTRACT This paper explores linkage creation in Mozambique related to mega-projects in natural resource extraction and development from a political economy perspective. It explores through a focus on linkage development related to extractive industries in Mozambique the 'best practice' attempts between commodity producers and local content providers. The paper argues that a relatively elaborate state organizational and institutional setup based on policies, strategies and units with funding tools has emerged over time in order to begin to reap the benefits of large-scale investments in the extractive sectors. However, despite the formal acknowledgement, very little has been achieved with regard to forward and backward linkages, state institutions are often despite the official government rhetoric of importance simply bypassed not only by foreign investors, but also by the political leadership. The first section briefly considers the scope of mega-investments and their relation to the economic structure of Mozambique. The second section briefly outlines how linkage development has been pursued related to mega-investments. The third section explores what the limitations to linkage development have been. The fourth section briefly explores what the organizational and institutional response has been, while the fifth section analyses why the present wave of mega-investments in the extractive natural resource economy struggles to engage in linkage formation, and is then followed by a brief conclusion.

The essays in this collection in honour of Ole Therkildsen analyse attempts to create development in Africa over the last half century. They have been written by specialists in development and African politics who have all interacted with Ole Therkildsen as researchers or development practitioners. The essays cover issues related to foreign aid, local government, public administration, taxation, agriculture and political systems, these being the central sites where develop ment efforts are ordinarily undertaken. The thread running through the essays is a common concern with politics, how it should be understood and how it shapes development. In Africa, as elsewhere in the world, politics is decisive for change, but poorly understood, sometimes neglected, and often depicted using rigid models. The book seeks to dig below the surface and do justice to the complexity of the politics of production and public administration in Africa.

Extractive foreign direct investment (FDI) is heralded as the new development opportunity in Africa. A key precondition for FDI’s contribution, however, is that foreign investors create ‘local content’ by linking up to the local economy. Consequently, African host governments are contemplating ways in which they
can promote local content. This paper examines local content policies and practices in three African countries – Tanzania, Uganda and Mozambique – all countries with huge expectations for extractive based economic development. It
is found that in spite of high ambitions and strong expectations, local content is limited, shallow and inefficient. The paper explores why local content apparently is so difficult to achieve in these African countries. It is argued that conventional
economic explanations, focusing on market failures and weak institutions, are
partial at best and therefore must be complemented with political explanations. Hence, it is proposed that local content practices in the three countries can be understood partly as the results of ruling elites’ efforts to build and maintain stable political coalitions.