Agustina Haime

Rice University, Political Science, Graduate Student

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Address: Houston, Texas, United States

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Larissa Peixoto Gomes

Lucio Renno

Universidade de Brasília - UnB

Wagner Mancuso

Ricardo Ceneviva

UERJ - Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Rio de Janeiro State University

Bruno Wilhelm Speck

Universidade de São Paulo

Andy Baker

University of Colorado, Boulder

Pedro A G dos Santos

College of Saint Benedict/St. John's University

Cassio Muniz

Earlham College

Kenneth Bunker

Universidad San Sebastián

Maurizio Mazzocco

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Papers by Agustina Haime

Candidate Experience and Electoral Success

Latin American Research Review

Studies of how previous political experience affects a candidate’s electoral success have overloo... more Studies of how previous political experience affects a candidate’s electoral success have overlooked the experience that candidates get from running campaigns even if they lose. This article argues that experience running for office, whether successfully or unsuccessfully, could give candidates several benefits, such as expertise in running strong campaigns, a network of connections, and visibility among the electorate. As a result, candidate experience, not just office-holding experience, should be positively correlated with electoral success. The article tests this expectation in Brazil using a database of candidates for seven types of elected offices between 1998 and 2018. It finds that candidates who ran for, but lost, elected offices are more likely to win when they run in future elections for the same and lower-ranked offices, compared to candidates with no experience running for office. Thus, candidate experience, not just office-holding experience, is important for explainin...

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Negative Partisanship in Latin America

<jats:title>ABSTRACT</jats:title> <jats:p>The literature on comparative partisa... more <jats:title>ABSTRACT</jats:title> <jats:p>The literature on comparative partisanship has demonstrated the low rates of party identification in Latin America. Such low rates are commonly interpreted as a sign of citizens' disengagement with parties and democracy in the region. This article revisits this interpretation by considering voters' adverse affection toward a party, or negative partisanship. It shows that examining the negative side of partisanship can help us develop a clearer perspective on the partisan linkages in the electorate. To support this claim, this study analyzes an original conjoint experiment in Argentina and Mexico, as well as two other public opinion surveys fielded in Brazil, Chile, and Ecuador. The study presents empirical evidence indicating that negative partisanship helps voters without an attachment to a party to distinguish themselves from nonpartisans, is independent of positive partisanship, and is different from a general distrust of the democratic system.</jats:p>

Los patrones de interacción entre el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (1997-2009): Un estudio acerca del impacto de la fragmentación partidaria en la Legislatura sobre el Poder de agenda del Jefe de Gobierno

A partir de la reforma constitucional del año 1994 se estableció un nuevo régimen de gobierno par... more A partir de la reforma constitucional del año 1994 se estableció un nuevo régimen de gobierno para la Ciudad de Buenos Aires. El artículo 129 de esta Constitución estableció que "la ciudad de Buenos Aires tendrá un régimen de gobierno autónomo, con facultades propias de legislación y jurisdicción" y dispuso que un "jefe de gobierno (sea) elegido directamente por el pueblo de la ciudad". Las primeras elecciones para el Ejecutivo tuvieron lugar en junio de 1996 y para el Legislativo en octubre de 1997.

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Measuring Knowledge of Parties’ Legislative Seat Shares

Political Science Research and Methods, 2017

Cabinet Composition and Attribution of Responsibility in Presidential Multiparty Systems ⇤

An extensive literature on accountability in parliamentary systems has focused on the effect that... more An extensive literature on accountability in parliamentary systems has focused on the effect that cabinet type (i.e., single-party or coalition) has on the electoral fate of governments based on their economic performance. In presidential systems, studies on government accountability have focused on the impact of having unified or divided government on the electoral success of the president’s party. Neither of these literatures has studied how variations in cabinet composition can affect governments’ accountability. In this paper, we examine how different cabinets appointed by presidents can affect presidents’ accountability for economic outcomes. Building on the theory of clarity of responsibility, we argue that when the ideological dispersion of the government cabinet is minimal voters will be more likely to punish the president for bad economic outcomes. In turn, when the ideological dispersion of the cabinet is larger, voters will be less likely to punish the president for bad e...

The importance of political parties for voters in Latin America

What explains voter turnout in Latin America? A test of the effect of citizens' attitudes and perceptions

Georgetown University-Graduate School of Arts & Sciences, 2016

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¿Qué explica la participación electoral en América Latina? Un estudio sobre el efecto de la actitud de los ciudadanos hacia el proceso electoral

Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This... more Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This article extends our knowledge about the individual-level factors that impact citizens’ propensity to vote in the region. Specifically, I assess the link between citizens’ trust in the electoral process and voter turnout using recent survey data from 19 Latin American countries between 2004 and 2014. Using logistic models I show that trust in the fairness of elections has a significant and positive effect on voter turnout across the region, and that this effect is mediated by the existence of compulsory voting laws.

Measuring Knowledge of Parties' Legislative Seat Shares

Measuring Knowledge of Parties’ Legislative Seat Shares, 2019

We use two original surveys (including survey experiments) conducted the week before the 2015 ele... more We use two original surveys (including survey experiments) conducted the week before the 2015 elections in the Britain and Denmark to explore the best method for measuring individuals' knowledge of the partisan distribution of legislative seats in multi-party democracies. The complete lack of such questions in the corpus of survey research on multi-party democracies is a testament to the skepticism that many survey researchers have about the feasibility of such complex questions. However, our analysis, which is the first empirical test of this skepticism, reveals little evidence of respondents' frustration or high levels of non-cooperation with these questions. Additionally, our survey experiments, which examine the usefulness of different question formats, make it clear that such questions should be framed in terms of the numbers of seats each party holds rather than shares or percentages of seats. I n this paper, we investigate the plausibility of using surveys to assess one particularly important piece of political knowledge-the relative sizes of the parties in democratic legislatures. This knowledge is a crucial input into heuristics that allow voters to attribute responsibility for policy outputs, to estimate the likely policy consequences of different electoral outcomes and cabinet coalitions, and to anticipate which cabinets are likely to form (e.g., Fortunato and Stevenson 2013; Duch, Przepiorka and Stevenson 2015; Fortunato and Stevenson 2015). Knowledge of party sizes is essential to voters trying to make sense of the most important aspects of politics in modern democracies. Despite its importance, there have been few previous efforts to produce survey questions tapping this knowledge. We have little accumulated knowledge of how to ask questions about what voters think the sizes of the parties are (or will be after an election). A search of 40 years of national election studies and cross-national survey projects in western democracies reveals only a handful of questions about perceptions of the sizes of the parties in the legislature. Further, all of these efforts focus on only a subset of parties and do not ask about exact sizes but only size orderings. 1 The almost complete lack of evidence about the typical respondent's ability to answer detailed questions about party sizes has not, however, tempered many survey researchers' strong opinions on the issue. Indeed, in several cases in which we tried to include detailed questions about voters' perceptions of party sizes on election surveys managed by other scholars, the proposed questions were met with considerable skepticism. Respondents, the argument went, would not be able to answer the questions, would be frustrated by them, would answer haphazardly, and might simply drop out of the survey if forced to do so. 2 Given that such questions have essentially never been asked-despite the vast number of election surveys that have been conducted in the last 50 years-the conviction with which these views are held is surprising; but also intriguing. Are the skeptics correct? Is it possible to ask respondents in an

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What explains voter turnout in Latin America? A test of the effect of citizens' attitudes towards the electoral process

Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This... more Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This article extends our knowledge about the individual-level factors that impact citizens’ propensity to vote in the region. Specifically, I assess the link be- tween citizens’ trust in the electoral process and voter turnout using recent survey data from 19 Latin American countries between 2004 and 2014. Using logistic mod- els I show that trust in the fairness of elections has a significant and positive effect on voter turnout across the region, and that this effect is mediated by the existence of compulsory voting laws.

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Los patrones de interacción entre el poder ejecutivo y el poder legislativo en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (1997-2009)

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Candidate Experience and Electoral Success

Latin American Research Review

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Negative Partisanship in Latin America

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Measuring Knowledge of Parties’ Legislative Seat Shares

Political Science Research and Methods, 2017

Cabinet Composition and Attribution of Responsibility in Presidential Multiparty Systems ⇤

The importance of political parties for voters in Latin America

What explains voter turnout in Latin America? A test of the effect of citizens' attitudes and perceptions

Georgetown University-Graduate School of Arts & Sciences, 2016

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¿Qué explica la participación electoral en América Latina? Un estudio sobre el efecto de la actitud de los ciudadanos hacia el proceso electoral

Measuring Knowledge of Parties' Legislative Seat Shares

Measuring Knowledge of Parties’ Legislative Seat Shares, 2019

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What explains voter turnout in Latin America? A test of the effect of citizens' attitudes towards the electoral process

Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This... more Research on electoral participation at the individual level in Latin America remains scarce. This article extends our knowledge about the individual-level factors that impact citizens’ propensity to vote in the region. Specifically, I assess the link be- tween citizens’ trust in the electoral process and voter turnout using recent survey data from 19 Latin American countries between 2004 and 2014. Using logistic mod- els I show that trust in the fairness of elections has a significant and positive effect on voter turnout across the region, and that this effect is mediated by the existence of compulsory voting laws.

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Los patrones de interacción entre el poder ejecutivo y el poder legislativo en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (1997-2009)

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