Programa de Pós Graduação em Ciências Criminais

O presente artigo tem o objetivo de trabalhar a relação entre identidades individuais e coletivas e produção do espaço. Analisa-se, em um primeiro momento, as formas pelas quais diversas manifestações identitárias produzem determinados tipos de espaços, o que geralmente acarreta a seletividade de sua ocupação; após, são abordadas algumas das maneiras pelas quais os espaços exercem forte influência na formação da identidade das pessoas e dos coletivos neles inseridos. Argumenta-se que esses espaços são, ao mesmo tempo, produtos e produtores de identidades, em um circuito que funciona de forma retroalimentante e “centrípeta”. Sustenta-se que essa lógica, por promover uma seletividade no acesso aos espaços, é relevante facilitador da essencialização do outro. Por fim, são apontadas algumas práticas sociais “centrífugas”, que se constituem em possibilidade de fratura nessa lógica e ruptura desse ciclo.

This article intends to work on the relation between individual and collective identities and the production of space. In a first moment, we analyze the forms by which diverse identitary manifestations produce determinate kinds of spaces, what usually implies a selectivity in its occupation; afterwards, we treat some of the ways by which spaces influence the formation of the individual and collective identities of those inserted in them. Our contention is that these spaces are, concomitantly, products and producers of identities, in a circuit that works in a “centripetal” way. We argue that this logic is a relevant factor in the process of essentialization of the other, for it promotes a selectivity in the access to spaces. At last, we point some “centrifugal” social practices, which are possibilities of fracturing this logic and rupturing this cicle.

O artigo estabelece contornos a uma análise político-criminológica da produção do espaço urbano a partir dos conceitos de paisagem, configuração territorial e espaço (Santos) e da teoria de produção do espaço (Harvey; Lefebvre).

Abstract: The article establishes contours to a political-criminological analysis of the production of urban space as of the concepts of landscape, territorial configuration and space (Santos) and the theory of the production of space (Harvey; Lefebvre).

The use of unmanned aerial systems (UAS) as remote-sensing platforms has tremendous potential for obtaining detailed, sitespecific descriptions of crop features, which would be very useful for precision agriculture. In sugarcane plantations, for example, cane height can be an indicator of yield and other parameters because it is highly influenced by the soil, total sugar content, leaf nitrogen content, temperature and light intensity. This article describes the generation of crop surface models (CSMs) from high-resolution images that were obtained using a UAS to estimate sugarcane height. Using a UAS with an on-board RGB camera, we created densified three-dimensional point clouds of the study area in two different flight line directions (North/South and East/West) using structure from motion (SfM) with multi-view stereo (MVS). Then, the digital surface model (DSM) and digital terrain model (DTM) were extracted and used to create CSMs. Maps of sugarcane height were created based on this information. We investigated the influences of different flight line directions (N/ S and E/W) on sugarcane height estimations and their accuracy by comparing our maps with ground references. From the validation conducted using both flight lines, the average heights were closer to the field-verified data. The resulting maps showed differences in sugarcane height that were confirmed by field measurements. This method has potential for future use by sugarcane-related industries, researchers and farmers to estimate average crop height.

Comentários a uma sentença: o Caso Lula é talvez o mais importante documento jurídico publicado no Brasil em décadas. A presente coletânea de artigos nasceu de um movimento espontâneo e bastante significativo de juristas brasileiros e estrangeiros que examinaram cuidadosamente a sentença proferida no âmbito do processo que tramitou na 13ª Vara Federal de Curitiba, no caso que ficou conhecido na mídia como o do tríplex do Guarujá. De la presentación de Geraldo Prad

The present study seeks to analyze the growing role / use of the image in relation to the contemporary conditions of society in late modernity, and particularly the visual representations (meanings) extracted from the image of crime and social control as cultural products loaded with meaning, , tensions, etc., the power of these images and visual multiples (styles), how we can focus on the lenses (images) of the transgression and the control agencies, and the ways in which these lenses are manipulated by the media , in order to generate a stylized and spectacular culture around these issues. In order to achieve this research intention, Cultural Criminology seeks to understand, both methodologically and theoretically, the symbolic and cultural impact of these conditions of modern society on the institutions of control, and on the very circular meaning of the terms crime and social control, in the sense of defy Criminology by turning its kaleidoscope beyond the economic and social analyzes of Orthodox Criminology to focus on or better identify the flawed side of the image of crime and social control seen in every aspect of our existence and designed by a culture of style, which celebrates and promotes its seductive side.

Orthodox criminology works inside the terminology produced and sponsored by the State through the legal form of the criminal law (crime, procedural justice and punishment). This presents an ontology of crime and criminals which places an abstract, static and statistical object as the subject to be investigated. This article is a scholarly discursive interaction on the historical role of criminal law and criminology in relation to the genocidal practices or omissions of nation states and the legacy of the fact that those events are largely omitted from criminology. Cultural Criminology and insights from Clarice Lispector are used to point out more general connections. The discursive interaction takes the form of a semi-structured interview methodology, operating as, although subsequently edited, a spontaneous space for the dialogue between researchers, where an indeterminate number of questions emerge from an initial premise previously agreed. A developed global criminology would include such state crimes; this would then challenge the entire structure of the orthodox ontology of crime and criminals/transgressors. We would face multiple actions and actors operating at diverse individual and collective levels. The effect would be more than correcting a mere historical oversight, but a direct challenge to an imperialistic strategy of power and dominance over the other.

Durante os últimos dois séculos, os Estados-nação foram capazes de reunir diversos mecanismos técnico-científicos de luz e sombra a fim de reproduzir o antigo (e ainda contemporâneo) modelo humanístico e iluminista de proteção da ordem social, por meio do Leviatã hobbesiano. Além disso, criaram – ao mesmo tempo que reforçam – uma determinada imaginação criminológica de guerra, invisível tanto à intelectualidade acadêmica (juristas, criminólogos, etc.) quanto à hegemonia histórica, voltada para a ideologia dos vencedores. Por esse motivo, este estudo repensa essa imaginação de guerra e de morte utilizada pelos Estados soberanos em face do projeto moderno, no sentido de trazer à tona a problemática que envolve os crimes praticados pelas agências de controle oficial, isto é, os Estados-nação e os Mercados Globais. Paralelamente, também se objetiva contestar a passividade da Criminologia contemporânea, de forma a colocá-la em tensão com sua própria disciplina, questionando, assim, seu logos; os crimes que deixou de estudar; os limites dessa disciplina; entre outras responsabilizações políticas e práticas. Palavras-chave: Estados-nação; Luz e sombra; Criminologia; Leviatã. AbstractDuring the past two centuries, nation-states were able to bring together various technical-scientific mechanisms of light and shadow in order to reproduce the old (and still contemporary) humanistic and illuminist model of protection of the social order through the Hobbesian Leviathan. In addition, they created – at the same time reinforce – a certain criminological imagination of war, invisible both to the academic intelligentsia (jurists, criminologists, etc.) and to historical hegemony, focused on the ideology of the victors. For this reason, this work seeks to rethink the imagination of war and death used by sovereign states in relation to the modern project, in order to shed light on the worst crimes committed by the official control agencies, that is, the genocides that were omitted by both the nation-states and the Global Markets. At the same time, we also want to challenge the passivity of contemporary criminology, so as to place it against the wall of its own discipline, questioning its logos, the crimes it purposely left to study, and the limits of that discipline, among other political and practical responsibilities. Keywords: Nation-states; Light and shadow; Criminology; Leviathan.

The problem of controlling the institutional narratives of the judges (protagonism), within and outside the courts, have aroused numerous controversies in the contemporary world, either by theoretical and methodological misunderstandings in (pre)understanding of a general and broader (global) crisis of social institutions in the late modernity or, still, by the challenges imposed by the juridical language of the modern state, in recognition of its transcendent character, which requires dialogue with other areas of knowledge. In this sense, the purpose of this study and, at the same time, its novelty lies in the attempt to question what (pre)understandings we must demand from our judges, so that they can acquire new adequate tools to interpret the legal normativity of the modern state, without resorting to realisms or decisionisms?

No presente trabalho abordamos o problema da realização da cidadania no Brasil, com destaque para o papel do Judiciário1, e o modo como podem se relacionar as modificações propostas pela Emenda Constitucional n°45/04, com a necessidade de implementação dos chamados “novos direitos”2 de cidadania, vistos aqui como instrumentos legais na tarefa judicial de equilibrar interesses individuais e coletivos na dinâmica social, implícita no objetivo republicano da promoção do bem de todos, em acordo com a primeira parte do inciso IV do artigo terceiro da Constituição Federal de 1988. Preliminarmente, é preciso lembrar que a partir da entrada em vigor da Constituição Federal de 1988, a jurisdição constitucional ganha proeminência. Muitos grupos sociais brasileiros passaram a ver no Judiciário uma saída para concretizar direitos sociais, buscando desde então essa via, pelo mecanismo do controle abstrato e/ou concreto da constitucionalidade das leis. Observaram-se os sindicatos, organizações não governamentais, partidos políticos e até mesmo o cidadão individual, esgotando ou não a via da luta política legislativa, buscando pelo ingresso de ações judiciais, um posicionamento do Judiciário, como instância final idealizada, tanto para deslocar a disputas políticas de seu lugar legítimo para uma arena mais estável, ainda que inadequada, como para garantir a realização de direitos sociais à revelia dos caminhos institucionais já desacreditados. Esse movimento social foi denominado “judicialização da política”, e assim tem tratado por diversos autores3. Observe-se que o mesmo representou também, inversamente, uma “politização” do Judiciário, pois embora tenham surgido movimentos internos politizados da magistratura, como o chamado “Direito Alternativo”4, a maioria dos magistrados resistia, e muitos ainda resistem, a adotar uma concepção menos “dogmática” 5 do Direito. Ao mesmo tempo, e aliadas a fatores políticos nacionais e internacionais6, essas novas posturas aprofundaram a crise7 do Estado brasileiro, em especial no Judiciário, cujos agentes não mais dispõem dos mecanismos sociais e jurídicos tradicionais que os furtavam do embate político.

The crisis of the legal system in Brazil has been most often analysed as an extension or a consequence of another problem, that is, the corruption of state agents, in the sense of the detour of public resources which would give reason to a flexibilization of the legal norms of the modern State as an imperial necessity, all in the name of building an institutional structure more effective and punitive in leading with this meaning of the term corruption. On the other hand, we seek to demonstrate with this work, that the main crisis of the current legal system is instrumentalized by the agents of the State through activist practices, especially when they practice a corruption or destructuring of the way of justifying and believing in the modern State, allowing the intrusion of external interests within the traditionally and historically instituted legal field. Therefore, this confusion of logics in the different social fields will be analyzed by taking into account Bourdieu's theoretical and methodological proposal, studied through an institutional genealogy of the modern State, in order to be able to see what is beyond the project of forgetting the genesis of this objective and subjective structure of social life. For this reason, when there is no legal field previously constructed as a social custom in a territory, the activism of State agents manifests itself not only as a disorganization of the way this structure is organized, but as a cultural practice that seeks to naturalize the logic of other fields (political, media, social, etc.) as being the official logic (praxis) of Law itself.

This is a research project that intends to promote the study of the connections between Psychoanalysis and Law, mainly in what refers to the decision-making process used by the judge in the penal process, an act loaded with symbolism relevant consequences, especially if it consists in the imposition of sanctions to the person being prosecuted. To this end, this research will analyse what may or may not be attributed to the unconscious of the judge in the conduction of criminal proceedings, as well as for the elaboration of the legal decision, particularly those decisions that involve the restriction of rights or the deprivation of and other people´s liberty. Therefore, we start from a Freudian reading from of the unconscious, though knowing that the author built his work based on particular cases he analysed. It is in this scope that we aim to answer the research problem if the act of decision, in the context of a criminal process, is an act of full consciousness, that is, a strictly objective, not subject to any influence of the subjectivity of the judge. In other words, is it possible to control in an absolute manner the act of penal decision?

The study about the characteristics of Law and Penal Process and the need for protection of fundamental rights, through public policies, is more than current on demand. With the growing publicity of the fears caused by the crime wave that afflicts the country, as well as the opportunistic discourse of many advocates of the so-called Social Defense, both Law and Penal Process begin to play an illusory role of controlling social beliefs as efficient instruments for dealing with the problem of violence. Criminal Law and Criminal Process, thus understood, loses the characteristic of an indispensable instrument for the protection of fundamental rights, according to the design given to it by the Constitution of the Republic, and is transformed into a faster, utilitarian model, and flirting very closely to the efficiency so desired for the supposed reduction of social violence.

This is a scientific investigation in which we propose the analysis of the drug prohibition discourse, as a narrative of the denial of the "other", that is, of the different, of the very pluralism that surrounds the protection, as well as the raison d'être, of human rights. To this end, we chose to review the literature on the subject, emphasizing the genealogy of the (anti)war on drugs policy, pointing out its external origin and, inevitably, its transnationalization.