YOSHIHARU TSUKAMOTO GABRIEL KOGAN ANASTASIA GKOLIOMYTI MASAMICHI TAMURA

UGLY ARCHITECTURE?
A DESIGN STUDIO ON LINA BO BARDI AT THE TOKYO INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
 A DESIGN STUDIO ON LINA BO BARDI AT THE TOKYO INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

UGLY ARCHITECTURE?
ARQUITETURA FEIA?

YOSHIHARU TSUKAMOTO
GABRIEL KOGAN
ANASTASIA GKOLIOMYTI
MASAMICHI TAMURA

UM ESTÚDIO DE PROJETO SOBRE LINA BO BARDI NO TOKYO INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

 Dados Internacionais de Catalogação na Publicação (CIP)
(Câmara Brasileira do Livro, SP, Brasil)

Ugly architecture = Arquitetura feia? [livro

eletrônico] / Yoshiharu Tsukamoto ... [et al.].
-- 1. ed. -- São Paulo : Gabriel Kogan, 2022.
PDF.

Outros autores : Gabriel Kogan, Anastasia

Gkoliomyti, Masamichi Tamura.
Edição bilíngue: inglês/português.
ISBN 978-65-00-40662-7

1. Arquitetura 2. Arquitetura - Japão

I. Tsukamoto, Yoshiharu. II. Kogan, Gabriel.
III. Gkoliomyti, Anastasia IV. Tamura, Masamichi.

22-103174 CDD-720
Índices para catálogo sistemático:

1. Arquitetura 720

Aline Graziele Benitez - Bibliotecária - CRB-1/3129

ARQUITETURA
FEIA?
Apresentamos nessa publicação uma síntese dos tra-
balhos acadêmicos e discussões teóricas desenvolvidas
nos estúdios de projeto de arquitetura conduzidos pelo
professor Yoshiharu Tsukamoto (Japão) e pelo profes-
sor convidado Gabriel Kogan (Brasil) no Tokyo Institu-
te of Technology entre setembro e novembro de 2021.
Anastasia Gkoliomyti e Masamichi Tamura trabalha-
ram como assistentes de ensino.

A pesquisa desenvolvida estabeleceu um diálogo en-

tre o trabalho de Lina Bo Bardi para o Sesc Pompeia
(1977-1986) e as investigações do Atelier Bow Wow
para Behaviorology (2010) e Commonalities (2014).
Com o objetivo de transformar uma antiga loja de de-
partamentos (Marui Ikebukuro) localizada em Toshima
(Tóquio) em um centro de lazer, cada grupo de alunos
projetou intervenções em andares separados do edifício
existente. Alguns grupos se concentram no projeto de
elementos arquitetônicos específicos, como a circulação
vertical e a fachada.

Na primeira parte do estúdio, com duração de três se-

manas, os alunos desenvolveram um programa para
suas próprias propostas a partir de uma observação de-
talhada do contexto na região de Ikebukuro. Os usos es-
boçados para o projeto deveriam se ancorar nas deman-
das e atividades existentes no entorno. Dessa forma, os
alunos se dirigiram diversas vezes ao bairro para fazer
anotações, desenhos e documentações fotográficas de
situações encontradas no espaço urbano. Tais observa-
ções se concentraram nas apropriações do espaço e nas
demandas reprimidas de usos. Em outras palavras, a
pesquisa de campo informou os projetos arquitetônicos
com o objetivo de potencializar a inserção da arquitetu-
ra na região a partir de possibilidades já delineadas pelas
pessoas nas imediações do prédio.
Desse exercício, consolidou-se a noção de, por meio do
projeto, destravar comportamentos (unlock bahaviors)
que – seja por arranjos institucionais em vigor, seja por
UGLY
bloqueios sociais ou qualquer outro motivo – pareciam
possíveis no lugar ou mesmo já haviam sido sugeridos
ARCHITECTURE?
pelos usos atuais, mas ainda não se mostravam plena-
mente realizados no espaço. Isso desencadearia novos
significados aos lugares, a partir de surpresas e apropria-
ções. Assim, as observações dos alunos in loco visavam
construir propostas a partir da situação atual para radi-
calizar, redefinir ou mesmo reimaginar usos derivados We present in this publication a synthesis of the acade-
das premências da região. A inspiração poderia sur- mic works and theoretical discussions developed in the
gir tanto das descobertas sobre as atividades humanas architectural design studio led by Professor Yoshiharu
(como usos e gestos), como também da configuração Tsukamoto (Japan) and Guest Professor Gabriel Kogan
espacial – na escala urbana, arquitetônica ou de objetos. (Brazil), with teaching assistance from Anastasia Gko-
liomyti and Masamichi Tamura. The activities were deve-
Para a segunda parte do estúdio, com duração de duas loped between September and November 2021.
semanas, os alunos aprofundaram a investigação pro-
jetual de cada piso. Com os programas extraídos da The studio established a dialogue between the work of
pesquisa de campo e consolidados a partir das leituras Lina Bo Bardi at Sesc Pompeia (1977-1986) and the re-
críticas das situações, esta segunda fase serviu para dar search of Atelier Bow Wow for Behaviorology (2010)
forma a essas ideias dentro da antiga loja de departa- and Commonalities (2014). Aiming to convert a former
mentos. O trabalho coletivo definiu premissas comuns department store (Marui Ikebukuro) located in Toshi-
como a manutenção, quando possível, de espaços ma (Tokyo) into a leisure center, each group of students
abertos e livres em todos os pavimentos. Os projetos designed interventions in separated floors of the exis-
também se basaram em condições pré-existentes do ting building. In some specific projects, the group focu-
edifício como a localização das escadas rolantes, a mo- sed on independent architectural elements such as the
dulação da fachada e a posição dos elevadores. Por fim, vertical circulation and the facade.
houve um esforço para compatibilização dos diferentes
projetos em uma única intervenção. Uma síntese desse In the first part of the studio, which lasted three weeks,
processo está aqui nas próximas páginas desse livro. the students developed a program for their own propo-
sals based on a detailed observation of the context in
Lina Bo Bardi usava a expressão “arquitetura feia” para the Ikebukuro region. The ‘uses’ suggested by the pro-
descrever sua própria prática, “uma arquitetura que não ject should be anchored in existing demands and ac-
era formal, embora infelizmente ainda tivesse proble- tivities in the surroundings. In this way, the students
mas formais”. A arquitetura feia incorpora uma aborda- frequently visited the neighborhood to make notes,
gem que traz os usos e apropriações do espaço para o drawings, and produce photographic documentation of
primeiro plano. Além disso, propõe uma subversão dos situations found in the urban space. Such observations
cânones da beleza em favor da arquitetura popular, com focused on appropriations of space and on repressed
forte inserção em seu contexto. Colocamos aqui a ques- demands. In other words, the field survey informed the
tão: seria possível rever e atualizar a noção de arquitetu- architectural projects of each floor at the leisure center
ra feia em nossos tempos? to enhance the insertion of architecture in the region
based on possibilities already outlined by the people in
the surroundings of the building.

From this exercise unfolded the conceptual design

approach of unlocking certain behaviors that, for diffe-
rent reasons – from institutional arrangements to social
locks –, seemed possible or even have been already sug-
gested by current uses but were not yet fully consolida-
ted in the space. This would unleash new meanings of
the places, with surprises and appropriations. Thus, the
students’ observations in situ aimed to build proposi-
tions based on the current situation to radicalize, re-de-
fine or even imagine ‘uses’ derived from the region’s ur-
gencies. Inspiration could arise not only from findings
about human activities (such as actions and gestures),
but also from spatial configuration – on the urban, ar-
chitectural or object scale.

For the second part of the studio, the students deepened

the design investigation of each floor. With the programs
extracted from field research and consolidated from
the critical readings of the situations, the second pha-
se served to give form to these ideas inside the former
department store. The collective work defined common
premises such as the design, when possible, of open and
free space on all floors. The projects also emerged from
pre-existing conditions of the building such as the loca-
tion of the escalators, the modulation of the facade and
the position of elevators. Finally, there was an effort to
coordinate the different projects in a single intervention
presented here in this book.

Lina Bo Bardi used the expression “ugly architecture”

to describe her own practice, “an architecture that was
not formal, although unfortunately it still had formal
problems”. Ugly architecture embodies an approach
that brings the uses and appropriations of space to the
foreground. Additionally, it proposes a subversion of
the canons of beauty in favor of popular architecture,
with a strong insertion in its context. Here we pose the
question: would it be possible to review and update the
notion of ugly architecture in our times?
TOKYO INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY 東京工業大学
SCHOOL OF ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIETY
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE AND BUILDING ENGINEERING, 2022
ARCHITECTURAL THEORY FOR URBAN SPACE 都市環境設計特論
THEORY OF ARCHITECTURAL SPACE AND PLANNING 建築空間設計特別演習

PROFESSOR
TSUKAMOTO YOSHIHARU 塚本由晴

VISITING PROFESSOR
GABRIEL KOGAN

TEACHING ASSISTANT
ANASTASIA GKOLIOMYTI
MASAMICHI TAMURA 田村将理

SPECIAL THANKS TO
SASAKI KEI 佐々木啓
HYUNSOO KIM 金賢洙

STUDIO’S GUEST CRITICS, FIRST SESSION

MASUDA SHINGO 増田信吾
KONDO TETSUO 近藤哲雄
DAVID STEWART

STUDIO’S GUEST CRITICS, SECOND SESSION

TSUNEYAMA MIO 常山未央
DAVID STEWART

SUPPORT LABORATORY
TSUKAMOTO LAB

STUDENTS
TOMO WATANABE 渡邊朋
FRANSISCA MAYA
MAYU RIKITAKE 力武真由
YUMI HISATSUNE 久恒友海
WANG LAN
AMAHA TAKAHIRO 天羽隆裕
YUSUKE MATSUZAKI 松崎優佑
TOMOHIRO KOIZUMI 小泉知碩
TAKUMI FUKUHARA 福原拓未
SAAYA KURODA 黒田紗綾
RYOHEI KIKUCHI 菊池凌平
MINAMI URATA 浦田南
TAKUMA NISHIMURA 西村琢真
SATOKO NISHIMURA 西村智子
ERI NATSUME 夏目絵里
TATSUMI SONE 曽根巽
DAIKI AMAGAZAKI 尼﨑大暉
YUKA OGAWA 小川ユカ
TOMOMI MATSUMOTO 松本朝実
SATOSHI YAMAGUCHI 山口聡士
HAMAMOTO HARUNA 濱本遥奈
CHOKUSAI SAKATA 坂田直哉
SHUNPEI KUWATA 桑田駿平

THE TEXTS OF THE PROJECTS ARE STUDENTS’ RESPONSIBILITY

AND REFLECT THEIR WORK DURING THE STUDIO.
Rooftop
Matsuri

THE UGLY ARCHITECTURE OF LINA BO BARDI . 21

GABRIEL KOGAN
8FL

UNLOCKING LEISURE . 53
▽GL+31,000
Tatami-Beach /
Vertical-Farm

NAPPING LAND . 57
WANG LAN & TAKAHIRO AMAHA
7FL
▽GL+27,300
Re-clothes

LABORERS & YATAI PORTS . 71

WATANABE TOMO & FRANSISCA MAYA DAMAYANTI

6FL
Otaku-Workshop
▽GL+23,600 TATAMI BEACH . 87
SATOKO NISHIMURA & ERI NATSUME

UNLOCKING CREATIVITY . 99
5FL
▽GL+19,900

OTAKU FACTORY . 103

Ethnic-Food-Kitchen

RYOHEI KIKUCHI

4FL
RE-CLOTHING CENTER . 117
Billboard-Agora
▽GL+16,200
MINAMI URATA & TAKUMA NISHIMURA

BILLBORD AGORA . 131

YUSUKE MATSUZAKI & TOMOHIRO KOIZUMI
3FL
▽GL+12,500
Napping-Ground

UNLOCKING SUSTENANCE . 141

ETHNIC FOOD KITHEN . 145
2FL
Maintenance-Center
▽GL+8,800
2FL-Rooftop
Ramp
TAKUMI FUKUHARA & SAYA KURODA

VERTICAL FARM . 159

TATSUMI SONE & DAIKI AMAGASAKI
1FL
▽GL+5,100
Yatai- Laborsport

8FL
INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL . 175
Vertical-Farm TOMOMI MATSUMOTO & YUKA OGAWA

RECLAIMING THE CITY . 187

▽GL+0

THE REPAIRER PRODUCTION . 191

B1FL
MAYU RIKITAKE & YUMI HISATSUNE
Geographical-Archive

WATERSIDE ARCHIVE . 203

CHOKUSAI SAKATA & SHUMPEI KUWADA

▽GL−5,100
INTESTANT RAMP . 215
HAMAMOTO HARUNA & YAMAGUCHI SATOSHI
B2FL
Geographical-Archive

ADDITIONAL ARTICLES . 223

UNLOCKING BEHAVIORS . 225

▽GL−8,800 GABRIEL KOGAN

B3FL
Geographical-Archive ON PROXIMITY . 241
MASAMICHI TAMURA

UNLOCKING BEHAVIORS: TSUKAMOTO’S DESIGN METHOD . 249

▽GL−12,500

SELECTED REFERENCES & FURTHER READINGS . 259

サンパウロ美術館のプロジェクトに臨んで、私の主要な関心は
醜い建築をつくることにありました。形という問題をすべて払
拭することは残念ながらできませんが、それでも私は形のこと
ばかりではない建築を目指したのです。それはコミュニティに
よって創られる自由な空間を持つ、不出来な建築です。こうし
て、小さな階段を持つ大きなベルヴェデーレ（展望台）が美術
館に作られました。この階段は宮殿にあるようなものではな
く、演説のための舞台にもなるトリビューン（壇）です。ほと
んどの人がこの美術館を不出来なものだと考えていますが、事
実その通りです。私が目指したのは、形としても建築としても
醜いながら、人々の道具となる何かとして利用される空間とい
う、不出来なプロジェクトを目指したのです。

“Personally, when I did the project for the São Paulo Museum of Art,
my essential concern was to make an ugly architecture, an architecture
that was not a formal architecture, although unfortunately, it still had
formal problems. A bad architecture and with free spaces that could be
created by the community. Thus was born the large belvedere of the mu-
seum, with the small staircase. The stairway is not a palatial stairway
but a tribune that can be turned into a podium for speeches. Most people
think the museum is bad, and it is. I wanted to do a bad project. That is,
formally and architecturally ugly, but it should be an usable space, some-
thing used by human beings.”

「美しいもの」は気安く、「醜いもの」は難しい。本当の醜い
もの。私はSESC Fabrica da Pompeiaがサンパウロ美術館よ
りもはるかに醜いものになることを願っています。それはサイ
ロであり、バンカーであり、コンテナなのです。

“The “beautiful” is easy; the “ugly” is difficult. The real ugly. I hope SESC
Fábrica da Pompéia would be ugly, much uglier than the São Paulo Mu-
seum of Art. It is a silo, a bunker, a container.”’

LINA BO BARDI
THE UGLY ARCHITECTURE
OF LINA BO BARDI
GABRIEL KOGAN
ガブリエル コーガン

CANUDOS

After roving for almost thirty years in the semi-arid

regions of northeastern Brazil and gathering hordes
of followers with messianic speeches, Antônio Con-
selheiro decided to establish a settlement near the city
of Canudos, Bahia, in 1893. The newly created village
quickly grew to 5,000 houses and 25,000 inhabitants, all
attracted by the hope of a better life in a region ravaged
by drought and famine1.

The Brazilian republican government, created in 1889,

perceived the small religious village as a threat against
the order and sovereignty of the central power. Soon af-
ter its foundation, Canudos came to be considered an
anarchic grouping out of the law. In 1896, the army or-
ganized an attack against the small village. From a gath-
ering of people driven by the desire to transform their
miserable living conditions, Canudos became the stage
of one of the bloodiest Brazilian wars.

Contrary to initial expectations, the powerful republi-

can army succumbed to the defense forces of Antônio
Conselheiro and his followers, who battled practically
with no guns. The journalist Euclides da Cunha, sent to
Canudos by the newspaper Estado de São Paulo, report-
ed in detail all the events and, in addition to the articles 1
published at the time, he published the book Os Sertões In 1878, drought in
(1902) – one of the most important texts ever written in the region killed
Portuguese and a dramatic account of human tragedies. 100,000 people

21
 Conventional republican weapons were ineffective In the only known photo of Antônio Conselheiro, the
against Canudos’ forms of defense. The tactics of the leader appears dead in a composed image, artificially
central power, annulled by the chaotic forms of com- constructed by the republican army after the last inva-
bat on the periphery, revealed the banality of war in sion. Like the weapons, conventional means of repre-
its fullness. “The effect of cannon attacks [against the sentation do not work on the periphery; they are inca-
houses] proved to be totally null. The cannonballs pable of showing the complexity and contradictions of
created holes on the walls and roofs of the houses, but everyday life. Before dying Conselheiro had prophesied
because they were dampened by the fragile clay bar- in a revolutionary tone: “The sertão3 will turn into the
riers, they burst without increasing the radius of the sea, and the sea will turn into the sertão.”
fragile hole in the walls. The balls felt intact, without
bursting”, wrote Cunha about the absorption of bul- COMMONALITIES
lets by the mud walls. Instead of collapsing under the
attacks, the makeshift constructions absorbed, phago- In the struggle to create a free space, in the urge to
cytized, the armaments and produced deformed holes make their own rules, molded according to their needs,
in the facade. squeezed into the most challenging material condi-
tions, Conselheiro and his band created a city from
The failed republican attacks followed one another, leav- scratch. Canudos is a kind of primitive form of Com-
ing trails of destruction in the small settlement, which monalities, a concept explored by Atelier Bow-Wow in 3
resisted besieged, hungry, weakened. Euclides da Cunha his 2014 book, as the development of behaviorology Hinterland, countryside,
called the village a “cidadela” (unusual term in Portu- theory. Contrary to current rules, swimming against semi-arid, desert. The
guese for walled cities) in his report of destruction: the flow of water, human beings insist on building their region where Canudos
own habitat, on appropriating existing empty spaces, on was located
“In the dark history of the destroyed cities, the humble village would re-signifying their relationships with everyday places.
appear with a trace of tragic originality: intact, it was fragile; made Even with the massification of urban life and the forces 4
as debris, it was amazing. It surrendered to win, appearing, suddenly, pushing people to behave mechanized in public spaces, Founded in the 1940s,
before the conqueror surprised, invincible, and in ruins. After shaking a creative impulse for the transformation and produc- SESC (SErviço Social
the village and dismantling everything, turning it into a shapeless pile tion of places persists. Here is where Commonalities, do Comércio, Social
of mud and thick woods – the iron power of the army felt immobilized, Canudos and Lina Bo Bardi meet. Service of Commerce) is
trapped between fragile mud walls, like a caterpillar stirring, vigorous- an employer association
ly and uselessly, in the meshes of a well-made trap. Perhaps the jag- SESC POMPEIA (1977-86): for the services and
unços’ [Counselor Followers] hunting practices had inspired the aston- A PROJECT IN PROCESS commerce sector that
ishing creation of the “cidadela mundéu” (trap-city).” 2 aims to contribute to the
In the mid-1970s, the SESC4 purchased an old aban- well-being of employees,
The war ended in 1897 after the total destruction of doned factory in the Pompeia neighborhood in São offering activities in
the ‘cidadela’ and the death of virtually all 25,000 mis- Paulo to transform it into one of its new service venues. the areas of education,
erable inhabitants of Canudos, including women and Hired to coordinate the works, the first architect, Júlio health, leisure, culture
children. Euclides da Cunha, initially working for cen- Neves, proposed the complete demolition of the facto- and average assistance.
tral power, became horrified by what he had seen. As ry, previously used for the production of steel barrels It is a non-profit
2 an eye-witness to the barbarism, the author who had used in refrigerators. During the project elaboration private institution, with
CUNHA, Euclides. Os arrived was not anymore the same who left: “And it and bureaucratic procedures, SESC decided to open the collection guaranteed by
Sertões. 1902. was, in every sense of the word, a crime. And we must existing facilities as offices for employees and as a tem- law through payments of
(Own Translation) denounce it.” porary center for local communities. Users then estab- taxes from the sector

22 23
 lished a relationship of affection with the space. In the
face of this situation and understanding the environ-
mental quality existing in the old industry, the directors
of SESC decided to invite another architect for a second
opinion. They remembered the experience of Lina Bo
Bardi in a preservation project at the Solar do Unhão
(Salvador, 1959). Seeking a design that would keep the
buildings on site, she approached the project differently,
exploring the potential pre-existence of the place.

“Entering for the first time in the then abandoned “Fabrica de Tambo-
res da Pompéia” in 1976, what aroused my curiosity were those ware-
houses rationally distributed according to the English projects from the
beginning of European industrialization in the mid-nineteenth century.
The elegant and pioneering concrete structure delighted me. Warmly re-
membering Hennebique, I immediately thought of the duty to preserve
the construction. This was the first encounter with that architecture that
caused me so many stories, being naturally a passionate work for me.” 5

The raw material for the intervention would not just

be the old concrete structure, believed to have been
made according to the designs of François Hennebique,
a French engineer who exported his creations around
the world in the early 20th century. Additionally, Lina
found a free appropriation by local communities of
spaces provisionally opened by SESC. This is where lies
a central element of the project: architecture does not
emerge from a blank sheet of paper but from situations
already underway, which the project does not seek to
nullify but to catalyze.

“The second time I was there [in the factory], a Saturday, the atmo-
5 sphere was different: no longer the elegant and solitary Hennebique
Lina Bo Bardi in structure, but a happy audience of children, mothers, fathers, and elders
FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.) passing from one warehouse to another. Children were running, young
Lina Bo Bardi. Edições people playing football in the rain that fell from the cracked roofs, laugh-
SESC Sesc Paulo, 2015 ing as the ball kicked into the water. The mothers prepared barbecues
and sandwiches at the entrance in Clélia Street: a puppet theater operat-
6 ed near it, full of children. I thought: this must all be kept like this, with
Lina Bo Bardi in all this joy. I returned many times, on Saturdays and Sundays, until I
FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.) clearly fixed those happy popular scenes. It is here that the story of the
Op Cit, 2015 realization of the SESC Fábrica da Pompéia Center begins.” 6

24
This investigative-design aspect of Lina Bo Bardi is con-
stituted as an ethical way of acting and practicing archi-
tecture that had been overlooked both by researchers
and by a new generation of Brazilian architects. Before
starting the design and construction works at SESC
Pompéia, Lina conducted a quasi-scientific study of ex-
isting uses that had arisen organically within the popu-
lation’s needs and desires. Her visits to the old factory,
at this first moment, did not aim for spatial understand-
ings of scale in order to build new forms but for a deep
study on people appropriations of that place. The archi-
tect, hence, drew and wrote down her findings as a kind
of descriptive memorial prior to the project.

In her works from the 1970s onwards, in her most rad-

ical phase, and especially at SESC Pompéia, Lina pro-
duced in an atypical manner within the history of ar-
chitecture, especially if considered in the context of
modern architecture developments. The creation-con-
ception process was not an aspect relegated to a mere
research curiosity but defined the architecture itself,
increasingly procedural throughout her trajectory. I di-
vide Lina’s practice into three main activities, sometimes
concomitant: understanding pre-existences, anticipat-
ing future uses, and catalyzing appropriations of space.

When based exclusively on the production of new

forms, the architect’s creative freedom appears here de-
prived of its aura. The drawing tool no longer aspires to
a technical representation of constructions or a visual-
ization of the integration of architecture with engineer-
ing, but a narrative on both existing and imagined uses
– this last emerged, dreamed, from the observation of
reality. There are also specific uses that, although pres-
ent, could be radicalized, intensified, in new spatial in-
terventions. According to André Vainer, Lina’s collabo-
rator, “essentially it is a narrative issue; Lina’s sketches
are always a narrative, not a project perspective.” He
proceeds: “it is an idea of what she wanted to be there,
but not from the point of view of the structural and
formal question; all the drawings have people depicted
using the spaces.”

27
 Conventional forms of representation do not consti- unthinkable. Lina foresaw future uses of space and
tute the fundament of most of her design sketches. Al- thought about how situations of interactions between
though plans, elevations, and facades are still present people would catalyze or at least suggest new appropri-
in her notebooks, we can observe a predominance of ations and happenings to the place. In the case of the
watercolors with textual annotations representing hu- SESC restaurant design, André Vainer reports funny, al-
mans in actions. Instead of monochromatic projections, most comical, criteria that guided the project.
the drawings show the vitality of colorful figures, full of
events and creative impulses. This strategy anticipated “Lina said: I want to make a really heavy chair. For two reasons: The
possible uses in architecture and became fundamental first is because I think the most depressing thing is when you are at the
elements to guide design criteria. Marcelo Ferraz, an- end of the night in a bar, and the guys start putting chairs on top of the
other of her loyal collaborators, describes such princi- table. And the second, because if there is a fight here, the guy would not
ples for projects: be able to lift his chair to hit the other one a chair in the head” 8

“She started thinking through the ‘uses of the space,’ designing from Despite the time-consuming works and long renova-
this. She was doing an exercise of the imagination. She envisioned a tion that took eight years, the intervention made in the
certain program that could fit in the space. If she was thinking of the old factory then converted into a leisure center gives
restaurant, then what kind of restaurant? Large tables for people to the impression that everything has always been there.
meet and a few small tables for those who wanted to be alone. And Soon after the opening, the uses provided a feeling of
what kind of food? This defines the kitchen All these references she naturalness and spontaneity in SESC’s relationship
brought to the project. What kind of show will be there? “Ah the restau- with its visitors. Lina stated that “Architecture does
rant at night is a little cabaret”. A small stage for a small music group. not have to be romantic in the small, domestic sense
She was thinking backward.” 7 of the expression; it can be poetic.” In the front part of
the building complex, the architecture did a delicate
Such a design process in reverse roots architects in a job of preserving the warehouses and inserted devices
reflection on reality, on the present and on customs; that seek for new uses, propose occupations, and en-
bringing the profession closer to anthropology, with its courage appropriations. Something like “the nothing
immersions in human activities. It is essential to no- that is everything”9:
tice here that the architect’s work, tools, and ambition
to create forms do not disappear. On the contrary, the “No one changed anything. We found a factory with a beautiful struc- 8
process is re-signified, informed by reality and popular ture, architecturally important, original. The architectural design of the André Vainer in
desires. In relation to other practices of the period (see Fábrica da Pompéia Leisure Center came from the desire to build an- VAINER, A.; FERRAZ, M.
the article Between Formed Un-forms and Un-formed other reality. We just put inside a few things: some water, a fireplace.” 10 Op Cit, 2014
Forms published in this book), Lina does not abandon
the architect’s professional practice, nor does she give In the back part of the plot, this kind of new minimal- 9
up authorship or the production of forms. Nevertheless, ism by Lina gives room for strong interventions. The PESSOA, Fernando.
7 she ended up establishing a new method of production initial program demanded by the client of sports courts Ulisses in Mensagem.
Marcelo Ferraz in of architecture, guided by uses. and swimming pool – which did not fit in the old struc- 1934
VAINER, A.; FERRAZ, M. tures – explains the need to build the new intervention
André Vainer e Marcelo The architect assumes the position less of a rhapsode in concrete, made from scratch. By dividing the con- 10
Ferraz: A Arquitetura synthesizing the events of the stage and more as a writ- struction into two blocks and making aerial connec- Lina Bo Bardi in
Política de Lina Bo Bardi. er of new fabrics and relationships. Thus, site research tions, the architect rationally solves a site problem that FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.)
Escola da Cidade, 2014 does not cancel investigations into a future that is still imposed limitations on the programmatic realm: Op Cit, 2015

28 29
 “An underground gallery of ‘rainwater’ (actually the famous Águas scriptions usually point to 7 cm as the minimum wall
Pretas River) which occupies the backyard of the Pompéia Factory, thickness for the correct vibration and coating of rein-
transformed almost all of the land destined to the sports area into a forced bars. In another spot of the project, from a dia-
“No Build Zone”. There remained two ‘pieces’ of free land, one on the logue with the architect, the master-builder developed a
left, one on the right, near the ‘tower-chimney-water reservoir’ – all specific technique to make the melted concrete texture
a bit complicated. But as the great American architect Frank Lloyd of the chimney-reservoir – a visual reference to the for-
Wright said: ‘Difficulties are our best friends’. (...) I remembered about mer industrial use of the space which now “instead of
the wonderful architecture of the Brazilian military forts, lost near the smoke, (...) releases flowers”. Lina used to say: “The art
sea, or hidden throughout the country, in cities, in forests, in the exile must be done by everyone and not just one.”
of deserts and hinterlands [sertões]. Thus, the two ‘blocks’ reduced to
two small pieces of land, emerged: the one with the athletics fields and The finished work revealed construction marks as if the
swimming pools and the one with the changing rooms [and vertical production process lasted for the entire life span of the
circulation]. In the middle, the ‘No Build Zone’. And… how to join the building and impregnated its materials. Lina incorpo-
two ‘blocks’? There was only one way: the ‘aerial’ solution, where the rated wood knots to the formwork, not making any pre-
two blocks hug through the prestressed concrete walkways.” 11 vious selection to discard the supposedly low-quality
boards. This decision contradicts standard construction
HORIZONTALITIES AND VERTICALITIES procedures that indicate smooth, good quality timber
AT THE CONSTRUCTION SITE in formworks to obtain uniform concrete surfaces. At
SESC – in an operation of economic optimization of
From the 1970s onwards, in projects such as Espirito material and labor, which also shapes popular produc-
Santo do Cerrado Church (1976-82), Lina strengthened tions – the formwork assumes the negative of the dense
the links between architecture and the construction site wood texture, without any dissimulation or complex
so that the creation process could no longer be clearly process to obtain regularity and uniformity. Beside the
distinguished from the construction process. For SESC restaurant entrance, a small window displays popular
Pompéia (1977-86), this concept was radicalized to the art objects made by one of the workers in charge of the
point that the architecture studio became the construc- construction, who produced them as a hobby.
tion site itself. Unlike the classical hierarchical system of
architecture, in which the drawing mediates a defined AN UGLY ARCHITECTURE
chain of orders, Lina created a network with horizontal
exchanges. The participation of architects, engineers, and The SESC project sought to expose and reveal (and nev-
workers shaped design decisions on-site. Instead of the er deny) fundamental aesthetic contradictions between
vertical system of labor organization, the SESC project the lightness-elegance (as in the thinness of the con-
developed horizontal relationship mechanisms. crete walls of the high volume of the library) and the
heavy-rustic (as in the monumental blocks for sport
The workers’ practical know-how informed design activities or in the concrete texture). This dilemma
decisions in the same manner as engineering calcula- between lightness and heavyness, between precision
tions. Solutions offered on-site made possible elements and roughness, between elegance and the grotesque,
such as concrete walls in the floating volume of the li- had sparked discussions within the Japanese Debates
11 brary, made in concrete measuring less than 5 cm thick. on Tradition: for Kenzo Tange, in his discussions with
Lina Bo Bardi in Workers’ previous experiences, including works on Noburo Kawazoe in the 1950s based on a Modern per-
FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.) their own houses in scarce land dimensions, provid- spective, Villa Katsura had incorporated in its forms the
Op Cit, 2015 ed technical keys for the construction. Engineers’ pre- duality between heaviness (from the Jomon Style) and

30 31
 elegance (from the Yayoi Style). In a similar discussion,
Arata Isozaki analyzes in “The diagonal strategy: Katsu-
ra as envisioned by Enshu’s taste” (2005) the dialectical
development of the tea ceremony between the rough-
ness of Wabi-Sabi and the elegance of Kirei-Sabi.

Lina’s approach to Japanese aesthetics is not abstract: the

architect traveled to the country twice in the 1970s and
visited Tokyo and Kyoto, cities in which she developed
an incredible affection. Among expressions and aesthet-
ic elements of Japanese culture that began to permeate
her work, Lina borrowed the term shibui 渋い, a pre-
cise adjective for the second half of her own trajectory.
Difficult to translate into Western languages, shibui re-
fers to the astringent flavor of the green persimmon, to
something sober and profound, but also strange, weird,
unusual. It is serious and dense; tends to deep and dark
12 ocher colors. Shibui is not easily and immediately se-
Lina Bo Bardi in ductive, but it can lead you to new states. Shibui seems
FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.) to share similarities with Freud’s notion of the Uncanny
Op Cit, 2015 (Unheimliche) in its inquietudes. Shibui also seems to
dialogue with to the notion of “Poor Architecture” or
13 “Ugly Architecture” supported by Lina from the 1950s.
Lina Bo Bardi’s
interlocutor on these “The initial idea of recovering this complex [of SESC] was that of ‘Poor
issues within Brazilian Architecture’, that is, not in the sense of indigence but in the sense that
architecture, Vilanova it expresses communication and maximum dignity through the small-
Artigas also defended est and humblest means.” 12
an architecture based
on heaviness: “I confess Lina’s “Ugly Architecture” would have its origins de-
to you that I look for cades earlier. In the MASP project, she defended an ar-
the value of the force chitecture that would have its power based not on the
of gravity, not for the elegance and lightness of the forms but on the weight,
processes of doing thin the gravity of the objects13. This would be the architect’s
and light things, one strategy to approach the “popular” and produce spac-
after the other. What es with a high capacity of belonging. Avoiding elegance
enchants me is using and “snobbery,” as she liked to say, architecture could
heavy forms and getting produce spaces familiar to citizens; inserting noise into
close to the earth and the smooth and hygienic textures of architecture to
dialectically denying stimulate and invite the appropriation of spaces. Such
them.”. ARTIGAS, practice, however, would not emerge without effort nor
Vilanova. 1984. as a mere chance. As Lina stated: “The ‘beautiful’ is easy,

32
the ‘ugly’ is difficult. The real ugly.” In this sense, Lina’s
“Ugly Architecture” establish bonds with another Jap-
anese aesthetic concept, the already mentioned Wabi,
which she directly approached in letters:

“The initial idea of preserving the old factory was based on the concept
of poor architecture. That is it, not in the sense of indigence, but in the
sense of craftsmanship that expresses communication and maximum
dignity through the least and humble means, citing the definition bor-
rowed today by the West from the extreme East (the definition of Zen),
we could say: dignity and simplicity – ‘Wabi’.” 14

After the inauguration of SESC Pompéia, when articles

published on magazines and newspapers began to crit-
icize Lina Bo Bardi for the discomfort of the wooden
chairs in the auditorium, she added political contents to
the rhetoric of rustic simplicity.

“The auditorium chair was made of wood, and without cushions, it

should be noted: the records of the Middle Ages were presented in the
squares, the public standing and walking. The Greek-Romans did not
have cushions, they were made of stone, outdoors and the spectators
took in the rain, like today on the steps of football stadiums, which also
do not have cushions. Cushions appeared in the theaters of the courts
in the seventeenth century and continues until today in the “comfort”
of the Consumer Society. The wooden chair at the Teatro da Pompéia
is just an attempt to give back to the theater its attribute of “distancing
and involving”, and not just sitting.” 15

CANUDOS AT SESC POMPEIA

Lina called SESC Pompéia a “cidadela”, exactly the same

word used by Euclides da Cunha to describe Canudos.
I argue here that this is not a mere coincidence. For the 14
SESC Pompéia project, Lina sought to update the pe- Lina Bo Bardi, 1980.
ripheral narrative and was nourished by the stories of Unpublished Letter on
self-determined constructions made by human beings SESC Pompéia
in close relation with their habitat. That is what the
whole work and its process are about. With its institu- 15
tional mediation and controlled spaces, SESC, in es- Lina Bo Bardi in
sence, could not be Canudos – this last a visceral action FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.)
of people subjected to the most severe deprivations. Op Cit, 2015

35
 However, when referring to the “cidadela,” Lina seeks
to invert the dominant narrative – usually taught even
today in schools across Brazil – that Canudos would
have been a revolt by a multitude of religious ignorant
who threatened the State. Could the enigmatic amoe-
boid holes in the concrete of the sports complex at
SESC – which, by instance, had been designed shortly
after Lina’s trip to Japan – be a memory of the houses
in Canudos swallowing the cannonballs used by the re-
publican army?

“I hate air conditioning as I hate carpets. Thus, the prehistoric ‘holes’ of

the caves appeared, without glass, without anything. The ‘holes’ allow
permanent cross ventilation. I called the whole ‘Cidadela,’ translation
of the English word “goal,” perfect for a sports ensemble.” 18

SESC’s project is full of unusual nautical references: a

spiral staircase from a ship or air intakes of transatlan-
tic cruisers. Would the concrete block placed on the
banks of a polluted stream be a ran aground ship that
fulfills Antonio Conselheiro’s prophecies on the sea and
the sertão? Like Canudos, SESC Pompéia seeks to cata-
lyze forces that navigate against the current, against the
massification of life, on the one-way road, daily paved
in front of us. Perhaps not by chance, the place hosted
central cultural manifestations for redemocratization in
Brazil in the 1980s. We can establish here a relationship
with the concept of Commonalities outlined by Ate-
lier Bow Wow, which encompass contemporary spaces
freely produce by communities, based on autonomous
desires and relationships. SESC works as a place of re-
sistance in the face of the frenetic pace of consumer so-
ciety or, as Lina said, “it is an attempt to create a meet-
ing point that is not a cultural imposition or an artistic
fact, but something that would be a rediscovery of what
is almost totally lost (...) which is solitude (loneliness)
accompanied by others”. “Ugly Architecture” aspires free
and popular appropriations of spaces, overcoming what
18 could be poorly sketched by architecture.
Lina Bo Bardi in
(This text was based on a lecture given on October 4, 2021 at Tokyo Tech University.
FERRAZ, Marcelo (ed.) In addition to the content present in this article, the author included in his projec-
tions a walkthrough tour of SESC Pompéia, with photographs and plans. Photos:
Op Cit, 2015 Gabriel Kogan).

36
ブラジルの人々によるシュールレアリズム、発明、そして、
共に過ごし、踊り、歌うことへの喜びを私は決して忘れませ
ん。そうして私はSESC Pompeiaの仕事を若者と子供と老人
のすべての人々に捧げようと心に決めたのです。（…）民衆
こそが、完全なる身体の自由の持ち主であり、脱制度化の担
い手です。それがブラジルの民衆のありかたなのです。（…
）日本と中国の偉大な文明では、文化的な姿勢（「心」とし
ての体）と身体的な運動は共存しています。このふたつは、
ブラジルでもやはり共存しているのです。

“I never forget the surrealism of the Brazilian people, their inventions,

their pleasure in being together, dancing, singing. So I dedicated my
work at SESC Pompéia to young people, children, seniors: all together.
(...) The holder of this total freedom of the body, of this deinstitution-
alization, is the people; this is the way of being of the Brazilian People.
(...) In the great civilizations of Japan and China, the cultural posture
of the body (body as “mind”) and physical exercise coexist. In Brazil,
they coexist too.”

LINA BO BARDI
Rooftop
Matsuri

8FL
▽G
Tatami-Beach /
Vertical-Farm

7FL
▽G
Re-clothes
 7FL
▽G
Re-clothes
Rooftop
Matsuri

8FL
▽GL+31,000
Tatami-Beach /
Vertical-Farm

6FL
7FL
▽GL+27,300
Re-clothes

▽G
Otaku-Workshop

6FL
▽GL+23,600
Otaku-Workshop

5FL
▽GL+19,900
Ethnic-Food-Kitchen

5FL
▽G
4FL
Billboard-Agora
▽GL+16,200 Ethnic-Food-Kitchen
4FL
5FL
▽G
Ethnic-Food-Kitchen
▽GL+16,200
Billboard-Agora

3FL
▽GL+12,500
Napping-Ground

2FL 2FL-Rooftop
▽GL+8,800 Ramp
Maintenance-Center

4FL
▽G
Billboard-Agora
1FL
▽GL+5,100
Yatai- Laborsport

8FL
Vertical-Farm

▽GL+0

B1FL
Geographical-Archive

3FL
▽G
Napping-Ground
 3FL
▽GL+0

▽G
Napping-Ground
B1FL
Geographical-Archive

▽GL−5,100

B2FL
Geographical-Archive

2FL
▽G
Maintenance-Center
▽GL−8,800

B3FL
Geographical-Archive

▽GL−12,500

1FL
▽G
Yatai- Laborsport
 1FL
Rooftop
Matsuri

▽G
8FL
Tatami-Beach /
Vertical-Farm
▽GL+31,000
Yatai- Laborsport

8FL
7FL
▽GL+27,300
Re-clothes

Vertical-Farm
6FL
▽GL+23,600
Otaku-Workshop

5FL
▽GL+19,900
Ethnic-Food-Kitchen

4FL
▽GL+16,200
Billboard-Agora

3FL
▽GL+12,500
Napping-Ground

2FL 2FL-Rooftop
▽GL+8,800 Ramp
Maintenance-Center

▽G
1FL
▽GL+5,100
Yatai- Laborsport

8FL
Vertical-Farm

▽GL+0

B1FL
Geographical-Archive

▽GL−5,100

B2FL

B1FL
Geographical-Archive

Geographical-Archive
▽GL−8,800

B3FL
Geographical-Archive

▽GL−12,500
 ▽G

B2FL
Geographical-Archive

▽G
UNLOCKING
LEISURE
GROUP 1 INTRODUCTION
PROJECTS ABOUT FREE TIME IN THE CITY

In the projects; a. Napping land, b. Laborsport and c.

Tatami Beach, the students attempt to break the struc-
tural behaviors and imagine environments and ob-
ject-human relationships where a. bodies can rest, b.
disadvantaged individuals can meet and transform
through commons into communities that can coordi-
nate the improvement of their conditions and c. where
repose attains a stage to be celebrated in.
 ▽
und

3
e-Center
▽
NAPPING LAND
3RD FLOOR
WANG LAN & TAKAHIRO AMAHA
王瀾 + 天羽隆裕

The impact of COVID-19 and the various prevention 24/7 Late Capitalism
and control policies that accompany it have affected and the Ends of Sleep -
(2013)
many areas of society and all aspects of everyone’s life
Jonathan Crary
and work. With declining incomes and restrictions
on hours and behaviors in public places, people are
beginning to rethink their true needs; unnecessary
desires are diminishing and the true desires of the
heart are amplifying. The successive closures of tradi-
tional large department stores such as OIOI indicate
that the pure consumer experience is no longer the
main purpose of people going to public spaces.

SLEEP AND THE WORLD OF 24/7

A large part of human life is spent in sleep, a time

when we are able to free ourselves from the quagmire
of our desires. Capitalism steals time from us and sleep
intercepts this process. The existence of sleep means
that there are human needs and intervals that cannot
be colonized. Sleep cannot be eliminated, but it can
be disrupted and deprived. Recent studies show that
many people wake up once or more during the night
to check text messages or data, and the number of such
people is growing dramatically. Meanwhile the idea
of interruption-free, limitless work is considered rea-
sonable, even laudable. The city’s public spaces are also
thoroughly planned to prevent people from sleeping.
Benches were designed to be jagged or to have surfaces Oposite Page . Image 1
raised to prevent people from leaning on them. All of Concept collage,
this erosion of sleep created a state of insomnia, and showing the new free
sleep became available only by purchase (drugs). resting space in OIOI

57
 Echo of Space / TOUGH REST IN PUBLIC SPACES
Space of Echo
Jig
Ikebukuro is one of the major commercial and enter-
(2009)
Ateiler Bow-Wow
tainment areas in downtown Tokyo. From morning
to night, you can see people (such as workers pulling
goods, students after class, office workers on lunch
break, waiting takeout workers) trying to rest in the
street. Even after the square ends its opening hours,
people continue to sit on the ground along the out-
er space of the square. In the streets of Ikebukuro,
people’s bodies get a short rest, but their fatigue is
not eliminated. The scenes of people stretching their
bodies in the public space, lying down and taking
a leisurely nap seem to be only found on vacation
A jig is defined in lawns or beaches. A hard nap in a rocking, crowded
the dictionary as “an train is the maximum tolerance people have for rest-
auxiliary tool used in ing in a public space on a weekday.
machining processes to
guide a cutter or other
tool to the exact position
So perhaps the new OIOI can provide public spaces
of the object”. In this where people can rest and nap freely, giving them the
article, the concept is opportunity to rejuvenate in time even on weekdays.
extended to anything
that can temporarily DESIGN CONCEPT
anchor a person in a
stable relationship.
Creating free napping spaces and guiding people to
co-create the new behavior of sleeping in public spac-
es requires the assistance of Jig. For example, people
use the street side railing to support their backs and
legs, their bodies gain stability and balance, and then
combined with the street scene in front of them, the
railing then becomes a park bench. Here the railing
Top . Image 1 plays the role of a Jig, temporarily anchoring the
Spontaneous resting person in a stable relationship, so that the surround-
behavior of people in the ing environment and the person’s body can establish
streets of Ikebukuro a connection. So in Napping land, a huge continuous
Bottom . Image 2 undulating ground acts as a Jig to anchor people to a
Public facilities as Jig suitable sleeping scenario.

58 59
A Sunday Afternoon on STRATEGY
the Island of La
Grande Jatte
Napping Land means that this is not a hotel-like Mirror metal Water Aluminum plate PVC mat
(1884 - 1886)
Georges Seurat
sleeping space (a formal sleeping space on a fixed
standard bed), but a place where anyone is free to
choose the sleeping environment, the level of sleep
(snoozing or napping or deep sleep).
A
A Sunday Afternoon on the Island of La Grande Jatte
by Georges Seurat’s provides an insight into how
people naturally rest on the grass. The sloping lawn
unifies the orientation of people’s bodies and the
beautiful lake gathers the people’s sight. The contact
surface and attraction can organize the people in free
space in an orderly way. So the basin-like continuous
ground is used as Jig to unify people’s direction (to-
Direction control
ward the center or toward the window) to avoid the B B’
confusion of flow caused by free walking and lying
or sitting. And introduce a small pool in the center,
so that the rhythm of water waves, the movement of
people on the escalator, the flowing light and shadow
reflected from the ceiling and the surrounding win-
dows become the control objects of sight, avoiding
A’
awkward sight contact, so that people can be fixed in
PLAN
a comfortable situation.

On the basis of sufficient night sleep, the best nap

time is 30-40 minutes. 60-90 minutes completes a
full sleep cycle, which can improve mood and get out SECTION A-A’
Speed reduction
of the drowsy state. Therefore, according to different
sleeping needs, the quick rest area (people can lie
down directly without taking off their shoes) and the Outdoor Farm Quick rest area Free rest area
free rest area are designed. Any pose is welcome here.
The floor is made of PVC material commonly used in
yoga mats, which has moderate softness and is easy
to clean. SECTION B-B’

60 61
 01

02

07
01
04

03
08

06
01 STORAGE 05
02 SHOE CABINET 02
04
03 QUICK REST AREA
04 FREE REST AREA
05 FARMER’S REST AREA
06 OUTDOOR FARM
07 OUTDOOR RAMPS 01
08 CENTRAL POOL
64 65
 Image Image
Section of outdoor farm The section of the escalator
& indoor. A resting space with the central pool. When
for farm staff to rest people sit or lie on the
without taking off their ground at different angles,
shoes, facing the plants they can enjoy the flowing
water, or the movement of
the escalator, or the light
and shadow reflected on
the ceiling.

66 67
 ▽G
port

1 ▽G
LABORERS & YATAI
PORTS
1ST FLOOR
WATANABE TOMO & FRANSISCA MAYA DAMAYANTI
渡邉朋 + フランシスカ マヤ ダマヤンティ

DAVID HARVEY ‘REBEL CITIES’

Marxist social geographer David Harvey, in his book

“Rebel Cities,” mainly discussed the factors of cities,
precariat, and democratic anti-capitalism. He noted
that cities are at the center of capital accumulation and
are dominated by large financial companies and devel-
opers. On the other hand, it is the people who actually
make up urban life, and cities can also be the stage for
revolutionary politics. He emphasized the importance
of resistance to their right of access to the city in order
to reconfigure cities in a more fair and social way.
“The important and ever-expanding labor of making
Rebel Cities : From the
and sustaining urban life is increasingly done by inse-
Right to the City to the
cure, often part-time and disorganized low-paid labor.
Urban Revolution
The so-called “precariat” has displaced the traditional
(2013), David Harvey
“proletariat:’ If there is to be any revolutionary move-
ment in our times, at least in our part of the world (as
opposed to industrializing China), the problematic and
disorganized “precariat” must be reckoned with. How
such disparate groups may become self-organized into Oposite Page . Image 1
a revolutionary force is the big political problem. And Labor Port has some
part of the task is to understand the origins and nature supporting facilities for
of their cries and demands.” the labors

71
RIGHT TO THE CITY PRECARIAT

Cities have developed in a manner convenient for capi- In recent years, the “gig economy,” a way of working in
tal accumulation. As seen in “global cities” and “creative which one-time work is ordered via the Internet, has
cities,” most developments present visions that are seem- been expanding. Especially food delivery workers, rep-
ingly attractive and acceptable to the public. However, resented by Uber Eats, have no employer and individ-
these visions are used as a strategy in the competition of uals can freely obtain work with a single smartphone,
development. The development of a city always includes and the number of such workers has increased rapidly
“growth and prosperity,” which is the premise of capital- as demand expands.
ism. Mainly financiers and developers who profit from
development occupy the discussion table and push de- However, they also face problems such as harsh working
velopment along with the government. In such a devel- conditions, unstable low wages, and weak safety nets. They
opment process that lacks transparency, citizens’ voices are located at the end of the flow of people, goods, and
are rarely considered. And the resulting cities further money in the seemingly smartly controlled networked so-
exclude the socially vulnerable, as seen in gentrification. ciety, and are subject to unfair labor exploitation.
Are these cities for the capitalists, not for the people?
They can be said to be today’s precariat, living mainly in
There is also the question of what is the essence of what metropolitan areas, fragmented, disorganized and fluid,
excluded people demand for cities. Harvey states that having a diverse range of goals and needs. And these
the “right to the city” is not only the freedom to change characteristics may make it difficult for them to collec-
the city more as one wishes, but also the freedom to re- tivize and have a voice in the city. What problems do
make oneself. He argues that this is one of the most pre- they face now, what do they want for the city, and what
cious and yet most neglected of our human rights. kind of people do they want to change themselves into?
Their excluded demands can be an important critique
“The question of what kind of city we want cannot be divorced from of the problems immanent in urban daily life. And if
the question of what kind of people we want to be, what kinds of social these workers, now a disparate group, collectively raise
relations we seek, what relations to nature we cherish, what style of life their voices, they could be a major force in the remod-
we desire, what aesthetic values we hold.” eling of the city.

72
 07

06

05
13

04 08

03

01

09
02
11 10
10

01 TRANSPARENT LOCKER
02 BIKE STATION
03 KITCHEN AND BAR
04 FIRE PLACE
05 WORKSPACE
06 YATAI SPACE 12
07 ENTRANCE
08 YATAI SPACE
09 BENCH
10 ENTRANCE
11 VERTICAL FARM
12 YATAI’S STORAGE
13 SLOPE
 OBSERVATION

Marui is located near the downtown area of Ikebukuro

West Exit. In this dense area, there are many restaurants
that offer many food deliveries are using bicycles come
and go in the narrow alleys. The west exit of the station
was filled with delivery workers taking a break between
deliveries and killing time with their phones and games.

INTERVIEW

The interview with the Uber Eats Deliverers in front of

Ikebukuro is held to gain a higher resolution to under-
stand of urban behavior, the dreams, the purpose, the
working conditions, the activity in the leisure time and
the problems of Uber Eats Deliverer.

- Interviewee: Uber Eats deliverers

- Location: West Exit, Ikebukuro Station
- Period: 6 p.m.-9 p.m. October 11, 2021

Through the research about Uber Eats deliverers, their

behavior is limited by their clothes, luggage, bicycle,
and even in between delivery time.

They earn money by using props in the city, such as bi-

cycles and smart phones, to their advantage. They have
the kind of freedom that does not fit into the former
framework of labor. But at the same time, their behav-
iors are limited by the belongings they need to deliver.
Oposite Page . Image 1
DIAGNOSIS Photos of food
delivererers in front of
To free their creativity for the post-work society, they the Ikebukuro Station.
need a place where they can temporarily leave their be-
longings, rest, and exchange ideas about their work. The Oposite Page . Image 2
ground floor is designed as a public space where people Summary of interviews
from different backgrounds can gather, so that it does with Uber Eats
not become a ghetto for any particular group of workers. delivererers.

76 77
:00

Five way street west of Ikebukuro

Production and Exploitation,Mining in the City 都市において展開される生産と搾取・採掘 Interview with "Uber Eats" deliverers
Within cities that have concentrated mass workers, cities that are convenient for 大衆的労働者を集中させた都市の内部では、資本蓄積に都合のよ
い都市 ( グローバル都市、クリエイティブ都市など ) が整えられてき
They have their own dreams and are working to make
capital accumulation (global cities, creative cities, etc.) have been developed. As
symbolized by gentrification, the city has been violently and comprehensively altered.
た。ジェントリフィケーションに象徴されるように、都市を改変す
money, not just a delivery person. I asked them about
る暴力は全面的に展開される。
At first glance, the city seems to be a place of consumption, attraction, and spectacle, 一見すると、都市は消費、集客、スペクタクルの場となり、一糸 their dreams, their purpose for earning money, and
tly Cafe,
totally Work
transformedSpace Fireplace
into a place where people, symbols, products, and money flow Bar Transparent Locker
乱れぬスムーズな人、記号、商品、カネの流れる場所へと全面的に
what they do in their free time. I also looked into their
seamlessly and smoothly. These urban environments are smartly controlled, among 改変されている。これらの都市環境は都市を包摂するデジタル・ネッ
トワークとそのテクノロジーによってスマートに制御されている。
other things, by the digital networks and technologies that encompass the city. As
current working conditions and identify the problems
都市では誰もがこのネットワークの一部として、この流れのリズム
part of this network, everyone who lives in the city forms social relations, desires, and
subjectivities in the rhythm and spread of this flow. There, under the sharing economy
と広がりのなかで社会関係を、欲望を、主体性を形成する。近年ウー they are facing.
バー Uber などの駆動させるシェアリング・エコノミーが大都市にお
driven by Uber and others, precarious cognitive workers with debts voluntarily
いて台頭している。借金を抱えた不安定な認知労働者たちは、いか Interviewee: Uber Eats deliverers
collaborate using smartphones and apps to produce collective wealth (and knowledge なる外在的な労働の組織化もなしに、スマホやアプリを用いて、自
Location: West Exit, Ikebukuro Station
Observation: Switching between being a deliverer and a dreamer
and services) without any external organization of labor. In other words, they produce 主的に協働しては、集団的な富 ( 知やサービスも ) を生産する。すな
the city autonomously under capital. わち、資本のもとで自律的に都市を生産する。
Period: 6 p.m.-9 p.m. October 11, 2021 ,
都市はこのような社会的協働で充満している、このように生産さ
The UberEats deliverers have their own inner goals and dreams. On
The city is filled with this kind of social collaboration, filled with the common produced
the other hand, in a city controlled by
れたコモンで充満している。と同時に、このようなコモンを「採掘」
in this way. At the same time, they are filled with the flow of capital that "mining"
digitalthese
networks and technology, they are forced to work hard as する資本の流れで充満している。 Section
the end of the flow of people, goods, and 1/100
commons.
money.Through interviews with Uber deliverymen, I found that their behavior is restricted by the clothes,
eir luggage , and bicycles, even in between deliveries.
at To avoid becoming a ghetto for precarious workers, we propose a public space where people from dif-
ferent
10:00 backgrounds
11:00 12:00 can
gather
13:00 14:00 and meet.
15:00 16:00 17:00 18:00 19:00 20:00 21:00 22:00
23:00
Lunch time Dinner time

ex)
Deliver Rest Deliver Another job Deliver Rest Deliver Rest Deliver
or study Interview with "Uber Eats" deliverers
They have their own dreams and are wor
Diagnosis : Three factors limiting their behavior money, not just a delivery person. I asked
their dreams, their purpose for earning m
Even in the time Delivery is They deliver lightly Cafe, Work Space Fireplace Bar Transparent Locker what they do in their free time. I also loo
between deliveries, physically draining, dressed, so they
delivery people are but they hesitate cannot take their current working conditions and identify t
always equipped to go into a café work tools with
with large or other place to them and work they are facing.
backpacks, caps, rest in their sweaty efficiently in the Interviewee: Uber Eats deliverers
smartphones, and workout clothes. gaps.
bicycles. Location: West Exit, Ikebukuro Station
01. Belongings 02. Accessibility 03. No place to work Period: 6 p.m.-9 p.m. October 11, 2021 ,

Section 1/100

delivery people make money by using props in the city, such as bicycles and smart phones, to their
advantage.They have the kind of freedom that doesn't fit into the former framework of labor. But at To avoid becoming a ghetto for precarious workers, we propose a public space where Top . Image
people from1dif-
the same time, their behavior is limited by the props they need to deliver. ferent backgrounds can gather and meet. Perspective view
of the fireplace

Detail of Pivoting door Oposite Page Bottom .

Image 1
Factors that can affect
1
the limitation of Uber
2
Eats Deliverer
3

Oposite Page Top .

Image 2
Section: Facilities that is
View of the fireplace and lockers from the cafe forming the labors-port
6 8

78 79
5
4
7
YATAI-HUB

Yatai is a kind of mobile food stall in Japan, that sell Jap-

anese traditional foods such as ramen, yakitori, dango,
and etc. Yatai have became part of Japanese economic life
since Edo Period (1603-1868) and became more popu-
lar after World War II. Nowadays, after Tokyo Olympics
1964, some of Yatai disappear because of the Govern-
ment Regulations related to the health hygiene issue.

ANALYSIS

Yatai’s hub is designed in the first floor to respond peo-

ple’s behavior in the surroundings, because Ikebukuro is
an area in the middle of Tokyo that has a lot of tourists.
As an international area, this place can be a great place
to introduce Japanese Traditional food to the tourists.
Since there are a lot of restaurants near the site, it also a
great place for the deliverer to take a rest while. The be-
havior of people who walking, talking, resting near the
site can be found near the area that become an advan-
tage for the site to attract people to come to the space.

SUGGESTION

Yatai is designed in the outer perimeter of the site and Oposite Page . Image 1
also in the sidewalk to create a connection between in- Situation on the Yatai
door and outdoor area. This method can attract more Area and the relation
visitor to come to the hub. with the human behavior
 Indoor area Outdoor area

01
02
01

03

04

Access by ramps
This Page . Image 1
Yatai take is located in
the first floor to attract Top
more visitor that come Yatai can be a place for
from Ikebukuro station people to try Japanese
01 ENTRANCE
on the left, or from
02 YATAI AREA traditional food, take
universities on the 03 BENCH a rest, or gather with
right side 04 STORAGE FOR YATAI relatives
 ▽
h/
m

8 ▽
 TATAMI
BEACH
8TH FLOOR
SATOKO NISHIMURA & ERI NATSUME
西村 智子 + 夏目 絵里

オートデスク学生版により作成
ENCLAVE

Architect and educator – Pier Vittorio Aureli describes

the political and architectural ideology in landscape
and forms of urban economy in his book The Possibility
of an Absolute Architecture. Aureli investigates to
what extent some architecture could classify as some
kind of methodology, visualizing architectures as
archipelagos to conceptually categorize the formality
of an architecture. The architecture of the archipelago
must be an absolute architecture, as it is clearly
竿縁 saobuchi
bamboo 20 Φ @303mm
subdivided in the city, in other words an “enclave”
The Possibility of an
ceiling board
determined by the unbalanced economic exploitation.
Absolute Architecture
panel 910 × 910 t=9mm In contray, an ambiguity in space is explored in Arata

オートデスク学生版により作成
(2011), Pier Vittorio
Isozaki’s concept of “Ma (間)”, in his curated arts and
Aureli
architectural exhibition of MA: Space-Time in Japan
Tatami Space
Arch Garden Exhibition in 1979. Isozaki defies the Western logic of
isolation of space and time, and fundamentally points
out the significant sense of homogeneity in things. That
being said, he pictures architecture as an event, or a
MA: Space-Time in
phenomenon that encompasses historical context and
Japan Exhibition
interactions of time in between the spaces.
(1979), Arata Isozaki

In 2021, the iconic department store closed in the

midst of busy traffic, which was Marui (OIOI) at
the west exit of Ikebukuro station. Ikebukuro was Opposite Page . Image 1
originally known for the black market (闇市) where The interior ‘utopia’
the illegally installed street vendors were the artery of blends its scenery of the
residents after the World War II, yet most of them are garden, OIOI arches, and
demolished and transformed into massive department the city of Ikebukuro as
store buildings today. one experience

87
オートデスク学生版により作成
 Although OIOI once became everyone’s shopping
hub in Ikebukuro, unfortunately the demand for
department stores had decreased due to the flow of
time and changes of people’s need, eventually causing
its market to corrupt. However, perhaps the critical
issue in demolition of OIOI also comes from a lack
of an “utopia” space for visitors to behave freely and
flexibly through a human scale perspective. In fact,
many of the department stores in Japan restrict human
behaviors which possibly might have happened, except
walking to shop. In order to regain the sense of Japan-
ness in OIOI, the concept of “Ma”, which is strictly
tighten up to the tradition of Japanese architecture,
should be reinterpreted. The traditional sensibility of
Japanese architecture has noticeable differences from
Western architecture. Linguistically, Japanese language
tends to be more dependent on what is proactive than
Western languages, representing a high context of
dependence of “Ba (場)”. Based on the concept of “Ma”
and its formalistic structure, we intend to unravel what
the architecturally ambiguous boundaries represent
and what enhances the Japan-ness in the tatami beach.
Arata Isozaki once claimed the significance of “Ma” is
the meaning of the interval that naturally exists between
things which exist in the phenomena continuously.

DESIGN PROPOSAL

The tatami beach does not necessarily refer to the ocean

beach as mimicking the form. The homogenic space
generated by the endless repetition of Tatami, a swaying
and ambiguous light glows the materials, all come into
Top . Image 1 a behavior of creating such a relaxing and pleasant
Collage of continuity in atmosphere to feel the sense of continuous seashore.
Tatami mat, showing its Repetition sometimes encloses in-between spaces, as
homogeneity of space Aureli articulates the formality of the thing – in this case
the tatami mats, is the homogeneous repetition to generate
Bottom . Image 2 the uniformity. As Jacques Derrida proposes ”différance
Abstraction of tatami as temporization, différance as spacing”, the imaginary
beach, a moment of boundary created by the relationship between continuity of
traditional comfort in tatami and the ceiling patterns, are the ambiguity of space
Urban texture which ultimately is equivalent to the concept of “Ma”.

88 89
 Storage Space
study set
book
Garden newspaper
Storage Space
portable desk

Tatami Space

Shoe Box
Zabuton Storage

Escalator

Shared Kitchen
Shoe Box
Emergency
Zabuton Storage
Storage Space Vertical Farm
partition / futon
desaster kit
Storage Space
board game
card game
 オートデスク学生版により作成

竿縁天井 Saobuchi Ceiling

ceiling panel wood panel( 柾目 ) wood panel( 板目 ) acrylic×paper panel AJIRO panel cedar bark panel( 杉皮 )

910
Tatami patterns: The formation of the tatami floors
×
910 remains its randomness scattered over the eighth floor
of the building, despite the various combinations of
tatami patterns being precisely calculated to induce
竿縁 Sao-buchi
certain human behaviors. Yojohan (四畳半), four tatami
bamboo @303 mats surrounding a small space with a sunken Kotatsu
where the tatami is detachable, introduces behaviors of
オートデスク学生版により作成 sitting, eating, reading, napping, relaxing, and playing
games. As the numbers of tatami mat grow to Hachijo

オートデスク学生版により作成
(八畳), and Sanju-nijo (三十二畳), the scale of human
behaviors increases as well. Individuals start to scatter
to seek for smaller “Ma” for coziness, and groups find
bigger “ma” to hold a banquet, class, and such social
activities. All behaviors are inherited by people across
time and space through Japan-ness of “Ma” as if they
had unconsciously remembered how to spend time
on the tatami. Isozaki explains this phenomenon as
symbolic space, along with Emmanuel Levinas states
Garden
“the sign represents the present in its absence”.

Entrance shoeboxes: A raised platform is a sacred space

Emergency
Storage Space Tatami Space with an imaginary boundary to make a distinction to Opposite Page Top.
partition / futon
desaster kit the ground level in Japanese traditional architecture. Image 1
Although the behavior of taking off pairs of shoes is Saobuchi (竿縁)ceiling
common to be observed in temples to practice and pray, pattern: emphasis of

オートデスク学生版により作成
Storage Space
board game Storage Space
portable desk Storage Space
it is consciously done in the inhabitable spaces in Japan. horizontal continuity in
card game Shoe Box
Zabuton Storage Shoe Box study set the space
Zabuton Storage book

Shared Kitchen
newspaper
The garden: The most ambiguous space where people
オートデスク学生版により作成 sit at the edge of tatami to observe the garden, and the Opposite Page Bottom.
actual city scape of Ikebukuro in the background of the Image 2
arches. It blends the outside real world with the inside Randomness of the
Vertical Farm
“utopia”. However, there is no clear boundary between tatami patterns induces
the inside and outside, and the ambiguity of these more flexible
scenery creates a conceptual Japan-ness. human behaviors
 オートデスク学生版により作成

竿縁 saobuchi ceiling board

bamboo 20 Φ @303mm Acrylic × paper panel
910 × 910 t=9mm
ceiling board
wood panel 910 × 910 t=9mm

オートデスク学生版により作成
オートデスク学生版により作成
cushion storage shoe box

Opposite Page Top .

Image 1 slatted wood

When going up on
the escalator, a wide
continuous tatami space
opens up to be seen

Opposite Page Bottom .

Image 2
Appreciation of behavior
to take off the shoes and
step onto the tatami mat
オートデスク学生版により作成

94 95
 竿縁 saobuchi ceiling board 竿縁 saobuchi
bamboo 20 Φ @303mm Acrylic × paper panel bamboo 20 Φ @303mm
910 × 910 t=9mm
ceiling board ceiling board
wood panel 910 × 910 t=9mm

オートデスク学生版により作成
wood panel 910 × 910 t=9mm

オートデスク学生版により作成
Tatami Table Hori-gotatsu

light light

オートデスク学生版により作成

Behaviors on Yojohan
Top . Image 1
Lifting up the tatami
table mat from the オートデスク学生版により作成 オートデスク学生版により作成

ceiling board
ground level to have tea 竿縁 saobuchi
bamboo 20 Φ @303mm Acrylic × paper panel
910 × 910 t=9mm
or to read books
ceiling board
wood panel 910 × 910 t=9mm
オートデスク学生版により作成

Opposite Page Top.

Image 2
Hori-gotatsu:
Japanese traditional
table which has a dug
space for stretching out
our feet

Opposite Page Bottom.

Image 3
Simple tatami mats:
Purposed to simply
lay down

96
UNLOCKING
CREATIVITY
GROUP 2
PROJECTS ABOUT CREATIVE PRACTICES

Don’t play, Don’t stay, and ultimately Don’t gather. More

than just celebrating subtle resistances in today’s mostly
impotent streets and parks, three projects here respec-
tively try to incubate such latent commonalities into
enduring collective actions by intercepting restless ur-
ban flows with places for playfully staying and gather-
ing. The shared direction is a call for “making” together,
be it peer-produced goods or even the rules of the city
they live in.
 ▽
shop

6
-Kitchen
▽
OTAKU
FACTORY
6TH FLOOR
RYOHEI KIKUCHI
菊池 凌平

Ikebukuro is now a sacred place for anime otaku with

various anime stores and also home to many authentic
cosplayers, such as the “Ikebukuro Halloween Cosplay”.
Many of these cosplayers also make their own costumes
and equipment.

Although there are many places to express cosplay, the

creation of these costumes is done at home while re-
searching on the Internet. So, I want to make A place to
create cosplay and other secondary works.

Firstly, I suggest 10 types of places for secondary cre-

ation, For example, Cutting area, sawing area, 3D print-
er area and so on. These places are painted in yellow.
We can do the whole cosplay creation in this floor, as
well figure, illustration and manga creation.

The working space is 300mm higher than the other

area. Since most of the work is done sitted, the aim is to
keep the line of sight between the person working and
the person standing in the other space.

Let’ s image that you want to be Tanjiro. You have to do

this in three steps. Clothes, objects like sord, and make- Oposite Page . Image 1
up. When you create on this floor, the process proceeds Part of an
in the order of these three arrows here on the right. axometric drawing

103
 I went to Ikebukuro to observe the activities of various
otaku. Beside the creation area, there are five different
types activities which I looked. (1) Cosplay shooting
area. A curtain can be used as a background. The aisle
is wide enough to take pictures. (2) Large poster area.
we can take a picture with your favorite character. The
poster can be printed at the printer area next door. (3)
Manga area. There are manga on the shelves for you to
read with your coffee. (4) Flea market area. The bench
is wider and can be used to place items. (5) GachaGa-
cha area. it is near the elevator and escalator. so we can
access easily.

Hence, the edges of the creation area host additional

programs. (a) Manga shelf. Three shelves are provided
for storing manga while displaying them. (b) Cosplay
shooting edge. There is a curtain for the background of
the cosplay shooting. (c) Flea market area’s. The width of
the bench is 1000mm so that products can be spread out.

Studio is cross-sectionally connected to the upper floor,

which has the re-clothe center. In that manner, we share
Top . Diagram 1 the studio and held event about cloth and cosplay.
current status and
proposal of Of course, this floor is mainly used by Otaku, but there
cosplay making are some great facilities here. So, architecture students
can use 3D printers, wife can sew, and so on. There are
Bottom . Diagram 2 also cafes in easily accessible locations, so some people
section diagram in edge will feel free to stop by. I strongly hope that the cre-
of making space and the ations and techniques of otaku are not only for otaku,
other space but that they can be passed on to other people as well.

COSPLAY AND REFLEXIVITY

Anthony Giddens proposed the idea of “reflexivity”

from the perspective of sociology. It means “a spiral-
ing cycle of transferring oneself to others, which then
returns to oneself and transforms oneself. The act of
cosplaying is to become “someone else” and to en-
ter the “otaku society” including the cosplay society.
And within that otaku society, they are recursively ex-
pressing themselves.

104 105
 03
12

02 01
05

13
15
08
04

09
10 06 14 01 PRINTER AREA
02 PC AREA
16
03 DRAWING AREA
04 CUTTING AREA
05 3D PRINTER AREA
11
07 06 SAWING AREA
07 IRON AREA
08 SPRAYING AREA
09 ASSEMBLING AREA
17 10 MAKE UP AREA
11 LOCKER
12 LARGE POSTER AREA
13 CAFE
14 SHOOTING COSPLAY AREA
15 GACHA-GACHA AREA
16 FLEA MARKET AREA
17 STUDIO

106 107
 Some people who engage in cosplay do so for the pur-
pose of escaping the “real world” that is not otaku so-
ciety. This is similar to what is called “identification” in
psychology. Identification is the act of trying to escape
anxiety and pain by superimposing oneself with things
that are important to one. It is also based on a lack of
self-confidence and a desire to become a person whose
complexes have been resolved.

However, self-expression in otaku society can also have

a reflexive effect on the real world. For example, in or-
der to become more like a character in cosplay, one may
start to pay more attention to skin care and style, or
learn to be more social in a cosplay society with many
rules. Through the reflexive nature of cosplay society,
we can gain a reflexive nature with the real world.

And cosplay is a place where the “place of presen-

tation” is socialized, and its creation stage is black
boxed. On the other hand, the techniques used to
create cosplay are actually very advanced. For ex-
ample, the swords used in cosplay are made to be
lightweight and the materials used are ingenious so
that they do not become tiring to hold during long
events. However, there is no place to learn these tech-
niques, so cosplayers learn how to make them from
the Internet or by giving each other advice on how
to make cosplays at events where they are presented.

The purpose of this proposal is to bundle and make

public the cosplay creation techniques that have been
closed and not made public until now.

What’s important about this proposal is that the work- Oposite Page . Image 1
ing area is open to more than just cosplayers. This will Otaku’s activity in the
be a place where the behavior of “creation” will be building and Otaku’s
shared, centering on the cosplay creators. activity in Ikebukuro

108 109
110 111
112 113
 ▽
-Kitchen

ora
7 ▽
RE-CLOTHING
CENTER
7TH FLOOR
MINAMI URATA & TAKUMA NISHIMURA
浦田南 + 西村琢真

The fashion industry affects the environment at every

stage, for example, the procurement of raw materials
to the production, transportation, and disposal of fab-
rics and garments. Garments are made from a mixture
of materials, and are produced in a number of factories
and companies overseas. As a result, it is difficult to
grasp the actual status and full extent of environmental
impact. While the number of garments supplied in Ja-
pan is increasing, the price per garment is getting low-
er every year, and the market size is decreasing. Mass
production and mass consumption are expanding, and
the life cycle of clothing is becoming shorter. The trend
toward mass disposal is accelerating. This is one of the
reasons why the fashion industry has such a large im-
pact on the environment. In fact, the average annu-
al clothing consumption per person today is about 18
pieces of clothing purchased, 12 pieces of clothing giv-
en away, and 25 pieces of clothing not worn. This means
that there are a lot of clothes that are produced and pur-
chased, but not worn and thrown away.

Ikebukuro is a place where department stores such as

Seibu and other shopping facilities such as Sunshine
City are concentrated. A wide range of clothes are sold
there, from luxury brands to fast fashion, and many
people come to Ikebukuro to buy clothes. Many people
visit Ikebukuro to buy clothes. In such places, fashions
go out of style quickly, and you can see big red letters
saying “Sale” at the entrance of stores everywhere. Oposite Page . Image 1
These signs entice consumers to buy. But even then, the Isometric view of
unsold items are not recycled, but discarded. creative space
 Planned obsolescence is one of the ways to stimulate Clothing manufacture
consumers to buy and consume. It is a method to make ▼

consumers buy new products by designing them in ad- Sell

vance so that their quality will intentionally deteriorate ▼ ▼
during use. In addition, short warranty periods and
high repair costs also encourage consumers to buy. The 48%
system of mass production and the strategies of these
companies continue to incentivize consumers to buy.
52%
It has become normal for consumers to live in a cycle ▼ ▼

of buying new things and then throwing them away. 34%

They have formed an easy way of thinking that if they 66%

find a slight defect, it is time to replace it. collection

▼ ▼

Modern people today prefer to buy new products that Garbage

are free of defects. But Naples refuses to do that. For ex- Garbage

ample, when a car breaks down, it is repaired using a Recycle Reuse

wooden stick found in the street. That repair is tempo-

rary, so they will repeat repairs and breakdowns. In oth-
er words, they believe that objects are made up of a cy- Resource Disposal・landfill

cle of breakdown and repair. It is through the repair of 16% 84%

broken objects that we can understand the mechanisms
of objects. Modern people have forgotten this fact.

All objects fall apart and break down as we use them. PHILOSOPHY OF DECOMPOSITION (2019)
As we repeatedly repair and rebuild them, we gradual- Fujiwara Tatsushi
ly become attached to them. Attachment is the act of
using something as long as it does not lose its function The world we live in is filled with abundance between
due to damage or breakage. In this way, the damaged new products and waste, production and products, life
part of a piece of metalwork is reevaluated as a value, and death for example grbage that transforms into toys,
and it is transformed into an attachment. We believe robots that return to the earth, whales that are buried,
that clothes can be treated in the same way. Observe invisible microorganisms and so on. This book exam-
the flaws in the clothes and give them the appropriate ines the possibilities of “disassembly,” which is now
Opposite Page . Image 1 treatment. This may be a time-consuming process, but talked about even more negatively, in various fields
Current status of it may allow us to continue using the clothes for a long such as pedagogy, robotics, scrap pickup, ecology, and
clothing circulation time with affection. the world of repair.
 leather remake library
kimono disassembly

staining remake material

shoes remake shop
repair

broad way collect

clothes
stock clothes
stock
collection

classification
coin laundry
finish up crimp cut down remove the sole classify preprocess
repair shoes

disassemble laundry stain

pieces of cloth parts dry wash

staining
remake clothes

design saw press

measure cut

Opposite Page Top

Image 1
make a pattern paper handmade item display
Layout and connection
remake item
of each process.

Core(Preexisting)
Opposite Page Bottom
Image 2 . Plan
sell in shop

used clothing sales This Page . Image 3

Relationship
between Recluse
Flow and Behavior
 02

01 03

04
05
17
06
07

08 09

16 10
14

15

13
11

12

01 STAINING
02 KIMONO 10 MATERIAL SHOP
03 LETHER 11 CLOTHES STOCK
04 REMAKE 12 SHIPPING
05 DISASSEMBLY 13 CLASSIFICATION
06 REMAKE 14 COLLECTION
07 REMAKE 15 COIN LAUNDRY
08 REMAKE 16 IRON
09 LIBRARY 17 CLOTHES STOCK
 Behavior of Object 01 02 03
Sawing Machine Hanger Scrap Wagon
ミシン ハンガー 端切れ
Shirt,Coat
Small
Size

Pants
Large
Size

100
0

850
750

1400
1400
200

1290
0

00
750

18
100
0

0
34

0
40
20
43

20
291
300
445

0
43

30
210

04 05 06 07
Iron Sawing Tool Ribbon Leather
アイロン 裁縫道具 リボン 革製品
Hammer
Iron
Cutter
Mat

Ironing
Board

1400

1400
1400
1400
980 700
440 690

0
30
0
30
0
20

0
20
100

210
180
400
210

95
90
1000 225 100 297

08 09 10 11
Pattern Paper Stationery Embroidery Frame Fastener
型紙 文具 刺繍枠 ファスナー

Scissors

Ruler

1400

1400
1250

1400
110 715
990 0 600

0
0

25
46

0
20
0
20
100
150

28
12

24
225
300 12 200~1800
600 70
20

This Page . Image 1 12 13 14 15

Embroidery Thread Sewing Thread Button Disassemble Table
Reseach of 刺繍糸 ミシン糸 ボタン 解体台
handicrafts store.
Cup Scrap Cloth Box
Trash Box

Image 2
Designing furniture for

1400
1400

900
1400
the tools needed

11
40

0
60
67
for recloth.
50

0
0
0

30

32
4

5
90

17
5
17

100
9 10 11.5 13 15 18 20 21
10

47

225
180
31
600 70
23 25 28 30 35 40
 Sawing Tool Box IronBox Disassemble Table ▼8FL

300
3400
3700
Remake Space Disassemble
Space

1400

1000
▼7FL

Embroidery Sawing Machine Box Scrap of cloth wagon

Frame Box

Image
Detail section of
creative space
 ▽
ora

und
4 ▽
 BILLBORD
AGORA
4ST FLOOR
YUSUKE MATSUZAKI & TOMOHIRO KOIZUMI
松崎優佑 + 小泉知碩

BILLBOARD
AGORA
Sign Research

RESERCH IN IKEBUKURO

I researched the Prohibition billboard and Behavior

around Marui The prohibitions on activities in the park
isonometric
have been increasing every year, and more and more Image 1
things cannot be done. There are patrols, with red sticks, The Patrols with red
restricting entry and fencing off the area. However, peo- stick and prohibition
ple find a comfortable place to sit and talk outside the Sign board in the park.
section 1/50 fence or the boundary between the park and the street,
and they do so only on the street without in the park.
However, there is no exchange of opinions between local
BUT THEY HAVE PROBLEMSgovernments involving the patrol and the citizens.
Thire is no exchange of opinions between
the local government and the citizens, and Citizens have obeyed the government’s regulations
they look in different direction facing to without accepting them, and various activities have
the billboard. Citizens have obeyed the
government’s regulations without acceptingbeen restricted in the park.I think this is the lack of dia-
them,and various activities have been logue between the government and citizens.
restricted in the park. I think this is the
lack of dialogue between the government and
citizens.
 BILLBOARD
AGORA
Sign Research

isonometric

section 1/50

BUT THEY HAVE PROBLEMS

Thire is no exchange of opinions between
the local government and the citizens, and
they look in different direction facing to
the billboard. Citizens have obeyed the
government’s regulations without accepting
them,and various activities have been
restricted in the park. I think this is the
lack of dialogue between the government and

PSHYCO DRAMA THERAPY

citizens.

In order people to behave freely in the

park and street, We need to talk about the
restrictions on activities that are
restricted in the park and on the street.
On the meeting, Citizens who have been
restricted may agree with this, while those

In order for people to behave freely in the park and

who feel it annoying, may oppose it.
Of course the local government will realize
that they have not been talking to each
other. I would like to create a space

street. We need to talk about the restrictions on activ-

wherer behavior and action, and action and
dialogue, and their each opinions can come
closer together.

ities that are restricted in the park and on the street.

On the meeting Citizens who have been restricted may
agree with this, while those who feel it is annoying may
Top and Bottom oppose it. Then, the citizens and the government will
Image 2 & 3 realize that they have not been talking to each other.
The user behavior in the
edge of parks. I would like to create a space where behavior and ac-
Oposit page Diagram 1 tion, and action and dialogue, can come closer together.

DEMOCRATIZING THE BILLBOARD

MAKING PROCESSE

1st In order to know each other’s situations well, they

can have psychodrama therapy. At the drama they
change their own positions. Someone acts as a char-
acter who opposes free activities and the other agrees
with it. Acting out the opposite person’s position
may give you a chance to think about their thought.

2nd they discuss the new rules making. They talk about
how they can spend time comfortably.

3rd actually they try to make billboards with talking and

talking. This is also the first step to get involved in pol-
itics. Talking about the problem with them, they can
think of their city.
 So we arranged each place in a flow that circled the plan
until we created the rules and put them together on a
billboard. Here is the first point of contact for people
who have something to complain about or an opinion
to express, and here is the project base area that serves
as a base from which both sides would gather. Next to it
is a psychodrama theater on a lower level, where we can
deepen the discussion and find a way out. This theater
is also expected to be used specifically for discussion,
like a courtroom.

And here is a place to design billboards, where design-

ers join in to explore ways to spread rules that are not Oposite Page . Image 1
limited to signs. This is where the billboards are actual- This is the garally space
ly produced, and this project includes not only making where there are
billboards but their actual installation. The space in the some excisting
middle is a gallery for past billboard achievements and Prohibiton Sign.
reviews of ongoing projects.

The aim of this project is to maximize a healthy social

life for all people by involving the person concerned,
from making the rules to publicizing the project.
This is Billboard Agora.

Let the geeks be free to create !!

Project Base Area

Benefits should be paid
to college students !!

Workshop, Factory
Scope of Permitted
derivative works ? Graduate students
500 included in college
students?

contact Management Office

- Schedule -

Stage Psycho Drama Theater Gallary

1 Billboard Agora Team
Skateboarding Team
Drink in college Team
31 Otaku Team
400
400
UNLOCKING
SUSTENANCE
GROUP 3
PROJECTS ABOUT FOOD CULTURE

Both “Ethnic Food Kitchen” and “Rooftop Matsuri” cel-

ebrate the existing ethnic diversity in Ikebukuro to em-
power the precarious urban minorities as active voices
in the city. While the former offers safe and stable places
for free assembly surrounding different types of tradi-
tional fire-places, the latter maintains a big open space
with no fixed identity for holding various ethnic festi-
vals throughout the year in their original seasons. The
project “Vertical Farming” converts an entire side of the
department store into a production landscape, with its
architectural elements tailored to the ecological poten-
tials of the site and edible plants grown there. All these
projects offer urbanites opportunities to learn through
food and find new relations to the city they live in.
 ▽
-Kitchen

ora 5 ▽
ETHNIC FOOD
KITHEN
5ST FLOOR
TAKUMI FUKUHARA & SAYA KURODA
福原拓未 + 黒田紗綾

PROLOGUE

In Ikebukuro, a city with many foreign workers, there

are many ethnic restaurants. In ethnic restaurants, peo-
ple recall a certain “place” through food. It can be said
that ethnic cuisine has an aspect of transmitting “place”
that goes beyond food. Therefore, I propose an ethnic
kitchen to explore food as a commons.

DECONSTRUCTION AND
RECONSTRUCTION OF ETHNIC CUISINE

There are various types of ethnic cuisines. In recent

years, with the development of social networking sites,
“authenticity” is becoming more and more important
in ethnic cuisine. However, the actual cuisine is defined
by the ingredients and the cooking method, and there
is a limit to the cooking method. Therefore, when we
deconstructed the cooking process, we found that the Oposite Page . Image 1
heating process is the most important one. Therefore, Isometoric

145
 We decided to classify the world’s cuisines not by coun- The couple designed the hole in the wall
try or region, but by heating method. Just as fire has themselves, and the wall is decorated
with Nepalese knives and other house-
created gatherings of people since ancient times, we hold items.

hope that fire will create new communities of people in Nepalese drinks and food are sold here.

this project. In addition, we believe that the food pre-

pared there will eventually be influenced by the cuisines
of other countries and become international cuisine.
Regarding the recent boom in international cuisine, ac-
cording to (1), it can be said that it is a trend of ideo-
logical support to break away from the illusory recogni-
tion of nationalities. However, statelessness, which can
be reached only at the end of the transmission of the
identity of all people as an ethnic group, is very differ-
ent from a society in which the identity of nationality
is suppressed, even if it is the same in the sense that it
is not bound to a single nationality, and it would be an
attractive society.
Nepalese Books
CONSTRUCTING THE KITCHEN
AS A SINGLE WORLD Nepalese Restaurant

Reconstructing the world’s cuisine in terms of process- 生産

Production
加工
Processing
食材
Foodstuff
es rather than actual geographical criteria is equivalent
to creating a semantic world or city. In this project, the 食材の調達
運送 保存
only thing that was decided was that one unit would be Procurement
of food stuff
Transport Storage

created for each heating place, but I could not find any 加熱
選別と形成
basis for the decision beyond that. Therefore, the archi- 食材を集める 洗浄 Sorting and forming 調理 焼く
Heat

炒める 揚げる 盛り付け

pelago model was used in this project as the basis for Gather Foods Wash 切る
Wash
叩く
Crush
おろす
Grate
Prepare Bake

煮る
Stir-Fly

蒸す
Fly Dish up

the architectural decision, because the existing pillar Cooking Boril Steam

grid was a factor, precisely because it was a renovation Restaurant

ゴミ
Garbage

of a department store, and the places where people stay 配膳 食べる

Top . Image 2 avoided the area around the pillars, and the space sur- Provide Eat

Nepalese Restaurants rounded by pillars became one unit. However, more Black Box
Isometoriantc. than such a rationale, the image of the world map held EV

by ethnic cuisine led to the model of Archipelago.

Bottom . Image 3 保存 保存 保存
Storage Storage Storage
Flow of food diagram. Arata Isozaki is one of the architects who confronted
the problem of the absence of a determinant basis for 料理 料理 料理
Restaurant

Restaurant

Restaurant
Cooking Cooking Cooking

Bottom . Image 4 design. He began using the term “tentative form” after
提供 提供 提供
Composition of a conversation with Ignazi Sola-Morales in 1990, hav- Provide Provide Provide

restaurants in ing developed it from his methodological theory in the

Department diagram. 1970s. It is very interesting to note that he also used the Escalator

146 147
 11

10

12

09

08

07

06

05
06

05

02
01 LECHON 04
02 CAMPFIRE
03 HANGI
04 PIZZA 02
05 NAAN
06 PAELLA
07 SUNKEN HEARTH 03
02
08 BORSCHT
09 FRIED RICE
10 DOBATAYAKI 01
11 XIAO LONG BAO
12 TORTILLAS
13 KEBABS
14 CURRY
Campfire Xiao Long Bao archipelago model in his Tentative Form, in which a
one-time form was chosen depending on the situation
1. direct fire 1. Steaming
at hand. In this project, the archipelagoes are connected
2. Fire Wood 2. Gas
by an infrastructure of water and fire (smoke), so it can
3. Whole world 3. China
be said that the method of generation is just like the city
4. Meat 4. Wheat flour
itself. Not only in this project, but also in architectur-
Hangi Paella al design, the criterion of judgment is always tentative,
and therefore, the citation of the city as a tentative im-
1. Steaming 1. Teppanyaki
age in architectural design has been done since modern
2. Geothermal 2. Gas
times. Therefore, the citation of the city as a tense im-
3. New Zealand 3. Spain
age in architectural design has been done since modern
4. Meat 4. Rice
times. As a sign of this, we can see many urban theories
Pizza Fried rice by architects as concept making.
1. Pizza Oven 1. Teppanyaki
ETHNIC FOOD KITCHEN
2. Charcoal 2. Gas
3. Italy 3. Japan and China
Returning to the description of the project, the place
4. Wheat flour 4. Rice
created by the counter and ducts is repeated, changing
Naan Tortillas its form for each type of heating. At this point, there is a
danger of uniformity in design and experience. In such
1. Tandoor Oven 1. Teppanyaki
a situation, Aureli describes the concept of enclave, re-
2. Charcoal 2. Gas
ferring to the non-stop city. enclave is a means to break
3. India 3. Mexico
away from the uniformity of the space, and it also
4. Wheat flour 4. Corn flour
shares the same concept of landmarking. In this proj-
Lechon Borscht ect, the decision was made to place the fire place on the
periphery, with the exhaust ducts outside, and the more
1. Charcoal grill 1. Boil
public units in the center. Here, by arranging the kitch-
2. Charcoal 2. Gas
en as an enclave in addition to the tables, redundancy
3. Philippines 3. Ukraine
is ensured even within the grid arrangement. Through
4. Pork 4. Beet
ethnic cuisine, the exploration of the rationale for de-
Sunken hearth Pho sign in architecture is considered to be the outcome of
this project.
1. Charcoal grill 1. Boil
2. Charcoal 2. Gas
DESIGN PURPOSE
3. Japan 3. Vietnam
4. Fish 4. Rice flour
Ethnic cuisines from around the world were catego-
Kebabs Curry rized by heating method, and each cooking area was ar-
ranged and designed. In addition, since the energy used
1. Grill 1. Boil
for heating determines whether or not it can be reused,
2. Gas 2. Gas
the color of the piping was changed for each type of en- Oposite Page . Image 5
3. Turkey 3. India
ergy to create a space where the variations of the world’s Categorizing Ethnic
4. Lamb meat 4. Meat
cuisine can be visually recognized. Cuisine by Energy Use.

150 151
 LECHON 01
CAMPFIRE 02
HANGI 03
PIZZA 04
NAAN 05
PAELLA 06
SUNKEN HEARTH 07
BORSCHT 08
FRIED RICE 09
DOBATAYAKI 10
XIAO LONG BAO 11
TORTILLAS 12
KEBABS 13
CURRY 14

08 07 06
11 10 09

12 06

02 02

05 05 04 03 01

plan S=1:750

Detail section
S=1:75

section S=1:750

154 155
B1FL
 VERTICAL
FARM
ALL FLOOR
TATSUMI SONE & DAIKI AMAGASAKI
曽根巽 + 尼﨑大暉
Vegetable upon Haral Hoods

Outgrowing plants over the silhou-

ette of the building

A woman watering

Turkish cuisine

Izakaya

Turkish bento (haral, with lots of

vegetable)

1
As Simone Weil says in
“L’enracinement”, “The
peasants have been
cruelly uprooted by the
modern world in all
matters of the spirit”
LIVELIHOOD UPROOTED, COMMONS EMACIATED
(pp. 124). “Money, in its

My mother has a vegetable garden as a hobby while she intrusion, has driven out

works. Amagasaki’s grandfather also makes a living from all the driving forces...
farming. There is a fundamental joy of life, as if one is rooted It destroys the roots of
in the land through plants. However, in a capitalist society, everything” (pp.74).「根
there is more than that. When the logic of capital is brought をもつこと」新版 シモーヌ・

into the business of hobbies to an excessive degree, our live- ヴェイユ著、山崎庸一郎訳、

lihood becomes labor, and we are “uprooted “1. The healthy 春秋社、2009

ecology, that is, The linkage between the “public,” “private,”

and the “commons” which was supported by the layers of 2
nature, has been bloated and destroyed by the influx of com- 「エコロジーとコモンズ 環

modified goods and service substitutes2 (Fig. 1). Production 境ガバナンスと地域自立の

has been black-boxed by industry, and the commons and 思想」三俣学編著、晃洋書

our convivial joy rooted in it have been emaciated. 房、2014. pp.8

158 159
 DISCONNECTION BETWEEN HOBBY-LIKE
PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION IN IKEBUKURO
3
We can also see this effect in the behavior of the city we
Those who are observed in Ikebukuro. For example, we can see that one
continuously involved of the buildings has gardening plants growing out of the
in the operation of the building, and on the other side, there is a Halal restaurant H Y D ROP ON I C FA RM
commons are called (Fig. 2), but even if vegetables are growing in the garden,
core members, those they are not eaten in the restaurant next door. In Ikebukuro, S OI L FA R M
who are temporarily or you can see many gardens, but even if there are vegetables
intermittently involved nearby, you cannot eat them. In Ikebukuro, there is a com-
are called participants, plete disconnect between consumption and the production S OI L FA R M
and those who are not of individual skills, even though they are often adjacent to
directly involved but each other. Architecture must become the infrastructure H Y D ROP ON I C FA RM
participate by observing that connects the desire for the pleasure of growing plants
or experiencing are with consumption, making plants com mon and creating a ▼ RFL
M AT S U R I

3,700
called participants. small cycle. ▼ 8FL
T AT A M I B E A CH

3,700
▼ 7FL
R E- C L O T H C EN .

STRATEGY FOR CITY FARMING COMMONS

3,700
Top . Figure 2 ▼ 6FL
O T A K U WS

3,700
Inversion of the private, ▼ 5FL
E T H N I C K I T CH E N

How can this be achieved in cities? For the commons to

3,700
public, and common in ▼ 4FL
B IL L B O AR D AG O R A

be powerful in a city where everything is large, it needs a

3,700
the modernity (ref.2) ▼ 3FL

broader coalition than it has in rural areas. In terms of skill

B RE A K L A N D

3,700
▼ 2FL

level, the number of core members may not be that differ-

M AI N T A IN A N CE

Oposite Page . Image 2

5,100
Solar radiation ent from the practice in rural areas, but the amount of par- ▼ 1FL
L AB O R S PO R T /Y A T AI

distribution in the plan ticipants and observers3 should be much larger. Therefore,
and the south elevation,
there is a serious problem with the quantity of vegetables.
and placement of
In addition to root vegetables that can only be grown in
the two farms.
soil, those that can be grown hydroponically can be grown
using the vertical farming method, making it possible to
grow enough vegetables for about 120,000 meals4.
160 161
 13
01

06
02
07

11

04

05 09

03

10

01 SOIL FARMING
02 SHORING UP
03 SPRINKLE RICE BRAN
04 MOWING
05 COMPOST
06 COMPOSTING 08
07 RAISING SEEDLINGS
08 VERTICAL FARMING ATRIUM
09 LIFT CORE
10 PIPING SHAFT
11 WARMING
12 WATER PIPE
13 HEAT PIPE 13
162 163
 ▼ R FL
water pipe (vertical farm)： M A TS U R I
steal pipe φ=200

Opening section：
shoji with an oil-treated screen

exhaust pipe：
Aluminum sash sliding door
OPEN TECHNOLOGY AND

3,700
steel pipe 450×300

SMALL CIRCULATION
single pipe：
steel pipe φ=10
▼ 8 FL
TA TA M I B E A C H Agriculture is becoming a very high-tech industry today5.
water pipe (laundry)： Opening section：
glass door
Vertical farming is one of the best examples. Temperature, 4
water composition, and genetics are completely regulated
steal pipe φ=200
Aluminum sash sliding door
The population of

3,700
by artificial intelligence. The harvesting and maintenance is the Nishi-Ikebukuro/

500
cat walk：
expanded metal t=4.5
T-beam 300×150
round steel bar 600×300 ＠1900
largely mechanized, and humans watch it on iPads. In this Ikebukuro area
▼ 7 FL
R E - C L O TH C E N . project, it is necessary to diagnose and anatomize vertical adjacent to Marui
Opening section： farming, rather than operating it as such a manipulative is approximately
glass door
and closed technology, and to recombine it into a more
Agricultural drainage pipe：
steel pipe φ=60 Aluminum sash sliding door
24,000, that is, enough

3,700
curtains

open technology for conviviality6. It is not just a matter vegetables can be grown
Soil Farming Terrace：
Soil t=600 of making high-tech low-tech; it is a matter of reconfigur- to feed all the residents
Water permeable sheet t=0.8
Drainage storage board t=45
anti-root sheet t=1.0
▼ 6 FL
O TA K U W S ing technology so that it can be maintained and managed for about two days. If the
without the politics and power of control and manipula-
Rubber asphalt waterproofing t=3
Existing slab t=200 600 400 500

300 50 50 1,000
Opening section： project is expanded to
tion that separate us from the plants. The agricultural pipes
glass door
200 Aluminum sash sliding door
Flexible drainage promoters：
the entire Toshima Ward

3,700
pipe φ=150

used in plastic greenhouses should be used as a framework, (population: 280,000),

and the components should be as simple as possible. The
2,100

it would be possible to
▼ 5 FL
E TH N I C K I TC H E N growing environment should not be controlled discretely grow enough vegetables
500 1,250 1,000 1,250 1,000 685
by microcomputers on a unit-by-unit basis, but rather by
Opening section：
for one meal for half the
conventional air conditioning technology and circulation
screen door
glass door
Aluminum sash sliding door
population. 豊島区 町丁

3,700
throughout the building. The technology is a key in the
Vertical farming atrium
kept at 15-20 degrees

別の世帯と人口 (https://
whole system, in which the water from the spring becomes
www.city.toshima.
▼ 4 FL
BILLBOARD AGORA the circulating water for the water-cooled heat pump
lg.jp/070/kuse/gaiyo/
Opening section：
chiller, which gradually returns to the same temperature as
jinko/setaitojinko/
the environment within the building, and then returns to
glass door
Aluminum sash fixed
3,700
h27/1603081621.html)
Vertical farming atrium
kept at 25-30 degrees the environment through transpiration by the plants.
2021年11月21日閲覧

▼ 3 FL
BREAK LAND DEPARTMENT STORE REVOLVES,
5
Opening section：
FAÇADE REVOLVES
glass door
Aluminum sash sliding door
“Countryside: a Report”
3,700

AMO, Rem Koolhaas,

When a department store is weighted according to the com-
mercial value of its homogeneous structure, the spectacular Taschen, 2020
▼ 2 FL
M A I N TA I N A N C E intersections and avenues become the front, and the rest the
back. Instead, the next generation of department stores will 6
look to the abundant resources around them - in this case, 「コンヴィヴィアリティ
gardening skills, water, sun, and wind - and bring the place のための道具」
5,100

of production back to your neighborhood. In this way, the イヴァン・イリイチ著、渡

sunny south of the building will be penetrated by the di- 辺京二・渡辺梨佐訳、
日
mension of plants, creating a new façade where production 本エディタースクール出
and circulation can be seen. 版部、1989
▼ 1 FL
L A B O R S P O R T/ Y A TA I
 RAIN

COOLING IV TANK

transpiration
▼ RFL
MATSURI

3,700
PLANTS (6-8F) COOLING III
▼ 8FL
TATAMI BEACH

3,700
DRYER WASHER

exhausted heat
▼ 7FL
RE-CLOTH CEN.

3,700
▼ 6FL
OTAKU WS

3,700
KITCHEN
▼ 5FL
ETHNIC KITCHEN

3,700
PLANTS (1-5F)
▼ 4FL
BILLBOARD AGORA

COOLING II

3,700
▼ 3FL
BREAK LAND
WATER MIRROR

exhausted heat

3,700
▼ 2FL
MAINTAINANCE
COOLING I

5,100
refrigerant

▼ 1FL
LABORSPORT/YATAI

POOL

WATER COOLING
FILTER
HEAT PUMP CHILLER
▼ B1FL
URBAN GEO. ARCHIVE

TANK

Image 1 GROUND WATER

South elevation
with a small cycle.

166 167
 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

01 トマト

ナス
Tomato

Eggplant

TRAY 01 ピーマン類 Bell peppers

02 CLAMP 02 じゃがいも Potatoes

きゅうり Cucumber

GREENHOUSE PIPE 03 にがうり Bitter melon

Ø 25MM カボチャ Pumpkins

03
LED LIGHTS 04
エダマメ/ダイズ Green soy bean/soy bean

エンドウ Pea

WATER PIPE Ø 25MM 05 インゲン Green beans

04 POST-CAST CONCRETE 06 ソラマメ

ラッカセイ
Broad beans

Peanut

SOIL 07
05
キャベツ Cabbage

DRAINAGE PIPE 08 ハクサイ Chinese cabbage

PERMEABLE SHEET 09 ダイコン

カブ
Japanese white radish

Turnip

DRAINAGE BOARD T=45MM ツケナ類 Cucurbitaceae

ASPHALT WATERPROOFING タマネギ

ネギ
Onion

Green onion

MORTAR ニンニク Garlic

SLIDING DOOR 10 レタス Lettuce

HEAT PIPE 11
シュンギク Garland chrysanthemum

ゴボウ Great burdock

ST PL T=10MM 12 イチゴ Strawberry

plan
s=1/200 (A3)

EXISTING STRUCTURE 13
オクラ Shelving

ホウレンソウ Spinach

ニンジン Carrot

とうもろこし Corn

ムギ類 Wheat variety

サツマイモ Sweet potato

サトイモ Taro

生姜 Ginger

コンポスト（生ゴミ） Compost

育苗 Raising seedlings

テコ入れ Shoring up

クラツキ Crackers

草刈り Mowing

米ぬかまき Sprinkle rice bran

06
間引き Thin out

堆肥づくり Composting

07 10 ポケット催芽 Pocket garmination

ストチュウ水 Sutochu-water

定植・行燈保温 Planting/warming

整枝 Pluning

11
料理 Cooking

食事 Eating

08

1250 685
1000
09 Toilet

500 1000
Lift

1250
12 Shaft

Top . Image 1

A B C D
one of the floor plan &
Solanaceae (nightshade family of plants) Leafy greens in spring
Root vegetables in autumn
gourd family Root vegetables in spring
Leafy greens in autumn
four cycles of plants.
Bottom . Image 2
One year cycle
behaviorology of plant
13 and human
168 169
170 171
h/
R ▽
 INTERNATIONAL
FESTIVAL
ROOFTOP
TOMOMI MATSUMOTO & YUKA OGAWA
松本朝実 + オガワ ユカ

Ikebukuro is a district known for its diversity with a

high number of foreign residents. There are more than
200 hundred Chinese shops around turning Ikebukuro
into a new Chinatown spot in Tokyo. Recently, even
Chinese New Year events have already occurred in the
last few years.

Despite that, the “actual migrant life” faces many strug-

gles. According to Rhaman (2018), more than a dozen
years after the wave of immigrants that occurred after
World War II and in the 1990s, there are still many
immigration problems in Japan, such as social dispar-
ity and stratification. Many immigrants work and live
in industries where labor shortages such as long-term
care facilities are problematic, as migrants and plenty
of these immigrants send funds to their families living
in their own countries to support them. In addition, in
many cases, students live in parallel to study Japanese,
which is essential for working and living in Japan. Con-
sequently, the financial, time, physical, and mental bur-
dens are even higher.

Moreover, discrimination and social hindrance due

to lack of understanding of the culture and religion
of one’s own country can be mentioned. Many immi- Oposite Page . Image 1
grants in Japan belong to Islam, and this may not be Ikebukuro Marui
accepted by the local people and might feel isolated. In Building. Existing
addition, many foods and clothes are rooted in their condition.

174 175
 own culture, and these incomprehension and smok- ing each culture in the place of Japanese and Ikebukuro.
ing habits can also be mentioned. There are many oth- The festival calendar in the following pages was made
er life cycle problems in living in Japan, and there are based on a research of festivals held all over the world.
difficulties due to immigrants at various stages of life, Ten countries from Europe, North America, South
such as childbirth, child-rearing, education costs, and America and Asia were picked considering the number
nursing care for the elderly. Due to the various diffi- of foreign residents who live by the region of Tokyo based
culties experienced by these immigrants, some feel on the chart bellow. The criteria for selection of festival
alienated from living in Japan, and a symbiotic society was not limited by local religion and thought, but accord-
with improved exclusivity in Japan cannot be realized. ing to events in common all over the worlds, like the lu-
nar calendar, solstice, equinox and seasons tradition.
Observing the space formed by immigrants around
Ikebukuro Station, we can see that there are mul-
tiple areas where restaurants developed by immi-
grants from China, South Korea, India, etc. are con-
centrated and that many immigrants live in this area.
A space that makes you feel strong is formed. On the
other hand, there are few opportunities for Japanese
people to interact equally as residents living in the
same place, not as guests to those stores, as the mul-
ticultural exchange festival is held only once a year.

Festivals are the act of shifting the world in which we

live from everyday to extraordinary to another level.
Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin said that the fes-
tival removes the class that socially divides human be-
ings in daily life and creates a space where all the people
who participate in the festival interact in a classless and
equal relationship.
PROBLEMS OF DOSTOEVSKY’S POETICS (1984)
In Japan, immigrants are considered to be one of the MICHAIL BAKHTIN
classes divided in daily life by various scales such as
rich and poor, occupation and homeless. The difference Immigrants living in Japan have experienced many
in values is
​​ so great that it is thought that this difference problems like economic aspects and communications.
cannot be easily filled by just having a conversation in They feel alienated in life because of the many difficul-
the same space. Given that there is a limit to the inter- ties. If this goes on, a symbiotic society that improves
action in daily life, providing a classless space that has exclusivity can’t be achieved. Mikhail Bakhtin said in
transitioned from the daily life of festivals, as Bakhtin the book “Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics” that Fes-
mentions, is a way immigrants to live in Japan. tival can remove the social class that divides people in
Opposite page . Chart 1 daily life. After that, a unique space that all the partic-
Chart of number of Festivals might free from the constant feeling of alien- ipants interact with non-class was formed. Providing
foreigners residents in ation, and deepen awareness of living in the same land this space can decolonize the alienation of immigrants
Toshima. by increasing exchanges on an equal footing while hav- and help to make a symbiotic society.
 Below . Chart 02
Festival Calendar

Temporary
SeasonalFestivals
events

１ 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 １2 Tool Costume Food

Midsummer
Sweden
5days

Europe

France Wine Festival

3days
Wine

Oktoberfest
Germany
1day

Day of the Dead

North America Mexico
1day

Inty RaimiSun Festival (Winter Solstice)

Sorth America Peru
1day

Asian
Mid-Autumn Festival
countries Moon Festival
3days

Chinise New year

China
7days

Vietnam TIT Festival

Vietnam
Asia 3days

He-min Myao
Thailand 3days

Holi
India
1day

Meaning: lunar calender Worship of Sun Harvest arrival of the Seasons Begging for rain Worship of ancestors and the dead

178 179
 DESIGN PROPOSAL

The main approach of this project is to provide infra-

structure for festivals by creating an indeterminate
space that can be arranged and assembled in a very free
01
and flexible manner.

The annex building will allocate technical shaft as well

as part of the mechanical equipments usually predomi-
nant on rooftop of the buildings.

The aim concept is to provide new connections, pro-

moting encounters and exchanges between foreigner
02 residents and the Japanese population, while conse-
quently improving immigrants real life in Tokyo.

The elements listed bellow represent each of the

equipped infrastructure:

01 The roof was created to allocate the infrastructure of

the festival protected from, sun heat and the transversal
beams can support the foldable roof, as well as the elec-
03 trical systems, the lighting and the matsuri’s decoration.

02 The lift located in the technical shaft for heavy and

materials access all the floors of Ikebukuro Marui Build-
ing, reaching the rooftop. In case there is a very big
object for the matsuri, they can also fabricate it on the
rooftop in a factory. Can also be used as a warehouse.

03 Incase there is a very big object for the matsuri, they

04 can also fabricate it on the rooftop in a factory. Can also
be used as a warehouse.

04 Keep the existing tower and adjust it for new uses. it

will mainly be used for stage, backstage. Also, a obser-
vatory, since the festivals are related to the lunar calen-
dar a lot of events occur during full moon.

1% 05 Elevated floor, inclination for the 1% for gutter water Oposite Page . Image 3
flow. Waterproof membrane slab with drain positioned Design Proposal
05
bellow the elevated floor for proper water drainage. Infrastructure diagrams
 04
VENDOR STALLS 01
LIFT 02
05 FACTORY 03
STAGE 04
PLAZA 05
ELEVATORS 06
TECHNICAL SHAFT 07
03 01

06

02

07

183
184 185
RECLAIMING
THE CITY
GROUP 4 INTRODUCTION
PROJECTS ABOUT ECOLOGY AND IDENTITY

In the project “Repairer Production in Ikebukuro” our

everyday routine of blissful forgetfulness of our waste
and damage is being reversed. By establishing a space
of learning about maintenance and repair, while also in-
troducing a synergistic waste disposal function for the
whole department store, the project creates an active
conversation between the community and its own habit-
ual neglect of what comes to the other side of newness
and consumption. “Historical Archive” attempts to cre-
ate a palimpsest for the city, by resurfacing old traces of
the city that have been lost, such as the river flows that
used to run through the city. The Ramp project intro-
duces a public space on a continuous slope, establishing
an interface for connecting different activities together.
 ▽
e-Center

2
sport
▽
THE REPAIRER
PRODUCTION
UNLOCKING PEOPLE’S
DISABILITY OF SELF MAINTENANCE
2ND FLOOR
MAYU RIKITAKE & YUMI HISATSUNE
力武真由 + 久恒友海

Focusing on the behavior of maintainers in Ike-

bukuro, this project aims to propose an alternative
way to the maintenance free system and relying on
repair services. Here, maintenance skills can be trans-
mitted, acquired and practiced. People in Ikebukuro
can bring their unwanted items from the city and re-
cycle them into the things needed to run the building.
When things used in this building break down, they
can be brought here again for maintenance. The pic-
ture (Image 3) shows the cycle of goods throughout
the Marui Building from the aspect of maintenance.

The design process went through the following pro-

cess. First, we observed the behavior of “MAINTAIN- Oposite Page . Image 1
ERs” in Ikebukuro and analyzed the tools, the sur- An example of a
rounding environment, clothing, and how they relate maintenance target
to the object of maintenance. As a result, we were able found in the city.
to find a connection between each maintenance be- Chipping of exterior
havior by focusing on the “gloves” they wore. material tiles.
 08

07

09
06
10

13
05

11

04
12
01 BIKE
02 STORAGE
03 GALLERY
04 LECTURE 03
05 YATAI 02
06 TATAMI
07 KITCHEN TOOL
08
09
DISH
LIBRARY
01
10 GARBAGE
11 FURNITURE
12 FARM
13 BALCONY

192 193
 Secondly, we categorized each maintenance behavior
by the “gloves” people use, and efficiently arranged
tools, sinks and desks suitable for each behavior.

Finally, by connecting the zones divided by the types

of “gloves” with desks, rivers, and hanging shelves,
we designed a mixture that would create a transmis-
sion of skills.
Image 3
Cycle of goods Affection towards building and cities depends on
throughout building whether they can be SELF MAINTAINED. Therefore,
from the aspect of by creating this floor, we are able to develop a stronger
maintenance. attraction to the MARUI Building and Ikebukuro.
194 195
A-A’ B-B’

C-C’

0 1 2 3 4 5

198 199
l-Archive

B ▽
WATERSIDE
ARCHIVE
UNLOCK UNDERGROUND WATER BEHAVIOR
UNDERGROUND FLOOR
CHOKUSAI SAKATA & SHUMPEI KUWADA
坂田直截 + 桑田駿平

Until now, the spatial imagination has been defined

by the dualism of objective and subjective. Through
his critique of the double illusion, Lefebvre appealed
to the need to remove the powerful constraints of the
logic of dualiism, and proposed trinomialization as a
critical othering. The specific methods are as follows.

1 A completely different way of thinking about space,

which has been obscured by the exclusive fixation of
illusory materialistic and idealistic interpretations.

2 To define the scope of the infinitely expandable

spatial imagination in a comprehensive and radically
open style (as an aleph).

FIRST SPACE

Practice of space (perceived space): The spatial prac-

tice that poses and presupposes social space slowly
and surely produces space as it dominates and takes
possession of it. It is mediated by human activity, be-
havior, and experience (repetitive routines).

SECOND SPACE

Representation of space (space to be thought). Iden-

tifies lived experience and perceived objects with
thought objects. It is constituted through the means Oposite Page . Image 1
(knowledge, symbols, rules) of decoding spatial prac- What Ikebukuro used to
tices (actions) connected to order and design. look like

203
 THIRD SPACE

A space that differs from, but encompasses, the other

two spaces. The third space is different from the other
two spaces, but encompasses them. It embodies a com-
plex symbolic system (the darkness of social life, under-
ground aspects, art, etc.).

HISTORY

In the past, Ikebukuro was located in the valley of the

Tsurumaki River, which is rich in spring water, and peo-
ple used to access this abundant water source to make a
living by growing vegetables. However, as time went on
and development progressed, the valley was filled with A. Edo-period
soil, the Tsurumaki River was culverted, and the water
was no longer visible from Ikebukuro, and its fertile past
was forgotten by the people. By unlocking the under-
ground water in the basement of Marui, which is locat-
ed on the border between the plains and the valley, and
making it behave above ground, we can create an every-
day relationship between water and people, and make B. Before war
it a place where the memory of Ikebukuro is passed on.
Right . Image 1
Ikebukuro 4cho-me in
Edo-period: hills, rivers,
and wetlands C. Now

Opposite . Image 2
Waterside lost in the
development

D. After suggestion

204 205
1 Depending on the width of space around pool,
slabs are shifted for each spaces to get
two kinds of characteristics.

2 Induced by behavior of
Water, Light, People to Edge

3 Depending on distance with each behavior,

people get different perspectives, which
fits to each programs
 geograpic photo area
exibition PS

UP
DN
archive
experie

DN
UP
B1F
reception

archive of
knowledge
EV

DN

DN
rest
lift room

UP
metro statio n

JR
Ikebukuro
station

UP
restaurant

UP
UP
restaurant
B2F

EV

UP
DN

DN
UP
restaurant restauran t lift rest
room

shop

pool

B3F

UP
EV

UP
chanding room rest
lift room

PS
L+5,100
INTESTANT
RAMP
RAMP
HAMAMOTO HARUNA & YAMAGUCHI SATOSHI
濱本遥奈 + 山口聡士

The vertical movement of elevators and the increase

of flat roads that are easy to walk due to paving have
brought convenience to people's urban life. However, as
roads were paved and the city became safer, people lost
the behavior of paying attention to their surroundings
and checking their footing.

In addition, signs at train stations and commercial fa-

cilities, as well as maps on smart phones, do not make
people think about where they are going; they simply
follow the directions on the signs in front of them. In
cities, people follow the directions of the signs and
smartphone information presented to them, without
checking their surroundings or even thinking about
where they are.

In a world where convenience has become the norm,

we designed the ramp to break that norm and awaken
the physicality that people have almost forgotten. Let's
take the human act of walking back to the level of prim-
itive times.

We considered the ideas of two theorists, Shusaku

Arakawa and Claude Parent. Shusaku Arakawa, a con-
temporary artist, said that when one is out of balance,
one reverts to an infant and is freed from the world
of common sense. This is what Claude Parent says
in his book “Visionary Architect”. He said, "by mak-

215
ing movement conscious, a whole new sensory world
emerges. In response to these words, we thought that
by walking on a slope, we become more aware of the
gravity that is placed on our bodies. Also, it would be
an opportunity for people to regain their physicality,
which they had forgotten until now.

This intervention consists of two vertical circulation

on the façade; the first a barefoot ramp; the second, a
stairway to be walked with shoes. The barefoot ramp
connects the 3FL Napping-Beach and the 8th floor Tat-
ami-Beach with a single path, and the steep 15 percent
slope and unevenness of the floor that can be felt with
bare feet remind us of the behavior of walking. By con-
sidering the dead space at the intersection of the ramp
and the shoes as a niche, we have created a space where
people can stay in the linear flow line.

The other staircase, where people walk with their

shoes, becomes a place that connects the behavior of
each floor. For example, a semi-outdoor space on the
5th floor is connected to the rooftop festival, and signs
made on the 4th floor are installed on each floor.

Depending on the direction of movement, the direction

of gravity changes. This causes a change in the feeling
and load (ascent, support, fatigue or descent, accelera-
tion, elation) that we feel. Through experiences that put
a strain on the body, such as being "dragged," the senses
of elation and resistance are refined. The slant of the
floor, or slope, makes you feel gravity strongly even
when you are standing still. You will be aware of a
load that you cannot experience on a flat surface.

Because people are frequently isolated in their habita-

tion, they eliminate the possibility of interaction. By
walking on a slope, we are strongly aware of the gravity
that is placed on our bodies. I think this will be an op-
portunity for people to regain their physicality, which
they have forgotten until now.

Information that works directly on the body.

216 217
218 219
 300 180 1,100

200

1,800
92

155

3,000
1,200

500

50
20 120 500 300 20
ADDITIONAL
ARTICLES
UNLOCKING
BEHAVIORS:
BETWEEN FORMED UN-FORMS &
UN-FORMED FORMS
GABRIEL KOGAN
ガブリエル コーガン

The notion of form in art went through a process of

questioning, deconstruction and dilution after World
War II. The Action Painting of artists such as Jackson 1
Pollock and Franz Kline drew attention to the work as For Bois & Krauss,
gesture and body movement, exposing the split of art formless is an operation.
between formal supports and its production processes. “It is a matter instead
Japanese group Gutai and Joseph Beuys took an even of locating certain
more radical path with their performance-events (vir- operations that brush
tually immaterial). While Pollock exhibited his canvas- modernism against
es at the Guggenheim, Gutai’s performances reaffirmed the grain, and of doing
the impossibility of this art if not experienced. The art- so without countering
ists sought to alter and implode the golden notion of modernism’s formal
the artistic object, strengthening ideals already stated certainties by means
by Dadaists and Surrealists and embodying the crises of of the more reassuring
the form. The materiality of the work and the boundar- and naive certainties
ies of its techniques gave room to the focus on process- of meaning. On
es and conceptual discourses1. the contrary, these
operations split off from
Due to their intrinsic social dimension and the high modernism, insulting the
production costs, this crisis spread radically across the very opposition of form
territory of architecture from the 1950s onwards, emp- and content - which Is
tying architecture itself and its means of production. As itself formal, arising as it
a result, architects came to question their practice at the does from a binary logic
core, doubting the effectiveness of intervening in reality - declaring it null and
using their well-established creation tools – developed void.” De Bois & Kraus.

225
 FORMED FORMS

over the previous five centuries: the drawing, so con- Nothing could escape the watchful eyes of architect-de-
ceived as form generator. Writing about this historic signers. For the first modernist generation of Mies and
moment, Koolhaas summarized this overall process: Le Corbusier, form delimited how the space would be
inhabited, without margins for unpredictability beyond
“The conviction that architecture is a creative power that has led hu- technical-scientific rigor on which architecture was
2 manity for over three thousand years was undermined by doubt and positivist grounded (form follows function). Architects
KOOLHAAS, Rem, the flower power. (...) ‘Generation 1968’ was the generation that would aspired to design and build formed forms, precisely
Brasília, 2011 set mankind free – free from architecture, amongst other things. The outlined, drawn, and built with rigor, stages of every-
city as a modernist ‘ideal’ was no longer conceivable nor relevant. day life previously scripted by the architects. Urban
3 ‘Order’ was a dirty word and had been replaced by ‘self-organization’. functions had been schematically defined for those ro-
To justify the war in Utopias had turned into grim fairytales, used to ward off the incurable bots-like organisms within machines for living: to in- 4
Iraq, George W. Bush’s idealism of architecture.” 2 habit, work, have fun, circulate4. For the Santa Maria
secretary Donald del Fiori construction
Rumsfeld gave his Hidden along over modernity and finally posed in The modern houses of the first half of the 20th centu- site, the technique, and
famous interview: “As mid-20th-Century, the crises of form will be discussed ry carried a civilizing spirit. Architecture would sup- form of the dome to be
we know, there are next through a neologism, un-form (a correspondent posedly be how both the bourgeoisie and the working erected on the walls that
known knowns; there to informe and formless), organized in four binomi- classes could internalize their customs and patterns in readily awaited it would
are things we know als that explore the construction and deconstruction new ways of life offered by modern aesthetics and tech- be essential for the
we know. We also of the notion of form: Un-formed Forms, Un-formed nologies. Breaking with the notion of styles, modern success of the work on
know there are known Un-forms, Un-formed Forms and Formed Un-forms3. architecture developed between the wars (embodied by the Florentine cathedral.
unknowns; that is to Lastly, we would offer a framework, based in Atelier the International Style) sought to reach the truth, the It could not be any dome,
say we know there are Bow Wow Behaviorology theory, about production unique and correct way not only to design spaces but and it was not even
some things we do not processes of Formed Un-forms. also to inhabit them. known in advance which
know. But there are also it might be. Designing a
unknown unknowns— FORMED FORMS: Architectural form defines uses and The notion of architectural form in praxis ends up new, unique, technically
the ones we don’t know everyday life. Architecture is the platform for the pre- merging with the plan-project, through which the ar- accurate shape would
we don’t know”. As defined script of the day-to-day. 15th Century-1950’s. chitect could cut out a certain area of ​​the world and be necessary. The
the philosopher Slavoj give it an exceptional order and organization. These ex- primary paradigm
Žižek pointed out, US UN-FORMED UN-FORMS: Architectural form is dilut- periments will then define the paradigm for the entire for modernity was
politics showed its own ed or absent. Informal organizations establish the ar- city. The illusion thrives that through form, architecture framed there. Modern
dialectical limitation chitectural praxis. 1950’s-now. would become “real” (and it would be the only way to architecture would then
by failing to recognize do so), materializing the technical rigor of structural be a radicalization of
the fourth and final UN-FORMED FORMS: A basic structure host new calculation and the proportions of beauty expressed by this process.
combination: the forms, to become. The space is a lab for new formal in- visualities and spacialities.
unknown knows, that is, terventions, which reaffirms boundaries. 1960’s-now.
the things we know but
do not know we know. FORMED UNFORMS: Formal procedures and creative
The Rumsfeld-Žižek processes give room for informal organizations. Space
argument inspires becomes free and stimulates autonomous arrange-
this analysis. ments. 1960’s-now.

226
 UN-FORMED UN-FORMS

However, something seemed to go off the rails: commu- own shelters from Fuller’s-inspired-building-manuals.
nities destined to live in the enormous modern housing The result was a deformed and precarious pseudo-geo-
blocks seemed to refuse to fit the architects’ script. The desic mass, the Drop City (1965), one of the most sym-
happiness of designing and building at each new com- bolic images of the period’s architecture, abandoned ten
mission of architects was immense but inversely propor- years after its construction.
tional to the satisfaction of the inhabitants in the infinite
housing layers: “What I dislike most is the architec- Books of immense impact in this period, such as Ber-
ture”5. Criticism within the architectural environment nard Rudofsky’s Architecture Without Architects
appears contained within the CIAMs’ own Corbusian (1965), reinforced the insufficiency of architects’ work,
environments when Team X introduces the idea of com- ​​ incapable of approaching, or even understanding the 6
munity to the scheme of the modern city. The avalanche autochthonous (or vernacular) manners construction In France, the
that shook architecture had its first rolling stones. developed over the millennium around the world. As positive atmosphere
emphatically pointed by authors like Manfredo Tafu- created by the strike
The climate of optimism of a new society at the end of ri and Sergio Ferro, designing forms was an ideologi- demonstrations of
the 50s and the impetus to critically overcome the pres- cal act, that is, a status quo reproduction mechanism. May 1968, gave the
ent inspired movements such as Situationist Internation- Drawings were authoritarian tools for exploring labor impression that the free
al that believed in the eminent (and positive) liberation through the architect’s direct action: the manner which occupation of urban
of human beings from work. Drifts (Derivés) and ex- the architects translate the desire of dominant classes spaces (inspired by
perimental practices (largely performative) attracted the to the precarious construction site in order to keep the the Situationist and by
attention of architects. The architect’s precise line then power structure with new monuments. anarchist theorists)
made room for investigations into the ephemeral and could offer a promising
the becoming presence of the body in the city. There was Despite its appearances, the crises of the form hardly future (“set mankind
the possibility of no longer building but experimenting, unfolded revolutionary impulses capable of complete- free”). Revolution was
researching, and writing in what later came to be called ly restructuring architectural practice, nor would even imminent. But before the
paper architecture (a practice based on manifestos and allow new means of producing environments increas- end of May, the student
not on brick and mortar). ingly suitable to human needs. Un-formed Un-forms leader, Daniel Cohn-
ended up arising nihilistic impulses that imploded the Bendit, facing the lack of
Within the libertine context of the 60s and 70s, the no- architect’s practice6 and emptied his working tools. The a project, organization,
tion of action and ephemerality inspired temporary (and architectural practice found itself trapped in a dead-end and a plan of action, was
disposable) structures, such as the inflatables of Ant during a firefight and, after the dust settled, started to already retreating
5 Farm. Buckminster Fuller’s geodesics provided the key collect its own fragments. to Germany.
Excerpt from a historical to a portable architecture, but they could still seem too
interview (probably of heavy and too technical. Driven by an apparently pro-
the 60s) with dwellers gressive and questioning mid-century social behavior
of Grands Essembles that had its grounds in Hippie Movement, communities
used in a video produced in remote regions became seducing alternative destina-
for the French Pavilion tions to accomplish the abstraction of professional-scien-
at the Venice Bienalle, tific (or quasi-scientific) action of architects. For exam-
2014 curated by Jean ple, an alternative village in the Colorado desert thought
Louis Cohen. it could – without any scientific knowledge – make its

228
UN-FORMED FORMS

From the core of Paper Architecture, some thinkers tecture reveals at once the essence of the city and the essence of itself as
realized the limitations of abandoning forms, formal- political form: the city as the composition of (separate) parts.” 7
ization processes and tools. Rem Koolhaas’s The City
of the Captive Globe project channels the crisis of the The political realm is taken here as confrontation: oppo-
crisis. As a parable of New York City, the Dutch archi- sition of ideas demands clearly delimitation of groups
tect proposes a rectilinear grid (an analogy to the urban in a constant oppositional relationship. Such groups
fabric of Manhattan) that would define island-blocks. (we can extract from this the classical notion of classes, 7
Each of these units would be formed by a uniform base- but also understand the largely outdated essence of par- AURELLI, Pier Vittorio.
plinth that generated radical and free forms at its top. ties) have definited formal boundaries and are forms in The Possibility
The uniform orthogonal grid would guarantee the inde- essence, as the blocks of the City of the Captive Globe, of an Absolute
pendence of these islands (enclaves), providing, within including in its non-static and incubative dimension. Architecture, 2011.
them, the conditions for a creative laboratory of forms
that could flourish and decay over the years. The auton-
omous and segregated character of each island would
define its formal dimension, and the denial of the se-
riality of the blocks was set by a void (Central Park),
which at its center the whole world (the Captive Globe),
or the form in its most radical state of externality.

Koolhaas’ proposal establishes a rupture in the notion

of implosion-of-the-form as conceived until then, even
if it itself could not materialize as a construction. Ar-
chitecture would work as a support, a rigid structure,
for other forms that would present themselves here as
a becoming (to come; devenir, in french; ). If Koolhaas
exactly reaffirms the form and works precisely over it,
he also leaves an open field for these forms to exist as
new objects without previous definitions. We call this
Un-formed Forms. Archizoom’s utopian proposals also
offer an infinite base structure for an equally endless
field of formal experimentation. Pier Vitorio Aurelli,
basing his theory on that design field, state its very po-
litical dimensions:

“If politics is agonism through separation and confrontation, it is pre-

cisely in the process of separation inherent in the making of architectur-
al form that the political in architecture lies, and thus the possibility of
understanding the agonistic relationship between architecture and its
context. The very condition of architectural form is to separate and to
be separated. Through its act of separation and being separated, archi-

230
FORMED UN-FORMS

The demonstrations of May 1968 – based on informal floor of the Pedregulho Housing Complex (1946-52)
self-organization – ended also to generate new forms. by Affonso Eduardo Reidy in Rio de Janeiro, originally
Emerging from the climate of political effervescenc- a horizontal circulation branch for flow distribution of
es of the time, the structure proposed by Renzo Pia- the units, was hijacked for community gathering and for
no, Richard Rogers, and Gianfranco Franchini for the free appropriation/resignification by residents. The ur-
Beaubourg competition functioned as a support for the ban spaces and, above all, the ground floor of MAM-RJ
unpredictability of the life-event. Between the competi- (1952-58), designed by the same architect, also offered
tion and its construction, the project[6] was emptied of an open book for everyday activities, without barriers,
its central proposal: a canvas (screen) for the free man- doors in a live southern city. In the case of the housing
ifestations of citizens who would appropriate the build- block, the absence of an institution managing the space
ing, including its facade. The proposal was censored for provided reduced social control, fundamental for the
its radicalism at a time of political reflux. flourishing of unconstrained appropriations.

Piano, Rogers & Franchi stated that they sought to ma- In São Paulo, the huge 28,000m2 canopy (Marquise) in
terialize an Archigram project. However, their compe- Ibirapuera Park designed by Oscar Niemeyer – con-
tition entry differed from its initial references, perhaps ceived initially as a connection between buildings used
because of the architects’ political views or perhaps for the 4th Centenary celebrations of the city and itself
because the project – supported by the Arup team – one of the venues for the 1954 event – became a fertile
lastly targeted its construction. The jury formed by ar- environment for leisure and cultural activities invented
chitects with modern roots (such as Oscar Niemeyer, by visitors, activities that were never ever imagined (or
Jean Prouvé, and Philip Johnson) and the presence of sketched) by architects. A huge skate park, a place for
British engineers on the design team made the com- gym classes, a space for a party with friends, a stage for
petition entry a meeting place between Modern Move- rehearsing dancing, a support for indefinite use. Even
ment’s Formed Forms and Un-formed Un-forms com- in a precarious way, only offering protection from the
ing from the crisis of the Movement. Nevertheless, the rain, a homogeneous floor, and light, the Marquise shel-
bastard child would be neither one nor the other, not tered the necessary conditions for unimaginable new
even what we called here Un-formed Forms, but a hy- daily activities, based on an informal economy, with no
bridization that offered the necessary conditions for institutional initiatives a priori to organize and propose
a popular appropriation of space, or the Formed Un- them (although park authorities frequently try to forbid
forms. The liveliness of the drawings by the Beaubourg them over the decades).
competition-winning team would not translate into
the construction. However, the project surprisingly di- The encouragement of these uses by architecture and
alogued with the appropriations of modern Brazilian the deliberate incorporation of the possibility of future
architecture, going on uncontrollably in the far South informal transformation of spaces becomes central to
American country. Lina Bo Bardi’s work based on the project for the São
Paulo Museum of Art (1958-1968). In an interview giv-
The tropical climate and the abundance of free areas al- en in 1972, she stated aiming to encourage occupations
lowed Brazilian architects to design vast empty spaces (to come) through her design, differing diametrically
covered and opened laterally. The notoriously Corbusian from the idea of ​​establishing a closed project that would
matrix gained local contours: the intermediary entrance impose restrictions on feelings of belonging:
232 233
 “Personally, when I did the project for the São Paulo Museum of Art, giving room to free appropriations and unlocking be-
my essential concern was to make an ugly architecture, an architecture haviors in that place. A blank canvas. An open city.
that was not a formal architecture, although unfortunately, it still had
formal problems. A bad architecture and with free spaces that could Formed Un-forms are distinguished from Formed
be created by the community. Thus was born the large belvedere of the Forms as they refuse strictly dictating functions by
museum, with the small staircase. The stairway is not a palatial stair- the form. However, they are neared by recognizing the
way but a tribune that can be turned into a podium for speeches. Most importance of space for spatial relationships and the
people think the museum is bad, and it is. I wanted to do a bad project. demand for a project (formation process, production
That is, formally and architecturally ugly, but it should be an usable process) to prepare the common grounds for its uses,
space, something used by human beings.” 8 suggesting new possibilities and unlocking constrained
social behaviors. Formed Un-forms differ from Un-
Sesc Pompeia’s project radicalized Lina Bo Bardi’s ugly formed Un-forms as they refuse to abandon the tra-
architecture. The architect visited the abandoned ware- ditional tools of architecture (drawings) to build their
houses (the future place of the Leisure Center) before own version of an artificial free space; however, both
starting her own proposal. The spaces (almost in ruins) are bounded by the recognition of limitations of every-
were open to the community, who freely caught them day-life-indexation and the crisis of the form.
for activities. Before starting the project, she returned
to the site numerous times to “memorize” these vibrant In the aftermath of the battles between Formed Forms
uses even before any institutional arrangement and for- and Un-formed Un-forms, Formed Un-forms share
mal intervention. Through spatial devices, architecture principles with Un-formed Forms. Nonetheless, while
then sought to catalyze the energy, the creative drive, of the latter reaffirms the presence and power of form in
the people who already took over the place. space, Formed Un-forms seek to abstract these forms
to make room for people and objects, alien to the pro-
The essentially empty space is a receptacle for an unpre- duction and language of architecture. On one hand,
dictable future of activities in Formed Un-forms realm. the structural grid of the Un-formed Forms awaits for
Design, formation, and production of the space process the becoming of new well-defined forms. On the other
define a basic infrastructure of facilities – the necessary hand, the Formed Un-forms are not based in the grid as
basic conditions for safe uses – but it does not aim to a metaphor nor in a becoming of forms, but in the vast
impose, in this free space, forms that delimit contours, empty space that awaits ephemeral (even if recurrent),
restrict flows, and uses. Formed Un-forms stand as crit- human activities grounded in the present, in the harsh-
ical partners of creative collective impulses; prefer an ness of the day-to-day. Departing from this, it can allow
anarchic free organization to institutional rules; and transcending the given situation.
flirt with surrealism. Formed Un-forms seek to hide
their features forms even if the space demands radical
architectural interventions to supply that minimum in-
frastructure. Furthermore, this architecture then disap-
8 pears under the floor or over the roof or phagocyted by
Lina Bo Bardi in the users. Sometimes a strange, primitive, open, or even
LIMA JR, Walter incomprehensible object resists in the space to be con-
(dir.). Arquitetura, a stantly re-signified: a monolith, a river, a fire, a topog-
Transformação do raphy. Formed Un-forms seek to support informality
Espaço, 1972 and the unpredictability of everyday life in the present,

234
UNLOCKING BEHAVIORS

The apparent archetypal simplicity of Formed Un- Investigations on the word ‘behavior’ would appear
forms hides the challenges of their production pro- years later in Post Bubble City (2006), when Atelier
cesses. A given empty covered space built in the down- Bow Wow wrote that “the repetition of everyday be-
town of a certain city can attract everyday activities, havior is actually supported by the physical environ-
however, this overly simplistic approach poses a triple ment”. The focus here would no longer necessarily be
problem: (1) the spatial appropriation under these based on the physical objects but could also be ob-
conditions depend precisely on a radical vivacity of served in human behaviors or even natural phenom-
surrounding urban areas, specially of dense metro- ena. This was the fundament for Atelier Bow Wow’s
politan areas; (2) schematism would suggest banal monograph Behaviorology (2010), a science of observ-
programmatic uses, hindering the possibility of tran- ing patterns and repetitions capable of modifying the
scending the current situation or self-enlightenment production process of the space. There is a two-way
through spatial-social experiences; (3) if conceived street regarding how behaviors transform architecture
from an alleged neutrality, there would be a tenden- and how architecture can play a proactive role over be-
cy for these behaviors to merely acritically reproduce haviors: “In order to make architecture intervenes in
ideological current schemes for the conservation of the topic of behavior, form must be reconsidered as
the social status quo. Here Formed Un-forms meet Be- a complement to behaviors already in effect” (2010).
haviorology, a theoretical framework developed over Therefore, behaviors are not inventions of a given
the last decades by Atelier Bow Wow: supported by the project, but they already pre-exist in place. The proj-
methods of anthropology, architects become investiga- ect, in turn, can change such behaviors in a dialectical
tors of existing social patterns and behaviors. Howev- relationship that underlies the formation of space in its
er, it is not a matter to reproduce them. Starting from physical and political dimensions.
reality, we overcome it, untying knots of the enclosed,
of the contained, of the limited. The next step in Behaviorology theory was the notion
of Commonalities (subtitled Production of Behaviors,
Atelier Bow Wow’s book Made in Tokyo (2001) revealed 2014), when Atelier Bow Wow started to focus on the
not only the strange and fearless programmatic combi- common possibilities of human behaviors and patterns.
nations of anonymous buildings in the Japanese capital, Case studies are no longer isolated buildings or indi-
but also a methodology for observing and describing viduals but meeting places where social groups develop
everyday architecture. The emphasis would not be on collective activities, usually free of charge, developing a
authorial pedigrees of the constructions but on the pre- sense of belonging in relation to others and to the space.
cise contextual insertions of these buildings in the place, In an era of machines of conformism and commercial
which led to an overlap between social, programmatic exacerbation of spaces, Commonalities are forms of
needs and the actual programmatic organization of the resistance and opposition to contemporary homoge-
space. Buildings that, unknowingly and unintentional- nizing forces: “commonality resists the progressive and
ly, were extraordinary. The authors discovered in their progressive fragmentation of daily life today” (2014).
field research a city different from idealistic images of Emerging from social, institutional, and state organiza-
architectural theory: a place where the exceptionality tions, individuals freely organize and meet, despite all
of everyday life could be apprehended in its potential. prohibitions in place mediating our life.
Architects would not inform the public, but the public
informs architects.

236 237
 Through Unlocking Behaviors, we retake discussions human behaviors, her architecture seeks to encourage
about the relationships between form, design, and Be- these behaviors and also transcend them as increasing-
haviorology. The matter is no longer the existing com- ly creative and liberating actions. Space devices catalyze
mon behaviors, but the common behaviors that do not and give room to uses that were already announced to
exist yet, but latent, pressing that space can sketch or be pulsating. The delicate interventions in the old ware-
suggest. These are behaviors buried under layers that houses work as manners to accelerate pre-existing be-
history tried to suppress; encapsulated behaviors that haviors and release social barriers, providing the bases
forces of psychosocial homogenization have oppressed; (infrastructure) for a constant appropriation of space.
isolated behaviors that, due to individuals’ shyness, re- Post-occupancy and project are overlapped in a manner
sist becoming collective. All this can be unlocked by the the post-occupancy does not precede project, but it is
space itself, which in a later moment will be transformed the project itself.
by these new behaviors, in an infinite process of resig-
nification. Formed Un-forms, as receptacles for new Behaviorology, through the process of unlocking behav-
commonalities, give room for unlocking behaviors; and iors grounded in the present, aims to be an antidote for
unlocking behaviors, in turn, aligned to design practice, the ideological dimensions of Formed Un-forms, dis-
work as production processes of Formed Un-forms. solving its apparent neutrality and making architecture
overcome the field of the merely possible.
Through their insertion in the place and the outlined
infrastructure, Formed Un-forms host behaviors which
were latent in the place, but blocked, either by institu-
tional rules, by imposed social standards or by individ-
ual psychological barriers. However, these apparently
formless norms are not only internalized in individuals
but exteriorized and shared collectively in the material
form of contemporary cities. While materialized norms
occupy urban space, Unformed-Unforms could at best
plan a prototypical resistance, not actually subverting
urban relationships. Thus, Formed Un-forms stand as
a transcendence of the field of the possible, especially
when behaviors move from the individual to the col-
lective sphere. Architects weave an open fabric for
new community events, previously unthinkable and
now supported by new spatial arrangements: releas-
ing locked behaviors. Architecture then is conceived as
9 a manner to reveal, encourage and radicalize popular
As it could not be creative and life impulse.
different, Lina’s
project finds its limits In this sense, the action of Lina Bo Bardi at Sesc Pom-
in the institutional peia is again paradigmatic. Before any intervention,
management, and she immersed herself in the preexistence of the place,
therefore controlled, of in activities that emerged without previous institution-
the Sesc space. al proposals7. From precise observations of reality and

238
ON PROXIMITY:
THEORETICAL
SPECULATIONS
MASAMICHI TAMURA
田村将理

“Smooth space is precisely the space of the smallest deviation, the Gabriel Kogan is a
minimum excess. Therefore it has no homogeneity, except between in- collaborator of this text.
finitely proximate points, and the linking of proximities is effected in-
dependently of any determined path. It is a space of contact, of small 1
tactile manual actions of contact, rather than visual space like Euclid’s Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix
striated space. Smooth space is a field without conduits or channels” Guattari. A Thousand
Gilles Deleuze & Felix Guattari1 Plateaus: Capitalism
and Schizophrenia.
“’Change life!’ ‘Change society!’ These precepts mean nothing without Trans. Brian Massumi.
the production of an appropriate space. A lesson to be learned from the Minneapolis: University
Soviet constructivists of 1920-30, and their failure, is that new social of Minnesota Press,
relationships call for a new space, and vice versa.” Henri Lefebvre2 1987. pp.371

“The democracy of objects is the ontological thesis that all objects, as 2

Ian Bogost has so nicely put it, equally exist while they do not exist Lefebvre, Henri. The
equally.” Levy Bryant3 Production of Space.
Trans. Donald Nicholson-
Wherever you drop in at a convenient store in Tokyo, Smith. Malden: Blackwell
you’ll see a small corner with a xerox machine placed Publishing, 1991. pp.59
right next to a magazine stand. Both users are crowded
often within a meter speechlessly, sometimes with one’s 3
elbow or belongings accidentally nudging someone Bryant, Levi R.
else. Then, nothing happens as usual. The Democracy of
Objects. London: Open
This is a symbolic scene in Tokyo, which Tsukamoto Humanities Press,
Yoshiharu introduced to inform the project’s basic ap- 2011. pp.19

241
proach “Unlocking Behavior” (see page p.249). In this for design as fundamentally a political choice through
situation, the extreme proximity of people, objects, spatial intervention.
and their resulting behaviors, however, doesn’t mean
anything except the mere physical adjacency. But, Thus, through his initial guidance and subsequent stu-
why not otherwise? For example, as Tuskamoto con- dent proposals, the concept of proximity inspired fur-
tinues, no one would copy pages from a magazine on ther theoretical considerations. Drawing on the broader
the shelves, nor would anyone showcase his or her own theoretical framework of Atelier Bow Wow’s Behavio-
xerox-printed zines or flyers on the shelve. This may rology theory, this article attempts to speculate on its
sound stupid as we all know magazines for sale cannot relevance to politics and sketch out an alternative to
be copied without permission, and the shelve should modern consumerist urbanism, which Susan Buck-
be managed by the store. But, given the proximity of Morss once encapsulated as “The City as Dreamworld
things, it may also sound stupid in a different way that and Catastrophe.” (Buck-Morss, 1995)
people and things in such proximity are just locked
apart, without producing anything together except TWO TYPES OF PROXIMITY:
placeless annoyance. The initial feeling of stupidity is SPATIAL AND BEHAVIORAL
indeed a reality check of our awkward urban space to-
day, indicating multiple barriers in the way to potential Proximity, as our focal point, has two implications.
alternatives of the city. To begin with, this two-fold meaning need to be dis-
tinguished. One is spatial proximity like two or more
The jammed corner in a convenient store symbolizes things being in a reachable distance. The other is, so to
the inert social relationship among nearly 14 million say, behavioral proximity like a set of actions that can
people and literally billions of things in Tokyo today. A take place in sequence naturally, such as cooking, eat-
variety of human and non-human actors behave sep- ing and cleaning food. The latter proximity is a series
arately in everywhere while just competing over their of both present and potential events bound by certain
places in limited space rather than sharing it together. causalities and inter-procedural orders, which informs
With no deviation and irregular contact allowed, the loose patterns and tendencies instead of being cluelessly
spatio-temporal proximity of things and events as an es- contingent. While the former spatial proximity is found
sential urban quality has been “striated” for authorized everywhere in the city today, the latter behavioral prox-
conducts rather than “smoothed” for free interactions. imity is often “striated” into separate steps and spatially
The striated/smooth space models by Deleuze and redistributed for the sake of collective efficiency.
Guattari and their political implications bring a design-
er to a stimulating question: facing latent contingencies Architecture often conditions such physical and psycho-
all immanent within the extreme and ubiquitous prox- logical barriers at a time between proximate behaviors.
imity in the city, is architecture an oppressive apparatus In a restaurant or cafe, for example, places for the cook-
of capture or an emancipatory war machine? Or, if an ing, eating and disposing of food are partitioned by walls,
architect still resists with its unique agency to articulate with each area defining the identity and behavior of its
space and resulting behaviors, where can architecture users as a cook, a customer or a cleaner. Or, back to the
design find a standpoint between these two extremes, story of a xerox and a magazine stand, the functionalities
i.e., striating as the doctrine of hard-edge articulation for printing and displaying printed products remain iso-
and smoothing as the abandonment of articulation in late despite there being no partitions between them, be-
all degrees? The answer is not given, and every architect cause the building type reminds users of the appropriate
makes his or her own decision in this open-ended field sociolegal codes of a normative customer in a shop.

242 243
Before the rise of modern industrial cities, spatial and pelled and redistributed to mono-functional lands and
behavioral proximities were often integrated due to facilities (like growing and disposing sites in the coun-
limited mobility of people and things. Today, the two tryside). To revitalize the castrated urban fabric, our
types of proximity are un-synced and re-connected dif- studio explored new architectural ways to re-assemble
ferently as the advent of transportation infrastructures spatial and behavioral proximities with more vibrant
allows more extensive spatial redistribution of behav- reciprocity within the city.
iors. However, if design still tries to hold on its possibil-
ity to produce behaviors, as Atelier Bow Wow’s Behav- BEHAVIOR OF THINGS &
iorology theory has pursued, it is crucially important MORE-THAN-HUMAN POLITICS
to acknowledge that behavioral proximity always exists
no matter how its spatial proximity is partitioned or All things behave, be it human or non-human. This is an-
far-fetched in the redistribution. No eating takes place other fundament in Behaviorology as a holistic approach
without cooking, and vice versa. As this almost joking- to architecture as a frame for concurrent behaviors of hu-
ly self-evident example tells, behavioral proximity can man, plants, animals, air, light, and the likes to take place.
maintain as a durable network resilient to spatial frag- Human and non-human things behave together and
mentation, be it near or far, while urban capitalism has constitute a compound spatial practice in each encoun-
massively exploited this durability for the sake of eco- ter. Never does a human behave alone, nor does a thing.
nomics of scale (and scalability) by concentrating each One behavior takes place as an entanglement of multiple
process into factory-like production, consumption, and actors. To trace latent behavioral proximity and discov-
disposal. The resulting invisibility and un-traceability er its alternative ways, the focus on non-human aspects
between one behavior and another does not mean be- is helpful. When we reconsider a restaurant through not
havioral disconnection, but the lack of room for unpre- a consumer experience but the material flow of food, a
dictable interactions. Behaviorology’s turn to Latourian served dish reveals a broader set of processes co-per-
actor network theory since the 2010s is exactly to man- formed by human and non-human actors. Because food
age the extended networks of things in global capital- spoils and eventually decomposes, it also causes people
ism and restore broken local associations and reconfig- to mobilize reefers, refrigerators, and disposal sites. The
ure the entire network by means of design. focus on material flows can also undo accepted building
types. If food decomposes and can be used as fertilizer,
The key to grasp the latent coherence in the now dif- why not bring all processes in one place?
fused behavioral proximity is a focus on core objects
that link people and things to result in their combined Although attention to behaviors of all classes of things
behaviors. In both examples above, it is notable that the help us rethink how our human environments are made
potential behavioral proximity is informed by a shared up and can be different, not all things equally participate
object around which various actions are networked no in this world-making just as a thesis of object-oriented
matter how spatially discrete or remote. Food, for in- ontology critically warns “all objects (...) equally exist
stance, draws together people who grow, harvest, pro- while they do not exist equally” (Bryant, 2011). In the
cure, cook, serve, eat, clean, and dispose it, as well as behaviorological perspective, this thesis can be pushed
tools and places that help them. The original behavioral further: “All people and objects equally behave while
proximity, however, often remains potential in the city they do not behave equally.” Among all things, some
because its playful linkability is suspended, sometimes things behave over others. This acknowledgement of
partitioned within a spatial proximity by walls (like uneven behavioral capacities guides our design imagi-
cooking and eating places in a cafe) and other times ex- nation from a utopian flat ontological footing to a Fou-

244 245
cauldian force field of more-than-human collectives. the city. Commoners would not directly relate things in
Nowhere is this field given as a tabula rasa with a smooth mere adjacency even if potentially compatible people,
surface. It is always-already striated by historical forces, objects, and their behaviors are found in a spatial prox-
and its apparent stability, if any, is a political status quo. imity. Rather, subconsciously reading multi-layered
codes in the city, they follow their common sense that
The city is a closely-knit fabric of such human and informs what the immediate environment allows or
non-human politics, where their interactions dynam- not. If one tries to go against grain, its result would be
ically form various environmental units that produce predictably pathetic or awkward at best. Except those
and reproduce certain behaviors of people and objects. in uncommon sub-societies where subversion itself is
Architecture can stand at a cross section of those com- valued as an ideological, aesthetic or theoretical imper-
plex entanglements and regulate behavioral frame- ative, the majority commoners would follow the way
works by making projective interventions in the given things are. Striated into sites of optimized consumption
physical arrangement. Giving new priorities among while being smoothed for capital flow, the status quo in
behaviors of human and non-human actors in an en- contemporary cities has locked ubiquitous spatial prox-
vironmental unit, design virtually undertakes decision imity into inert social relationships.
making in this more-than-human urban politics. Ar-
chitecture’s outstanding capacity of setting both phys- Just as Lefebvre stated “new social relationships call
ical and psychological conditions in the built environ- for a new space,” spontaneous collective actions by
ment can produce a multitude of affordances for both commoners would take place only through friendly
human and non-human agencies. spatial, i.e., built-environmental, invitations for them
to act together and develop one action further into
THE CITY FOR COMMON & COLLECTIVE ACTIONS something else. Here, the restoration of behavior-
al proximity becomes a simple yet powerful strategy.
If architecture can initiate changes in the complex ur- Some things have agencies to attract other human and
ban politics, what then, can be the agenda of upcoming non-human actors, serving as a glue to hold relevant
post-capitalist city? The design principle of the present behaviors together. Design for post-capitalist cities
capitalist city is based on the efficiency of flexible capi- can start from identify-ing such magnetic things as
tal accumulation, as David Harvey (1990)4 identified, in food, cloth, water and even garbage, then re-collect
global time-space compression. In terms of proximity, fragmented people and tools around the center of at-
this exploitive flexibility is achieved by redistributing traction to work out a coherent place for the whole
originally proximate behaviors into optimized com- spectrum of relevant behaviors.
partments and accelerating the cycle between produc-
tion and consumption (and disposal of their external- Once behavioral proximity is repaired in spatial prox-
ities). The resulting fragmentation of otherwise linked imity too, one behavior will then induce another, mak-
behavioral sets has also caused the individualization of ing buffer in both time and space for other people, ob- 4
otherwise social urbanites. If the overcoming of this jects and their behaviors to be entangled in the place. Harvey, David. The
status quo is necessary for enabling an alternative urban The recovered complexity is the very nature of the ur- Condition of Post
future, how can design invite commoners to join force ban, a springboard for new values, identities, cultures Modernity: An
and take part in this change? and communities, throughout the history of cities since Inquiry into the
antiquity except a short heyday of capitalist urban sim- Origins of Cultural
It is crucial to design welcoming build-environments plification whose last moment we are witnessing be- Change. Cambridge:
to encourage more open and collective behaviors in tween dreamland and catastrophe for so long. Blackwell, 1990.

246 247
UNLOCKING
BEHAVIORS:
TSUKAMOTO’S
DESIGN METHOD

The inseparability between theory and practice of Atelier

Bow Wow emerges from a synthesis between two differ-
ent genealogical lineages. On the one hand, the study of
Modernology in the 1920s, when Wajiro Kon and part-
ners began to document the impacts of modernization
on Tokyo’s ways of life after the Kanto Earthquake of
1923. This branch would later move to Genpei Akasega-
wa’s photographs of dysfunctional structures (although
impeccably maintained) in what became known as Hy-
perart Thomasson, to finally arrive at the urban obser- Oposite Page:
vation groups (ROJO) by — in addition to Akasegawa A scene in a convenient
himself — Terunobu Fujimori. From these movements, store in Tokyo
Atelier Bow Wow would have inherited the observation (Drawing by Yoshiharu
of reality based on dérives through the city, sharpening Tsukamoto)

249
the percepction for everyday situations, and also their as he did in Europe? Would it be possible to combine
sense of humor in artistic production. This gave birth the curiosity and freshness of the foreign look with the
to scientifical ethnographic surveys that support their depth of knowledge of the day-to-day life from those
formulation of the architectural program. However, the who were born and grew up in that place?
ancestors in this genealogy strain also differ substantially
from Atelier Bow Wow because, unlike the work of Kai- At about the same time, he also watched the film To-
jima and Tsukamoto, urban observations until the 1980s kyo-Ga. His own city seemed at once much stranger,
proposed a distinction between theory and practice, be- bizarre, and even interesting through the lens of Wim
tween surveys and any intervention in reality. Wenders. This was perhaps a sign that not everything
was said and that new dives would be possible to re-
On the other hand, the second genealogical lineage veal the exceptionality of what everyone accepted as
comes from Tokyo Tech’s own tradition and precisely commonplace and uninteresting. It seemed then possi-
in the bonds between theory and practice. This branch ble to discover in the urban structures of Tokyo a new
would refer to Kiyoshi Seike’s Laboratory at the Univer- theory on banality, which would invert it dialectically.
sity and his proposal to use industrial elements available From this look at what-is-there-but-no-one-sees-or-
on the market to make his projects in an analogous pro- wants-to-see came Made in Tokyo (2001), Behaviorol-
posal with a Japanese flavor to the Case Study House. ogy (2010) and, later, Commonalities (2014). Kaijima
What is at stake here is building with what is avail- and Tsukamoto also studied during the foundation of
able in the simplest possible way, with banal elements Atelier Bow Wow, Lina Bo Bardi work, that perhaps by
— which, if well organized, give rise to extraordinary coincidence, perhaps because things are in the air even
architectures. Seike’s ideas would later be inherited by on the other side of the globe, intricately dialogue with
the laboratory of Kazuo Shinohara who, especially in their genealogies of Japanese architecture.
his Fourth Style, conceived architecture as a coupling
— sometimes disjointed — of pieces and blocks. Shino- The theoretical development cadence of Atelier Bow
hara, throughout his life, nonetheless, practically only Wow, from these triggers, ends up as a meticulous in-
devoted himself to the design of houses, that is, in the vestigation of everyday life and the vernacular (at first,
end of the day, a investigation on the everyday life. Such urban and, more recently, with the experiences in Ka-
a proposal would pass to Kazunari Sakamoto, who had manuma, rural), attracting the attention to in place
Kaijima and Tsukamoto as students in his laboratory. solutions that, as awkward as they might sound, were
For Sakamoto it was even more fundamental to build accurately explained and inserted in their own situ-
through the use of available elements, subverting the ations. All this could be translated by the research on
banality of building in Japan in the years of rapid eco- behaviors, which are not only manifested by people, but
nomic growth and creating a “poetics of everyday life”. also by the repetition of certain building standards, or
by the laws of nature. Here the method again intersects
Atelier Bow Wow is tributary of these two genealogical with anthropology and its innumerous field researches
lines: the observation of the city to root creation and the in order to collect endless data and find their patterns.
design practice as transcendence of the “given” banality. We cannot merely suppose that some behaviors exist in
Going back the origins of the studio, After spending a certain way; we must prove it scientifically.
two years in Paris in 1987 and 88, Tsukamoto willed to
bring to Tokyo his state of permanent discover of new For this academic project studio at Tokyo Tech in 2021,
realities experienced abroad. Would it be possible to subject of the present book, Tsukamoto asked students
photograph Tokyo with the same avidity and interest of the studio to visit Ikebukuro project area. In ad-

250 251
dition to the production of sketches and photo docu- kamoto pointed out examples of behaviors and social
mentation, the excursions aimed to sensitize students barriers through sketches. These drawings — full of
to unnoticed issues in everyday life; things and facts people represented in action — focus on how behaviors
overlook either due the accelerated speed of circulation are being locked, what desires are oppressed behind
of products and people in cities, either by the constant them, and how architectural intervention can redirect
contemporary anesthetization of our bodies and minds the potential drive to produce alternative situations to
imposed by the flood of information. Such trips to their catalyze collective behaviors. In one of these sketch-
own Metropolis — repeated as many times as necessary es, from a typical convenient store in Japan (konbini),
— sought to overcome the inertia of the emptied per- magazine racks lie side by side to a xerox machine. Al-
ception and lethargic gaze of everyday life. though these devices and their users are put in prox-
imity, funny enough, there is literally no interaction
The students faced the need to see their own reality in between them. We would not copy magazines on the
a different standpoint, and pay attention to details, pat- shelves by the xerox machine; neither would we try to
terns and even exceptions, which if observed in great- use the xerox machines to print something we would
er depth would not be turned out to be so exception- sell on the shelve. Even with potential relevance be-
al. Unlike the anthropologist, who intends to portray a tween these functionalities for printing and printed
given situation from its methodological scope, the ar- products, social norms lock our behaviors in the status
chitect also seeks to intervene. A deep understanding quo, which is internalized in our mindset and external-
of the place then ends up revealing not only what it is ized in built-environments, often reiterated in the form
(what it is offered to us), but also what it intends to be: of building types with highly simplified purposes.
students collected observations on how people typically
behave within specific urban conditions today, as well At the “Global Ring” in Ikebukuro – an urban space
as on “desires” possibly oppressed in their apparent be- recently renovated and properly sanitized according
haviors, trying to find ways to alter those fixed behav- to good urban planning principles – the group of bo-
ioral codes by designing architectural interventions for hemian people insisted on putting towels on the floor
a future urban life. and having a picnic under the neon light. It seemed a
rare resistance against social customs. They drank beer
The guiding principle became “unlocking behavior”, a and feasted on canned food. Tsukamoto himself had re-
subject which has already appeared in previous studios hearsed sitting with them, but behaviors are generally
developed at Tokyo Tech by Tsukamoto, in several anal- barred to everyone, isn’t it? Establishing with strangers
ogous expressions including “Production of Behaviors,” in public space? Sitting on the city floor? Arriving at a
subtitle of his book “Commonalities”, a development party without a gift or drink to offer? The very question
of his critical reading of H. Lefebvre’s “Production of of joining them is a didactic gesture of the design meth-
Space”. The underlying assumption is that behaviors of od, reiterated in the classroom by a representation of
people and things in the city are locked by multiple fac- this situation as an sketch. This drawing and its unfold-
tors such as canonical social norms, internalized mind ed discussions ended to draft a mechanism to unlock
barriers and moral considerations. These normative the situation: an open kitchen as a material intervention
constrains are then materialized in spatial practices, that offers a loosely structured interactions surround-
which interlock behaviors of people and the conditions ing common activities based on food.
in which they behave.
Following inspirations from these sketches and their
As part of the theoretical-academic methodology, Tsu- own exploration of the area, students investigated the

252 253
multitude of social and physical conditions that have locking the creativity of expression through clothing,
locked behaviors of people and things, identified ma- strongly present in Japanese society. Yusuke Matsuzaki
jor barriers, extended their imagination to their sup- and Tomohiro Koizumi analyzed the numerous signs
pressed desires, and articulated architectural methods in the region containing prohibitions, photographing
to build a city with diverse affordances for commoners. and cataloging them. Thus, the students proposed a
The resulting proposals cover a range of new programs center for discussions and negotiations on the bans, so
and corresponding physical settings, detailed in each that they could be reviewed or, if there was agreement,
themed project. All of which try to unleash our fun- gain social legitimacy. They thus unlock the press-
damental desire as a social being and unlock behaviors ing need for discussions about prohibitions - many of
that encourage people to playfully appropriate poten- them arbitrary - that are imposed in the city.
tials in urban fabric already in close proximity.
Takumi Fukuhara and Saya Kuroda researched the ex-
From an observation of the body posture of people istence of numerous cultures, from different places in
trying to rest on the streets of the region, the group of the world, present in the region. They then designed
students Wang Lan and Takahiro Amaha identified the a meeting place and where these people could express
need for comfortable and adaptable places to the body. themselves through food. Tatsumi Sone and Daiki
They sought to unlock relaxation behaviors already out- Amagasaki transformed the building, especially its fa-
lined by people in Ikebukuro. Student Watanabe Tomo, cade, into a food production system, which could even
meanwhile, worked on the ground floor of the build- serve the ethical restaurants proposed by the other
ing and researched the existence of the so-called urban students. They thus unlocked not only the demand for
precariat, largely people working for food delivery apps, food production, but also the use of natural resources
who have no social rights. She interviewed these work- already available, such as rainwater and sunlight. Tom-
ers and proposed, based on their demands, a meeting omi Matsumoto and Yuka Ogawa proposed an agora on
space (including a bar and fireplace), lockers and park- the rooftop of the building for holding matsuri of vari-
ing for bicycles. Fransisca Maya Damayanti also worked ous peoples of the world, catalyzing the force in the fes-
on the ground floor of the former department store and tival region as a meeting place.
sought to unblock restrictions against Yatai street food,
now restricted in Tokyo. Students Satoko Nishimura Mayu Rikitake and Yumi Hisatsune investigated the
and Eri Natsume looked at the lack of covered open wishes of local residents to keep spaces clean, organized
spaces for sitting and relaxation. They therefore pro- and functional. So the students brought their constant
posed an urban beach as a meeting space, but instead of need for maintenance into the building itself. Chokusai
sand, the floor is made of tatami. Sakata and Shumpei Kuwada, in turn, looked out over
the region’s waters, now hidden under several layers of
Ryohei Kikuchi in turn analyzed the otaku culture ex- concrete. They sought to bring the element into view
isting in the area. He then proposed something that again, unlocking and highlighting the region’s history
could catalyze the existing energy, unlocking even through a small memorial on the origins of Ikebukuro
more the creative and productive force of this urban and its relationship with the water. Finally, Hamamoto
way of life. Clothing shopping - significant in the com- Haruna and Yamaguchi Satoshi worked on the build-
mercial area of ​​Ikebukuro - was the starting point for ing’s vertical circulation based on research on how be-
Minami Urata and Takuma Nishimura. However, in- haviors can change (and be unlocked) in relation to the
stead of proposing another place of consumption, they dimensions of spaces. Very narrow passages in the city,
understood that existing clothes could be recycled, un- for example, could create new situations, unlikely in

254 255
large places. The students then proposed a ramp with
living and common places.

Looking at existing behaviors in the region, the studio

sought to unlock the restrictions for a free and even
more intense social life in the region. As an architec-
tural statement and inspired by Lina Bo Bardi, we de-
parted from the pre-existences of the region to unlock
what was only sketched before, but which could now
become a potent expression of encounter and social ac-
tivities. The construction of the program and the field
research to read the problem and situations become as
relevant to architecture as the intervention project. In
times of exacerbated formalism and mistrustfulness,
the studio aimed to reaffirm the relevance of architec-
ture, not as a proponent of strange forms, but as a cat-
alyst for the vitality of people in space. We understand
that in this search for freedom lies a path to architec-
ture in the future.

256
STUDIO’S SELECTED
REFERENCES &
FURTHER READINGS

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Incorporated, 2010,

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Production of Behaviours アトリエ・ワンコモナリティ
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TOKYO INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY 東京工業大学
SCHOOL OF ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIETY
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE AND BUILDING ENGINEERING, 2022
ARCHITECTURAL THEORY FOR URBAN SPACE 都市環境設計特論
THEORY OF ARCHITECTURAL SPACE AND PLANNING 建築空間設計特別演習

PROFESSOR
TSUKAMOTO YOSHIHARU 塚本由晴

VISITING PROFESSOR
GABRIEL KOGAN

TEACHING ASSISTANT
ANASTASIA GKOLIOMYTI
MASAMICHI TAMURA 田村将理

SPECIAL THANKS TO
SASAKI KEI 佐々木啓
HYUNSOO KIM 金賢洙

STUDIO’S GUEST CRITICS, FIRST SESSION

MASUDA SHINGO 増田信吾
KONDO TETSUO 近藤哲雄
DAVID STEWART

STUDIO’S GUEST CRITICS, SECOND SESSION

TSUNEYAMA MIO 常山未央
DAVID STEWART

SUPPORT LABORATORY
TSUKAMOTO LAB

STUDENTS
TOMO WATANABE 渡邊朋
FRANSISCA MAYA
MAYU RIKITAKE 力武真由
YUMI HISATSUNE 久恒友海
WANG LAN
AMAHA TAKAHIRO 天羽隆裕
YUSUKE MATSUZAKI 松崎優佑
TOMOHIRO KOIZUMI 小泉知碩
TAKUMI FUKUHARA 福原拓未
SAAYA KURODA 黒田紗綾
RYOHEI KIKUCHI 菊池凌平
MINAMI URATA 浦田南
TAKUMA NISHIMURA 西村琢真
SATOKO NISHIMURA 西村智子
ERI NATSUME 夏目絵里
TATSUMI SONE 曽根巽
DAIKI AMAGAZAKI 尼﨑大暉
YUKA OGAWA 小川ユカ
TOMOMI MATSUMOTO 松本朝実
SATOSHI YAMAGUCHI 山口聡士
HAMAMOTO HARUNA 濱本遥奈
CHOKUSAI SAKATA 坂田直哉
SHUNPEI KUWATA 桑田駿平

THE TEXTS OF THE PROJECTS ARE STUDENTS’ RESPONSIBILITY

AND REFLECT THEIR WORK DURING THE STUDIO.