Papers by Kristian Berg Harpviken
Viewpoints
Security Dialogue, Dec 1, 2001
Taliban' has now become a global household word. All over the world people see the Taliban as the... more Taliban' has now become a global household word. All over the world people see the Taliban as the personification of politicised Islam: primitive, repressive, with little respect for individual rights in general, and female rights in particular. It was in late 1994 that the Taliban was first heard of, after reports came of their having taken action against a local commander who had abducted, raped and killed three women in the southwestern province of Kandahar. Since then, the Taliban have gained military control over most of Afghanistan. Dethroning local warlords throughout their Pashtun core territory in the southwest, the Taliban were often seen as righteous, albeit brutal, saviours of Afghanistan. Then, once the movement started to take on areas that were already stable, or areas outside the territory populated by their main constituency of rural Pashtuns, the picture changed. Media images of the hanging of former president Najib, of soldiers beating women who were not 'properly dressed' and, more recently, of atrocities against members of the Hazara ethnic group, have crossed the globe. Only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have recognised the Taliban government. Undoubtedly, many Afghans are highly appreciative of the order brought about by the Taliban, while remaining critical of their gender policies, their interpretation of the sharia, and their violent enforcement of traditional rules that many used to respect voluntarily. To understand how the Taliban so rapidly managed to become the dominant force in Afghanistan, we need to acknowledge the general situation of incompetence, and the unfruitful rivalry among the parties and leaders that the movement was to replace. The publication of these two works, Fundamentalism Reborn? and The Taliban, is to be welcomed. Despite massive international interest in the Taliban since their emergence in late 1994, there has been almost a total lack of analysis that can add depth to the media reports. Nor is this an isolated phenomenon: solid empirical research on Afghanistan and its social transformation in the past two decades of war is hard to come by. The onset of war dealt a dramatic blow to Afghanistan studies. The indigenous academic environment was hard hit by the political conflict, and foreigners found their opportunities to do fieldwork increasingly constrained. Since the Communists stepped down in April 1992, travelling and working in the country has become easier, but this
Insufficient knowledge of the social and political transformation in Afghanistan during the war i... more Insufficient knowledge of the social and political transformation in Afghanistan during the war is an obstacle to finding solutions to the conflict. This is the basic assumption of this paper, in which I will elaborate on some of the war-initiated processes that I consider to be insufficiently studied. New research on these processes could provide essential input to the building of peace. Recent publications on the peace process in Afghanistan have revealed the extent to which negotiators have had minimal insight into Afghanistan's social and political make-up. 1 To some extent the explanation is that negotiations have taken place under a cold-war logic, according to which only the international dimension of conflict was a legitilljlate concern. However, no mediation processes have fully neglected the need for a domestic political solution. Academic interest in Afghanistan grew throughout the 1960s, resulting in a number of high-quality publications within history and social science. Research suffered a dramatic setback from the onset of war, as the indigenous academic environment became severely affected by the political conflict and the opportunities for foreigners to do fieldwork became increasingly constrained. Although the war led to a dramatic increase in publications on Afghanistan, many of the wartime analyses are severely biased, and they • I am grateful for comments on earlier versions of this paper from J. 'Bayo Adekanye, Mohamad Ehsan and Arne Strand. The responsibility for the final version remains entirely mine.
The Agency for Rehabilitation and Energy Conservation in Mghanistan (AREA) is currently running a... more The Agency for Rehabilitation and Energy Conservation in Mghanistan (AREA) is currently running a de-mining programme in Nangrahar province. This project is unique in that it recruits de-miners from the mine-affected communities themselves. It might become an alternative to present-day highly centralized programmes, as it can offer greater flexibility, better use of financial as well as human resources, and better sustainability. The programme is as yet in a formative phase. Hence, the present paper is intended not as an evaluation of the programme, but as a contribution to an ongoing debate about where the programme should go. As such it is less descriptive than it is critical. It is written in the conviction that the AREA project is vital as a model project: its failure or success will have implications not only for AREA's project or for the Mine Action Programme for Mghanistan (MAP A), but also for the future of community-based de-mining globally.
The transnationalization of the Taliban
International Area Studies Review, Sep 1, 2012
This article introduces a framework for the analysis of transnationalization – understood as the ... more This article introduces a framework for the analysis of transnationalization – understood as the process by which non-state groups integrate with transnational actors – that distinguishes between (1) organization, (2) resource mobilization, (3) tactical repertoire and (4) ideological framing. This framework is then applied to an examination of the Afghan Taliban’s relationships to Al-Qaeda, the Pakistani Taliban (and other local militants) and the Pakistani state. Contrary to dominant analyses, the article finds that the transnationalization of the Taliban has been limited. The Afghan Taliban have been concerned both about losing local support and about coming under the influence of actors with objectives very different from their own, and have therefore consciously limited their own integration into transnational networks.
Humanitarian mine action and peace building: exploring the relationship
Third World Quarterly, Oct 1, 2003
Focusing on the humanitarian mine action (hma) sector, this article argues that rooting peace bui... more Focusing on the humanitarian mine action (hma) sector, this article argues that rooting peace building in concrete activities carries considerable promise, diversifying the repertoire and enhancing the robustness of peace building. However, the assumption that mine action necessarily contributes to building peace is problematic and permits the neglect of harmful effects and a failure to capitalise fully on the potential
Tilly, Charles, 2006. Why? Princeton, NJ & Oxford: Princeton University Press. 205 pp. ISBN 9780691125213
Journal of Peace Research, 2009
Escape Decisions
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2009
Afghanistan and its Neighborhood
Oxford University Press eBooks, Sep 1, 2016
South Asia and Afghanistan
Oxford University Press eBooks, Sep 1, 2016
Third World Quarterly, Aug 1, 1999
Taliban' has now become a global household word. All over the world people see the Taliban as the... more Taliban' has now become a global household word. All over the world people see the Taliban as the personification of politicised Islam: primitive, repressive, with little respect for individual rights in general, and female rights in particular. It was in late 1994 that the Taliban was first heard of, after reports came of their having taken action against a local commander who had abducted, raped and killed three women in the southwestern province of Kandahar. Since then, the Taliban have gained military control over most of Afghanistan. Dethroning local warlords throughout their Pashtun core territory in the southwest, the Taliban were often seen as righteous, albeit brutal, saviours of Afghanistan. Then, once the movement started to take on areas that were already stable, or areas outside the territory populated by their main constituency of rural Pashtuns, the picture changed. Media images of the hanging of former president Najib, of soldiers beating women who were not 'properly dressed' and, more recently, of atrocities against members of the Hazara ethnic group, have crossed the globe. Only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have recognised the Taliban government. Undoubtedly, many Afghans are highly appreciative of the order brought about by the Taliban, while remaining critical of their gender policies, their interpretation of the sharia, and their violent enforcement of traditional rules that many used to respect voluntarily. To understand how the Taliban so rapidly managed to become the dominant force in Afghanistan, we need to acknowledge the general situation of incompetence, and the unfruitful rivalry among the parties and leaders that the movement was to replace. The publication of these two works, Fundamentalism Reborn? and The Taliban, is to be welcomed. Despite massive international interest in the Taliban since their emergence in late 1994, there has been almost a total lack of analysis that can add depth to the media reports. Nor is this an isolated phenomenon: solid empirical research on Afghanistan and its social transformation in the past two decades of war is hard to come by. The onset of war dealt a dramatic blow to Afghanistan studies. The indigenous academic environment was hard hit by the political conflict, and foreigners found their opportunities to do fieldwork increasingly constrained. Since the Communists stepped down in April 1992, travelling and working in the country has become easier, but this
Troubled Regions and Failing States: The Clustering and Contagion of Armed Conflicts
Comparative social research, 2010
... IN AFRICA Karin Dokken 333 WEBS OF WAR: MANAGING REGIONAL CONFLICT FORMATIONS IN WEST AFRICA ... more ... IN AFRICA Karin Dokken 333 WEBS OF WAR: MANAGING REGIONAL CONFLICT FORMATIONS IN WEST AFRICA AND CENTRAL AFRICA Stale Ulriksen 355 Page 9. This page intentionally left blank Page 10. LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Jens Christopher Andvig Pavel K ...
Troubled Regions and Failing States
Is the phenomenon of state failure better understood through a focus on the regional context? To ... more Is the phenomenon of state failure better understood through a focus on the regional context? To what extent may studies of regional security benefit from a focus on the capacities and vulnerabilities of the states involved? This title addresses these questions.
The Persian Gulf and Afghanistan
Oxford University Press eBooks, Sep 1, 2016
Reintegration at ‘Home’
Returning to what used to be home may be just as complicated as arriving in exile. Many of the ch... more Returning to what used to be home may be just as complicated as arriving in exile. Many of the challenges are identical, the coping mechanisms similar. The fundamental challenge of reintegration is spelt out by Laura Hammond (Hammond 1999: 229): Whether a returnee comes back to his or her birthplace or settles in an entirely new environment, he/she considers return to be more of a new beginning than a return to the past.
Caught in the middle? Regional perspectives on Afghanistan
Comparative social research, 2010
... Applying an RSC logic, we should not find this too surprising: the surrounding regions have s... more ... Applying an RSC logic, we should not find this too surprising: the surrounding regions have strong ... to be tagged as a security complex, it is so at a considerably higher level of abstraction ... The two main actors in relation to Afghanistan are Iran and Saudi Arabia, whose battle for ...
I november 2011 samlet diplomater fra 14 av Afghanistans naboland seg i Istanbul for a ˚skrive un... more I november 2011 samlet diplomater fra 14 av Afghanistans naboland seg i Istanbul for a ˚skrive under pa ˚det som i ettertid ble kjent som 'Heart of Asia'-erklaeringen. Erklaeringen markerte starten pa ˚den sa ˚kalte Istanbulprosessen: En regional diplomatisk prosess som skulle bidra til a ˚skape fred i Afghanistan. I likhet med en stadig mer populaer trend i diplomati og forskning, satte Istanbulprosessen Afghanistan i sentrum for regionens stabilitet. Det er denne tankegangen Harpviken og Tadjbakhsh utfordrer i A Rock Between Hard Places: Afghanistan as an Arena of Regional Insecurity. I motsetning til narrativene som plasserer Afghanistan i sentrum, finner forfatterne at Afghanistan er et fjernt tema for sine naboer. Nabolandene er mye mer opptatt av sine regionale konkurrenter enn av Afghanistan. Det er altsa ˚i langt større grad India enn Afghanistan som tar fra Pakistans politiske og militaere ledere nattesøvnen, mens Afghanistan blir offeret for de bipolare spenningene i de omkringliggende regionene. Mens mange har fokusert pa ˚de bilaterale ba ˚ndene mellom Afghanistan og de omkringliggende statene, representerer Harpviken og Tadjbakhsh' analyse av de regionale dynamikkene et viktig og mer nyansert bidrag i debatten om Afghanistans stabilisering. I en systematisk gjennomgang av sikkerhetsdynamikkene som dominerer Sør-Asia, Sentral-Asia og Gulfen, viser forfatterne hvordan de respektive dynamikkene spiller inn i Afghanistan. Denne jobben gjør forfatterne med stor grundighet og med et detaljniva ˚som man ikke finner mange andre steder. Det teoretiske bakteppet for analysen er Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), lansert i Barry Buzan og Ole Waevers verk Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security (2003). Teorien tar utgangspunkt i at sikkerhet og stabilitet avhenger av regionale dynamikker, og at en stat alltid vil føle seg mer truet av sine umiddelbare naboer med mer eller mindre lik maktstatus, og opptre mer distansert og likegyldig ovenfor mer perifere stater. Ifølge forfatterne befinner Afghanistan seg i utkanten av tre regionale sikkerhetskomplekser: Gulfen (dominert av spenningen *Korrespondanse: Joakim Brattvoll.
Troubled regions and failing states: Introduction
Comparative social research, 2010
... Taking more of a micro-perspective, Jens Christopher Andvig starts out from the observation t... more ... Taking more of a micro-perspective, Jens Christopher Andvig starts out from the observation that state failure can be seen as a symptom of both conflict ... Hence, the theoretical schism that this article grapples with is similar to that discussed in the articles by Grant and Ulriksen. ...
The Landmines Campaign: Representations and Reflections
Cooperation and Conflict, Mar 1, 2002
This edited volume is the key reference work to the process that culminated in the 1997 Landmine ... more This edited volume is the key reference work to the process that culminated in the 1997 Landmine Ban Treaty, signed in Ottawa in December 1997, a process that has rightly been described as unique. It was unique in that it took place outside the established international framework for arms control agreements, unique in terms of its close interaction between governments and non-governmental actors, and unique in terms of sheer speed. In September 1996, the then Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lloyd Axworthy, concluded a meeting of supportive governments in Ottawa by inviting them back for a signatory meeting 14 months later. Axworthy’s invitation was met with a great deal of scepticism; nevertheless, a comprehensive Landmine Ban Treaty was negotiated in Oslo in September 1997 and signed in Ottawa in December the same year. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) and its coordinator, Jody Williams, were awarded the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize. Reflecting on what made the Treaty possible is important, not least because the Treaty has been seen as representative of a new trend in international politics, and as a model for new transnational movements (Florini, 2000; Rutherford, 2000). The book aims at offering something to a variety of audiences, including academics, policy-makers, activists, and the general public. This editorial strategy is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it gives a fair representation of the diversity of actors that were behind the campaign, and most readers will find at least parts of the book interesting. On the other, the book stands out as fragmented, containing contributions that range from popularized and uncritical tales of campaign successes, to critical scholarly analyses. This weakness could in part have been compensated for with an editorial introduction to the contributions. The book’s editors are all Canadian. Cameron and Tomlin are at Carleton University, while Lawson is at Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). Contributors to the volume include activists, government officials, and academics. The book consists of three parts. The first focuses on organizations and campaigns promoting the ban, all written by people who were directly involved. The second part of the book focuses
2 Civil Society and the State
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, 2010
Uploads
Papers by Kristian Berg Harpviken