
Gina Peirce
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Papers by Gina Peirce
It was predicted that higher error rates in timed compositions would support the position that advanced learners' morphological errors reflect processing difficulties under time pressure. However, such differences did not reach significance for either heritage or L2 learners; in the latter group, error rates were higher in students' untimed texts. These results could be interpreted as demonstrating representational deficits in interlanguage grammar, particularly in the L2 group. However, greater complexity (words per T-unit) of the untimed essays provides an alternative explanation for the higher untimed error rate among this group. The heritage group had lower overall case and gender-marking error rates than the L2 group, suggesting heritage learners are less likely to show evidence of possible representational deficits of nominal functional features in their interlanguage grammar.
In order to test the viability of the above claim through a case study, this paper will apply the OT framework to examine L2 acquisition of Russian stress assignment. Previous analyses such as that of David Hart (1998) have approached this phenomenon from a generative perspective, focusing on the major differences between phonological rules of stress assignment in Russian and English and the problem of L1 transfer for learners attempting to acquire the Russian grammatical system. This study will present an alternative analysis of Hart’s data on L2 learner errors with Russian stress assignment that seeks to account for these non-targetlike interlanguage forms not only through L1 transfer, but also in terms of universal markedness constraints from Optimality Theory. This analysis is based on proposals by Fred Eckman (2004) and Ellen Broselow (2004) that as second language learners undergo a gradual process of reranking the phonological constraints from their L1 to more closely match those of the L2, they experience a transitional phase in which their IL grammar is strongly influenced by universal markedness constraints that may not be highly ranked in either language. As a result, learners who have begun to differentiate from the phonology of their L1, but still have incomplete knowledge of the L2 system, can produce phonological outputs that diverge from both systems in favor of cross-linguistically unmarked forms, particularly with regard to structures that are highly marked in the L2 grammar.
It was predicted that significantly more frequent errors in timed compositions would support the position that inflectional morphology errors by advanced learners largely reflect processing difficulties under time pressure. However, results for the heritage group showed that while descriptive tendencies appeared to point toward processing difficulties, the difference between timed and untimed error rates did not reach statistical significance. In the L2 group, error rates were higher in students’ untimed texts than in their timed texts, although this difference also did not reach significance. The lack of reliable differences between timed and untimed error rates could be interpreted as demonstrating representational deficits in learners’ interlanguage grammar, particularly in the L2 group. However, the greater complexity (measured by words per T-unit) of the untimed essays provides an alternative explanation for the unexpected finding of a higher untimed error rate among the L2 learners, for whom the correlation between differences in complexity and error rates for timed and untimed texts approached significance. For the heritage learners, error rates appeared to be affected more by time pressure than text complexity. In addition, the heritage group had lower case-marking and significantly lower gender-marking error rates than the L2 group. This finding suggests that heritage learners are less likely than traditional L2 learners to show evidence of possible representational deficits of nominal functional features in their interlanguage grammar.
It was predicted that higher error rates in timed compositions would support the position that advanced learners' morphological errors reflect processing difficulties under time pressure. However, such differences did not reach significance for either heritage or L2 learners; in the latter group, error rates were higher in students' untimed texts. These results could be interpreted as demonstrating representational deficits in interlanguage grammar, particularly in the L2 group. However, greater complexity (words per T-unit) of the untimed essays provides an alternative explanation for the higher untimed error rate among this group. The heritage group had lower overall case and gender-marking error rates than the L2 group, suggesting heritage learners are less likely to show evidence of possible representational deficits of nominal functional features in their interlanguage grammar.
In order to test the viability of the above claim through a case study, this paper will apply the OT framework to examine L2 acquisition of Russian stress assignment. Previous analyses such as that of David Hart (1998) have approached this phenomenon from a generative perspective, focusing on the major differences between phonological rules of stress assignment in Russian and English and the problem of L1 transfer for learners attempting to acquire the Russian grammatical system. This study will present an alternative analysis of Hart’s data on L2 learner errors with Russian stress assignment that seeks to account for these non-targetlike interlanguage forms not only through L1 transfer, but also in terms of universal markedness constraints from Optimality Theory. This analysis is based on proposals by Fred Eckman (2004) and Ellen Broselow (2004) that as second language learners undergo a gradual process of reranking the phonological constraints from their L1 to more closely match those of the L2, they experience a transitional phase in which their IL grammar is strongly influenced by universal markedness constraints that may not be highly ranked in either language. As a result, learners who have begun to differentiate from the phonology of their L1, but still have incomplete knowledge of the L2 system, can produce phonological outputs that diverge from both systems in favor of cross-linguistically unmarked forms, particularly with regard to structures that are highly marked in the L2 grammar.
It was predicted that significantly more frequent errors in timed compositions would support the position that inflectional morphology errors by advanced learners largely reflect processing difficulties under time pressure. However, results for the heritage group showed that while descriptive tendencies appeared to point toward processing difficulties, the difference between timed and untimed error rates did not reach statistical significance. In the L2 group, error rates were higher in students’ untimed texts than in their timed texts, although this difference also did not reach significance. The lack of reliable differences between timed and untimed error rates could be interpreted as demonstrating representational deficits in learners’ interlanguage grammar, particularly in the L2 group. However, the greater complexity (measured by words per T-unit) of the untimed essays provides an alternative explanation for the unexpected finding of a higher untimed error rate among the L2 learners, for whom the correlation between differences in complexity and error rates for timed and untimed texts approached significance. For the heritage learners, error rates appeared to be affected more by time pressure than text complexity. In addition, the heritage group had lower case-marking and significantly lower gender-marking error rates than the L2 group. This finding suggests that heritage learners are less likely than traditional L2 learners to show evidence of possible representational deficits of nominal functional features in their interlanguage grammar.