Diretoria de Exploração e Produção

This article aims to elaborate a theory, based on Poulantzas, about the role of the State
in a capitalist economy through a relational perspective that perceives the State as
a field and a strategic process for the disputes of class fractions within the power
bloc. In order to do so, it exposes the relation between State and accumulation at
an abstract-formal level, emphasising the limitations of studies that use only this
dimension. Next, it analyzes the role of the power bloc in mediating between the abstract
and concrete levels of the State, observing that public policies are elaborated
as a result of the clashes within the power bloc. Finally, it promotes a discussion on
the external constraints (international system) that are affected and affect the State
and, consequently, the dynamics of the power bloc.

This paper analyzes the relationship between macroeconomic policy and economic development and
the political constraints of that relationship from 1995 until present day ( Cardoso, Lula and Dilma
Rousseff). This analysis relies on the political economy approach, applying the concepts of financial
domination, dependence and power blocs. By virute of this method, we assume that the adoption of
certain economic policy is the result of: i) the external constraints (which, in Brazil, are coupled with
the country’s status as a peripheral and dependent economy) and ii) the constraints associated with the
internal interaction and conflicts of economic and political interests of class fractions in the power bloc
and its influence on the State. The paper concludes that recent changes to the power bloc between the
end of the Lula administration and the beginning of the Rousseff administration gave the government
greater autonomy, particularly in relation to the banking and financial sector, which was the hegemonic
fraction in the power bloc. This context favors the resumption of development policies.

This article aims at elaborating a theory, based on Poulantzas, about the role of the state in a capitalist economy through a relational perspective that perceives the state as a field and as a strategic process for the disputes of class fractions into the power bloc. In order to do so, it exposes the relation between state and accumulation in a abstract-formal level, emphasizing the limitations of studies that use only this dimension. Next, it analyses the role of the power bloc in mediating the abstract and concrete levels of the state, observing that public policies are elaborated as a result of the clashes within the power bloc. Finally, it draws a discussion on the external constrains (international system) that are affected and affect the state and, consequently, the dynamics of the power bloc.

This article discusses the transformations of the capitalism in the 20 century adopting as theoretical itinerary the concept of economical cycle, in which the analyses of the development pattern and crisis are enrolled, and the function of the indebtedness in the contemporary capitalist reproduction. We
seek, then, to elaborate a characterization of the capitalism during the 20 century the political-economical function and the autonomy of the State and the role of the indebtedness. In that way, the characterization of the movements of the capitalism will be considered inside of a long wave of development, marked by an ascending phase, known as "the gold years", and for a descending phase, in which we were, marked by the coming of the crisis, stagnation and turbulence

The main objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyze the evolution of the economic performance of the “core” (power bloc) of Brazilian capitalism from 1995-2007. The central hypothesis is that such performance is an expression of external (US-China axis) and internal (economic policies) determinants. The focus of our empirical analysis is the economic group, nowadays the main locus of class economic struggle. We also analyze two other important matters: (i) the impact of the new international trade dynamics, based on the US-China axis, on Brazilian external insertion and, mainly, on the performance of the power bloc; and (ii) the effects of economic policies (main locus of class political struggle) of Lula’s government over economic dynamics and, specially, over the evolution of the power bloc economic performance. This research was guided by two hypothesis: (i) the domination of the financial/banking fraction in Brazil was kept during Lula’s government due to the maintenance of the macroeconomic policy (inflation targets, floating exchange rate and primary surplus); and (ii) the increase of power among the exporting agribusiness bourgeoisie and among the natural resource intensive industries was achieved, during Lula’s government, with no interruption in the hegemonic position of the financial/banking fraction because of the effects of the US-China axis over Brazilian economy. The analysis of the empirical data of the economic group and of the internal and external constrains, under Lula’s government, led us to the following conclusions: (i) the big industrial bourgeoisie of commodities export expanded significantly its wealth stock (net assets) due to its high levels of net profits (wealth flow), leading to the power rise of this fraction. Such rise was a consequence, almost
exclusive, of the effects of the US-China axis, once the exchange rate that was derived from the economic policy was almost always unfavorable to the sector; (ii) there was no change in
the relative position in the power bloc of the big industrial bourgeoisie of commodities export, specially considering the maintenance of the relative weight of its wealth stock (net assets) and the instability of its wealth flow (net profits). The positive external effects for the sector were almost totally annulated by the negative effects produced by the exchange rate; and (iii) the big financial/banking national and international bourgeoisie expanded its relative share on wealth stock (net assets) due to the maintenance of high profits (net) and to the extraordinary levels of profitability, making evident that there was no change over its economic power. These results were a consequence of high levels of interest rates and of the elevate primary surplus, both made possible due to the Central Bank’s operational independence and to its monetary management, an expression of the political power of this fraction. The combination of economic and political power produced such result, which is an evidence of the hegemonic
position of the fraction over the power bloc. Moreover, the idea that the dominated class is represented in Lula’s government and in its Bolsa Família Program provides the actual legitimating exploitation, once the dominated class accepts the government policies that ensure the domination by the fractions of the power bloc. Therefore, we experience nowadays, under Lula’s government, a “hegemony in reverse”, in which the accumulation and domination done by the power bloc are kept untouched.

Este capítulo tem como objetivo analisar a evolução recente do setor de recursos naturais (valor agregado, exportações e investimento estrangeiro) nas economias dos países do Mercosul (Argentina, Brasil, Paraguai e Uruguai), buscando identificar a relação entre a trajetória do setor, as transformações da economia mundial – decorrentes do “efeito China” – e o novo papel desempenhado pelos chineses na região.

1. Conceito e evolução do termo BRICS: de instrumento de marketing financeiro a mecanismo político-diplomático O acrônimo BRICS é utilizado para designar o agrupamento de países emergentes, formado por Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul, o qual detém significativo potencial de crescimento nas próximas décadas e vem ocupando posições cada vez mais relevantes na economia e na diplomacia política mundial. De instrumento de marketing financeiro do banco Goldman Sachs, criado em 2001, o termo BRIC (sem a África do Sul) tornou-se, a partir de 2006, um mecanismo político-diplomático informal, que passou a trabalhar coletivamente e a atuar no cenário internacional de forma conjunta em determinados temas, especialmente nas questões financeiras internacionais. Em 2011, a África do Sul ingressou nesse grupo, que passou a ser denominado BRICS. O termo BRIC foi cunhado por Jim O´Neill, economista-chefe do banco de investimento Goldman Sachs, no estudo intitulado Building Better Global Economic BRICs publicado em 2001. A ideia-forç' do estudo era de que o grupo de países emergentes, formado por Brasil, Rússia, Índia e China, iria contribuir cada vez mais para o crescimento da economia mundial nos próximos dez anos, aumentando, assim, o seu peso econômico e político (O´NEILL, 2001). Em 2003, um novo estudo sobre a evolução da economia mundial até 2050, do Goldman Sachs, sob o título de Dreaming with BRICs: the path to 2050, foi ainda mais longe, ao prever que, em 2039, o poder econômico (Produto Interno Bruto -PIB) do grupo BRIC ultrapassaria os seis países mais ricos do mundo em 2001 (Estados Unidos, Japão, Alemanha, Reino Unido, França e Itália) (WILSON E PURUSHOTHAMAN, 2003). Para O´Neill, a despeito das diferenças geográficas e culturais, o Brasil, a Rússia, a Índia e a China poderiam ser pensados como uma unidade ou um grupo, em decorrência dos seus potenciais de rápido crescimento econômico futuro. À medida que esses países BRIC continuassem a crescer, aprofundando seus relacionamentos recíprocos, eles se tornariam importante fator a ser considerado no que diz respeito aos

Três anos após a quebra do Banco Lehman Brothers, em 15 de setembro de 2008, a economia americana não conseguiu ainda restabelecer o seu dinamismo. A atual fase nos Estados Unidos de elevado desemprego e baixo crescimento, sem expectativas de alteração no curto prazo, e de mudanças significativas na composição e repartição da riqueza dos grupos na sociedade traz à tona o acirramento de posições históricas divergentes da sociedade americana, que dificulta o estabelecimento de medidas destinadas a combater a crise. O acirramento desses grupos tem se refletido na elevação das tensões entre os partidos Democrata (do presidente Barack Obama) e Republicano (maioria na Câmara Legislativa), o qual tem caminhado cada vez mais para a direita. A manifestação mais recente dessas tensões foi a aprovação da elevação do teto legal de endividamento nominal, assunto que ganhou os noticiários do mundo, pois o Estado norte-americano corria o risco, temporário, de não conseguir honrar seus compromissos.