At the time, this was considered an outrageous thing to say.... The almost universally accepted conventional wisdom of the day was that “globalisation” meant the exploitation of poor countries by multinational corporations, and that the world was going from bad to worse. ...
With his most recent book The Capitalist Manifesto: Why the Global Free Market Will Save the World, Norberg goes back to the beginning.... The era of “globalisation” is generally said to have started around 1990, so when In Defence of Global Capitalism came out, it was still in its relatively early stages. We now have three decades to go by. What happened in those three decades?
Quite a lot.
- Extreme poverty fell from 38% of the world’s population to less than 10%,
- child and infant mortality fell from 9.3% to 3.7%,
- global life expectancy increased from 64 years to over 70 years,
- illiteracy dropped from 25.7% to 13.5%,
- child labour decreased from 16% to 10%, and so on, and so forth.
There are genuine problems, though. In some Western countries, NIMBYism is driving up the cost of housing. This makes it harder for people to move to where the best job opportunities are, and it gives younger generations a worse deal. In addition, the extension of occupational licensing is erecting market entry barriers. None of this has anything to do with “neoliberalism” or “hyperglobalisation”, though – quite the opposite....
But have classical liberals benefited from this, in any way? Has being right made us more successful in winning over hearts and minds? Are there more people now who embrace free-market capitalism, or who at least accept that, even if they don’t like it, it is the most powerful motor of economic and social progress known to man?
Very far from it ... in addition to the anti-capitalist Left, we have also seen the rise of an anti-liberal Right. ... Where In Defence of Global Capitalism was able to concentrate on one enemy, The Capitalist Manifesto has to fight a two-front war. Some chapters are primarily aimed at the anti-capitalist Left, others are primarily aimed at the anti-liberal Right, and some could apply to both in roughly equal measure. ...
- Chapter 3 concentrates on the ... misplaced nostalgia for the economic structure of the postwar decades ... Norberg shows that automation and productivity improvements have contributed far more to job losses in the manufacturing industries than free trade, and that ... the same processes that make some jobs redundant also lower consumer prices and thereby make us richer, [creating] demand for new jobs in other sectors ...
- Chapter 4 addresses the old Marxist idea that wealth must be built on exploitation, but also some of the more recent literature on inequality, such as Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century and The Spirit Level by Kate Pickett and Richard Wilkinson. In market economies, people do not get rich by exploiting others. They get rich because they offer something that lots of people are prepared to pay for. Left-wing celebrity authors like Michael Moore and Bernie Sanders understand that perfectly well when it comes to their own book sales, but they are not capable of extending that logic to entrepreneurial activities. ...
- Chapter 5 picks up another perennial Marxist theme: the idea that capitalism supposedly leads to greater and greater industry concentration over time. ... The best antidote to worrying too much about market concentration, though, is to read an article from 20 or 30 years ago that was worrying about the same thing. This is because a lot of the behemoths of yesteryear have since faded into obscurity. ...
- If there is one thing those of us on the pro-globalisation side were wrong about 20 years ago (and in Chapter 7, Norberg is very open about that), it was our belief that freer trade and freer markets would lead to the spread of Western liberal values, and Western-style liberal democracies. In China, this has clearly not happened. Under Xi Jinping, China has gone into reverse, both in terms of economic and political liberty. However, none of this means that economic nationalists, who seek to decouple Western economies from China, are right....
- One of the weirder phenomena of the past five years or so was the rise of a new wave of militant, anti-capitalist eco-movements: the Greta Thunberg movement, Extinction Rebellion, Just Stop Oil, and their various offshoots and counterparts in other countries. It is weird because it happened after the environmentalist side had already won the debate on climate change. ... On green issues, anti-capitalists are as wrong as they are about everything else. As Norberg shows in Chapter 8, market economies can and do address environmental problems very effectively.

