Shlomo Lotan (Bar Ilan University)
Photo Credit: Shlomo Lotan
The institution of the Hospital of St. Mary of the Teutons in Jerusalem (hospitale sancte Marie Theutonicorum in Jerusalem) belonged to the Teutonic Order; founded in the city of Acre in 1198 as a nursing and military religious order.[1] However, the first attempt to create a German fraternity had been made at the time of the establishment of the first crusader kingdom in the Latin East. A medieval document stated that in 1127 two German benefactors established a hospital, pilgrim house and church named after St. Mary for German pilgrims visiting Jerusalem, realizing that they needed nursing care and spiritual assistance. This was an urban compound which met the needs of the Germanic pilgrims, separating them from the Romanic/remaining population, most of whom spoke French and many other languages, such as Italian and Spanish in this multi-cultural city.[2]
The German Hospital operated under the patronage of the Order of St. John (hereafter, the Hospitallers); first established in Jerusalem in 1113, it was the main organisation which was engaged in the field of nursing in the crusader kingdom, and also operated the central hospital in Jerusalem, located near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.[3] In 1143, Pope Celestine II (sed. 1143–1144) granted the Hospitallers possession of the German Hospital and the adjacent Church of St. Mary. The pope recognised the need for a hospital, so that it could care for German-speaking pilgrims in their own language during their stay in Jerusalem. In this way, the pope contributed to the uniqueness of the German nursing institute in Jerusalem and its distinction from the Hospitallers’ institution.[4] The German hospital in Jerusalem also developed thanks to the donation of several properties and agricultural lands granted to it throughout the crusader kingdom. These lands are mentioned in charters as having been located in Nablus, Hebron, Beit Shean and Jerusalem; and they provided agricultural supplies and income to the German institution and contributed to its economic welfare.[5]
The activity of the German hospital ended with the conquest of Jerusalem after the Battle of Hattin in 1187. With the entry of Ayyubid ruler Saladin (r. as sultan of Egypt 1174–1193) into Jerusalem in early October 1187, and the withdrawal of the Christians from the crusader capital, the activities of the German institution in Jerusalem also ceased.[6]
During the Third Crusade (1189–1192), Germans joined the crusader forces who were attempting to reconquer the territories of the reduced Latin kingdom. A contemporary source, the Narratio de primordiis ordinis Theutonici, describes the beginning of the German institution in Acre in 1190 and its establishment during the crusader siege of the city. The same source states that sailors from the German cities of Bremen and Lübeck helped establish a field hospital opposite the eastern wall of the city. Its purpose was to care for wounded Germans, and for those who suffered from diseases during the prolonged siege of the conquered Muslim city. They erected a temporary structure made from the canvas of their boats, which became a permanent compound as the siege continued.[7]
The hospital also served the Germans who arrived in the city of Acre in October 1190, after the failure of the crusade led by Emperor Frederick I “Barbarossa” (r. 1155–1190) by the land route of Asia Minor. The journey had been interrupted after the emperor’s sudden death by drowning in an Anatolian river. The emperor’s son, Duke Frederick I of Swabia (d. 1191), was among the few who continued to the Latin East, and upon arriving in the city of Acre laid the foundations for the establishment of the German medical institution. He appointed two companions – the priest Konrad and the abbot Burchard – as commanders of the German institution in Acre, and would die there from the plague in January 1191.[8]
Following the establishment of the order, narratives emphasised the connections between the institution established in Acre and the institution established in Jerusalem. Several researchers of the Teutonic Order have addressed the question of whether the leaders of the German nursing house in Jerusalem and its members managed to escape from Jerusalem when it was conquered in 1187, and whether they then joined the ranks of Acre’s new institution in 1190. Sources from the period mention several German officials who may have continued the idea of the nursing home in Jerusalem and joined the ranks of the German hospital in Acre.[9] It seems that the members of Acre’s new German institution aspired to return to Jerusalem and settle there after it was reconquered by the Christians. The Germans’ goal was thus to glorify the name of the new institution and associate it with Jerusalem.[10] The Germans’ efforts and their attempt to gain recognition for the nursing institution succeeded and, in 1191, Pope Clement III (sed. 1187–1191) granted it his patronage. The inclusion of Jerusalem in the name of the new organisation linked the activities of twelfth-century Germans in Jerusalem’s Church of St. Mary, to the new German institution in Acre.[11]
In 1197, the arrival of German crusaders in the Frankish East contributed to the recognition of the German institution. The Germans assisted in the conquest of Sidon and Beirut and even participated in the siege of the fortress of Torun in the northern part of the Latin Kingdom.[12] At the end of the crusade, their leaders demanded that those who wished to remain in the Holy Land be provided with suitable conditions, and they sought to strengthen the nursing institution in Acre and transform it into a military order, thus laying the foundations for the permanent presence of German crusaders in the Latin East.[13] The narrative account of the establishment of the Teutonic Order describes the convening of a large-scale assembly at the Templar headquarters in Acre in early March 1198. At this assembly, it was decided to establish a Teutonic military order. It was to be named after the German Hospital of St. Mary in Jerusalem although, at this time, the city of Jerusalem was under the rule of the Ayyubid forces.[14]
At the beginning of the thirteenth century, several Teutonic leaders were active in the Latin Kingdom, but the medieval sources do not provide many details about their tenure. This changes during the reign of the Magister of the Teutonic Order, Hermann von Salza (r. 1209–1239). His years of leadership coincided with the height of the order’s activity in the Latin East and Europe. Hermann von Salza enhanced the order’s status and directed most of its activity towards political and military objectives, during a period when the order was granted lands and properties in the Latin East and throughout southern and northern Europe.[15]
During the Sixth Crusade (1228–1229), Jerusalem again became a central focus for the Teutonic Order. The crusade’s leader, Emperor Frederick II (r. as king of Sicily 1198–1250, as holy roman emperor 1220–1250, and as king of Jerusalem 1225–1250), returned Jerusalem to the Crusaders in 1229, as part of diplomatic efforts and a peace treaty (Hudna) signed between Frederick II and the Ayyubid Sultan of Egypt, Al-Kamel (r. 1218–1238).[16] The Teutons accompanied Frederick II on his journey through the Cru-sader Kingdom on the road between Acre and Jaffa, and then to Jerusalem. The climax of the Sixth Crusade took place when the Teutonic Order participated in the emperor’s coronation at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, in March 1229.[17] The presence of the Teutonic Order at the coronation ceremony expressed the importance of Jerusalem and its symbolism in the order’s history. They linked their full name to their presence in Christianity’s holiest city, as well as to the continuation of the dynasty of King David. In this way, they merged biblical stories with Teutonic tradition, thus presenting the military order as a dynastic successor to the House of David in the biblical Land of Israel.[18]
Credit: Shlomo Lotan
There is little source information about the return of the German hospital building to the crusaders. It is reasonable to assume that it was, indeed, returned to the Christians. The isolated German structure located in the southern part of the city, far from the heart of the Christian city, became a buffer zone, a border, and probably an enclave between the Muslim centre on the Temple Mount, and the main Christian stronghold in the western part of the city, near the Armenian Quarter, and close to the Holy Sepulchre Church which was located at the heart of the Christian Quarter.[20]
During Frederick II’s stay in Jerusalem between 17–18 March 1229, the emperor granted the members of the Teutonic Order the city’s citadel, along with the Royal Palace (Curia Regis), which stood next to it on the Armenian Street, near the Church of St. Thomas in the Armenian Quarter, as well as land possessions near the citadel.[21] During that period, most of the Teutonic Order’s activities in Jerusalem occurred in the city’s citadel, which was an important military compound used in the defence of the western part of Jerusalem, used as the main Christian stronghold in Jerusalem during the period when the city was again under Crusader control (1229–1244).[22] The citadel was also a place of refuge for Christian pilgrims and residents seeking protection from Muslim attacks – such as that of the Ayyubids in 1239 – and that which brought an end to the Christian presence in the city in 1244.[23]
It was precisely at this interim period (1229–1244) that the Teutonic Knights’ connection to the city of Jerusalem was strengthened. The name Jerusalem remained part of the Teutonic Order’s designation even after the fall of the city to the Muslims and their allies in August 1244. The inclusion of Jerusalem in the order’s name emphasised the spiritual centre of the Teutonic Order, even during periods when members of the order lived far from the Holy City and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem.[24] With the loss of Jerusalem, Acre, along with the settlements of Upper Galilee and the fortress of Montfort, remained the primary sites of the Teutonic knights in the northern border of the Crusader Kingdom, where the official and military activities of the Teutonic brethren continued until the fall of Acre to the Mamluks and the withdrawal of the Crusaders in 1291.[25]
[1] Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici e tabulario regio Berolinensi potissimum, ed. Ernst Strehlke, Berlin 1869; repr. Toronto and Jerusalem 1975, no. 297 (1199), p. 266: Specialiter autem ordinationem factam in ecclesia vestra iuxta modum Templariorum in clericis et militibus, et ad exemplum Hospitalariorum in pauperibus et infirmis; Codex diplomaticus ordinis Sanctae Mariae Theutonicorum, ed. Johann Heinrich Hennes, Mainz 1845, p. 5. For the terms “German” and “Teuton” see Mohr, Walter, Von der Francia Orientalis zum Regnum Teutonicum, in: Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 27, 1957, pp. 27–49.
[2] James of Vitry, Historia orientalis seu Iherosolimitana, ed. Jacques Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, vol. 1, Hannover 1611 (Jerusalem 1987), p. 1085: honesto et religioso viro Teutonico, qui in civitate cum uxore sua morabatur, quatenus quoddam Xenodochium de bonis suis construeret, in quo pauperibus et infirmis Teutonicis hospitalitatem exhiberet.
[3] Richard, Jean, Hospitals and Hospital Congregations in the Latin Kingdom during the First Period of the Frankish Conquest, in: Outremer, Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar, Hans E. Mayer and R.C. Smail, Jerusalem 1982, p. 99.
[4] Cartulaire général de l’Ordre des Hospitaliers de St.-Jean de Jérusalem (1100-1310), ed. Jean Delaville le Roulx, Paris 1894–1906, vol. 1, no. 154, p. 124: Quia igitur de Hospitali illo, quod ad susceptionem Teutonicorum ibidem constructum est, tam in regno Jherosolimitano quam in aliis mundi partibus… ita videlicet ut de gente Theutonicorum priorem et servientes, quos idoneos cognoveritis, ibidem constituatis, qui Christi pauperibus in lingua sua respondere; Pringle, Denys, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. A Corpus, vol. 3: The city of Jerusalem, Cambridge 2007, pp. 228–229. Luttrell, Anthony, The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order, in: Ordines Militares. Yearbook for the Study of the Military Orders 26, 2021, pp. 355–360.
[5] Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 6 (1173), p. 7: Amalricus I Hierosolymitanus rex donat b. Mariae s. domus hospitalis Theutonicorum 400 bisantios de funda Neapolitana, quatuor casalia in partibus S. Abrahae et Bethan, certos proventus frumenti et hordei de omnibus suis bonis in terries Ierusalem et Neapolis, no. 8 (1177), p. 9: Amalricus I Hierosolymitanus rex concedit b. Mariae sanctae domus Theutonicorum annuatim de porta David recipiendos 300 bisantios.
[6] The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation, Aldershot 1996, ed. Peter Edbury, pp. 56–65; The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the Crusading Period from al-Kamil fi’l-ta’rkikh, transl. by Donald S. Richards, vol. 2 (Crusade texts in translation 15), Aldershot 2008, pp. 330–335.
[7] Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens nach seinen ältesten Handschriften, ed. Max Perlbach, Halle 1890. pp. 159–160; De Primordiis Ordinis Theutonici Narratio, in: Scriptores Rerum Prussicarum, vol. 6, ed. Walther Hubatsch and Udo Arnold, Frankfurt am Main 1968, pp. 22–29; Arnold, Udo, Vom Feldspital zum Ritterorden, Militarisierung und Territorialisierung des Deutschen Ordens (1190–ca. 1240), in: Balticum. Studia z dziejów polityki, gospodarki i kultury XII–XVII wieku ofiarowane Marianowi Biskupowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. Zenon H. Nowak, Toruń 1992, pp. 25–36.
[8] Eickhoff, Ekkehard, Friedrich Barbarossa im Orient, Tübingen 1977, p. 168; Perlbach, Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens, p. 159: idem hospitale magne devotionis diligentia procurantes donee ad adventum Friderici illustris ducis Swevie filii Friderici Romanorum imperatoris.
[9] Favreau, Marie-Luise, Studien zur Frühgeschichte des Deutschen Ordens, Stuttgart 1974, p. 49; Arnold, Udo, Entstehung und Frühzeit des Deutschen Ordens, in: Die Geistlichen Ritterorden (Konstanzer Arbeitskreis. Vorträge und Forschungen 26), ed. Josef Fleckenstein – Manfred Hellmann, Sigmaringen 1980, pp. 83–84; Ibid, Jerusalem und Akkon. Zur Frage von Kontinuität oder Neugründung des Deutschen Ordens 1190, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 86, 1978, pp. 416–432; Favreau-Lilie, Marie-Luise, Alle origini dell’Ordine Teutonico: Continuità o nuova fondazione dell’ospedale gerosolimitano degli Alemanni?, in: Militia sacra. Gli ordini militari tra Europa e Terrasanta, ed. Enzo Coli – Maria De Marco – Francesco Maria Tommasi, Perugia 1994, pp. 31–34; Müller, Gerard, Jerusalem oder Akkon? Über den Anfang des Deutschen Ordens nach dem gegenwärtigen Stand der Forschung, Bad Münstereifel 1989, pp. 12–15; Arnold, Udo, Die Anfänge der Ordensgeschichtsschreibung, in: Neue Studien zur Literatur im Deutschen Orden, ed. Bernhart Jähnig and Arno Mentzel-Reuters, Stuttgart 2014, pp. 175–195.
[10] Perlbach, Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens, p. 159: humiliter susceperunt hospitale prescriptum in honore sancta dei genitrices virginis Marie inchantes, quod principali nomine hospitale sancta Marie Theutonicorum in Jerusalem nuncuparunt et spe et fiducia, ut terra sancta christiano cultui restituta in civitate sancta Jerusalem domus ficret ejusdem ordinis principalis, mater caput partier et magistra; Arnold, Entstehung und Frühzeit des Deutschen Ordens, pp. 89–90, 94.
[11] Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 295 (1191): Clemens III fratrum Theutonicorum ecclesiae s. Mariae Hierosolymitanae protectionem suscipit.
[12] ‘L’Estoire de Eracles Empereur et la Conqueste de la Terre d’Outremer’, in: Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Historiens Occidentaux, vol. 2, Paris 1859, pp. 227–228; Loud, Graham A., The German Crusade of 1197–1198, in: Crusades 13, 2014, pp. 146–148.
[13] Annales Colonienses maximi, ed. Georg H. Pertz (MGH SS 17), Hannover 1861, p. 805: Si qui etiam in terra promissionis manere voluerint, reditus eis sufficientes in eadem terra assignari faciemus.
[14] Perlbach, Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens, p. 160: ordines dictarum domorum domui hospitalis sancte Marie Theutonicorum Jerosolimitani.
[15] Kluger, Helmuth, Hochmeister Hermann von Salza und Kaiser Friedrich II (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 37), Marburg 1987, pp. 126–132.
[16] Huillard-Bréholles, Jean, L. A., Historia Diplomatica Frederici Secundi, vol. 3, Turin 1963, pp. 97–99; Coronatio Hierosolimitana 1229, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Constitutiones et Acta Publica Imperatorum et Regum, ed. Ludwig Weiland, Hannover 1896, vol. 2, no. 121, p. 162: Et dum de restitutione Terre Sancte tractaretur, dominus Iesus Christus sua solita providential ita ordinavit, quod soldanus restituit domino imperatori et christianis civitatem sanctam Ierusalem cum suis tenimentis; no. 122, p. 165: soldanus Babylonie restituit nobis civitatem sanctam Ierusalem, locum videlicet ubi pedes Christi steterunt, locum etiam ubi veri adoratores in spiritu et veritate Patrem partum adorant; Powell, James, Frederick II and the Muslims. The Making of an Historiographical Tradition, in: Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. Burns, ed. Larry J. Simon and Paul E. Chevedden, Leiden 1995, pp. 261–269; Freidman, Yvonne, Interludes of Peace in the Medieval Latin East: Perceptions and Practices, Abingdon 2026, pp. 80–85.
[17] Historia Diplomatica Frederici Secundi, vol. 3, ed. Jean Huillard-Bréholles, pp. 99–102; Van Cleve, Thomas Curtis, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen. Immutator Mundi, Oxford 1972, pp. 213–222; Hechelhammer, Bodo, Kreuzzug und Herrschaft unter Friedrich II. Handlungsspielräume von Kreuzzugspolitik (1215–1230) (Mittelalter-Forschungen 13), Ostfildern 2004, pp. 296–306.
[18] Arnold, Udo, Ritter und Priester, in: Acht Jahrhunderte Deutscher Orden in Nordwesteuropa (Ausstellungkatalog), ed. Udo Arnold, Alden Biesen 1992, pp. 11–13; Militzer, Klaus, Von Akkon zur Marienburg. Verfassung, Verwaltung und Sozialstruktur des Deutschen Ordens 1190–1309 (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 56), Marburg 1999, pp. 38–39.
[19] Huillard-Bréholles, Historia Diplomatica Frederici Secundi, vol. 3, p. 96: ut peregrini de cetero processum liberum habeant ad sepulcrum Domini et securum inde regressum, excepto videlicet quod cum Saraceni in quadam veneratione maxima Templum habeant et illuc secundum ritum eorum ad orandum (a) in modum Saracenorum peregrinorum accedant.
[20] Lotan, Shlomo, Jerusalem in the Traditions of the Teutonic Order – Symbolism and Uniqueness, in: Zapiski Historycyzne 75, 2010, pp. 13–14.
[21] Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 69 (1229), p. 55: in civitate sua Ierusalem domum quondam Balduini Regis sitam in ruga Armeniorum prope ecclesiam s. Thomae […] sex carrucatas terrae; Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 70 (1229), pp. 55–56: et pro alia domo sitam iuxta ecclesiam s. Sepulcri.
[22] Boas, Adrian, J., Return to the Holy City: Historical and Archaeological Sources on the Frankish Presence in Jerusalem between 1229 and 1244, in: Tell in Gath. Studies in the History and Archeology of Israel. Essays in Honor of Maeir Aren M., ed. Itzhaq Shai et al., Münster 2018, pp. 1032–1050.
[23] Chronica de Mailros, ed. Joseph Stevenson, Edinburgh 1835, pp. 158–163; Crusader Syria in the Thirteenth Century. The Rothelin Continuation of the History of William of Tyre with part of the Eracles or Acre Text, transl. by Janet Shierly, Aldershot 1999, p. 40; Jackson, Peter, The Crusades of 1239–41 and their aftermath, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental African Studies 50/1, 1987, p. 39; Ellenblum, Ronnie, Frankish Castles, Muslim Castles, and the Medieval Citadel of Jerusalem, in: In Laudem Hierosolymitani. Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar, ed. iris Shagrir, Ronnie Ellenblum, and Jonathan Riley-Smith, Aldershot 2007, pp. 106–107; Berkovich, Ilya, Templars, Franks, Syrians and the Double Pact of 1244, in: The Military Orders, Politics and Power, vol. 5, ed. Peter Edbury, Farnham 2012, pp. 86–88.
[24] Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 183 (1298), p. 165: ordinis fratrum hospitalis sancte Marie Theutonicorum in Ierusalem; Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, no. 210 (1337): fratres ordinis hospitalis beate Marie domus Theutonicorum Ierosolimitani, quorum sancta religio ab imperialibus beneficium. For a comparative example see Peternek, Vera, What’s in a name? The Carmelites’ presence on Mount Carmel in the Speculum de Institutione Ordinis pro Veneratione Beatae Mariae, in: Patria Hierosolymitana – Conceptions of Heimat in the ecclesiastical institutions of the Middle Ages(2025). DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/heidok.00037620.
[25] Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314), la caduta degli stati crociati nel racconto di un testimone oculare, ed. Laura Minervini, Napoli 2000, no. 253–272 (489–508), pp. 206–226; Stickel, Erwin, Der Fall von Akkon. Untersuchungen zum Abklingen des Kreuzzugsgedankens am Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts, Bern – Frankfurt 1975, pp. 50–65; Morton, Nicholas, The Teutonic knights in the Holy Land, 1190–1291, Woodbridge 2009, pp. 142–143.
Bibliography
Sources
Annales Colonienses maximi (MGH SS 17), ed. Georg H. Pertz, Hannover 1861.
Cartulaire général de l’Ordre des Hospitaliers de St.-Jean de Jérusalem (1100–1310), ed. Jean Delaville le Roulx, Paris 1894–1906.
Chronica de Mailros, ed. Joseph Stevenson, Edinburgh 1835.
The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the Crusading Period from al-Kamil fi’l-ta’rkikh, transl. by Donald S. Richards, vol. 2 (Crusade texts in translation 15), Aldershot 2008.
The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation, ed. Peter Edbury, Aldershot 1996.
Coronatio Hierosolimitana 1229, in MGH Constitutiones et Acta Publica Imperatorum et Regum, vol. 2, ed. Ludwig Weiland, Hannover 1896.
Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314), la caduta degli stati crociati nel racconto di un testimone oculare, ed. Laura Minervini, Napoli 2000.
Crusader Syria in the Thirteenth Century. The Rothelin Continuation of the History of William of Tyre with part of the Eracles or Acre Text, transl. by Janet Shierly, Aldershot 1999.
Narratio De Primordiis Ordinis Theutonici, in: Scriptores Rerum Prussicarum, vol. 6, ed. Walther Hubatsch – Udo Arnold, Frankfurt am Main 1968, pp. 24–29.
‘L’Estoire de Eracles Empereur et la Conqueste de la Terre d’Outremer’, in: Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Historiens Occidentaux, vol. 2, Paris 1859.
James of Vitry, Historia orientalis seu Iherosolimitana. Gesta Dei per Francos, vol. 1, ed. Jacques Bongars, Hannover 1611; repr. Jerusalem 1987.
Codex diplomaticus ordinis Sanctae Mariae Theutonicorum, ed. Johann Heinrich Hennes, Mainz 1845.
Historia Diplomatica Frederici Secundi, vol. 3, ed. Jean L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, Turin 1963.
Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens nach seinen ältesten Handschriften, ed. Max Perlbach, Halle 1890.
Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici ex tabularii regii Berolinensis codice potissimum, ed. Ernst Strehlke, Berlin 1869; repr. Toronto and Jerusalem 1975.
Literature
Arnold, Udo, Jerusalem und Akkon. Zur Frage von Kontinuität oder Neugründung des Deutschen Ordens 1190, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 86, 1978, pp. 418–432.
Arnold, Udo, Entstehung und Frühzeit des Deutschen Ordens, In: Die Geistlichen Ritterorden. (Konstanzer Arbeitskreis. Vorträge und Forschungen 26), ed. Josef Fleckenstein – Manfred Hellmann, Sigmaringen 1980, pp. 81–107.
Arnold, Udo, Vom Feldspital zum Ritterorden, Militarisierung und Territorialisierung des Deutschen Ordens (1190–ca. 1240), in: Balticum. Studia z dziejów polityki, gospodarki i kultury XII–XVII wieku ofiarowane Marianowi Biskupowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. Zenon H. Nowak, Toruń 1992, pp. 25–36.
Arnold, Udo, Ritter und Priester, in: Acht Jahrhunderte Deutscher Orden in Nordwesteuropa (Ausstellungkatalog), Alden Biesen 1992.
Arnold, Udo, Die Anfänge der Ordensgeschichtsschriebung, in: Neue Studien zur Literatur im Deutschen Orden, ed. Bernhart Jähnig and Arno Mentzel-Reuters, Stuttgart 2014, pp. 175–195.
Berkovich, Ilya, Templars, Franks, Syrians and the Double Pact of 1244, in: The Military Orders, Politics and Power, vol. 5, ed. Peter Edbury, Farnham 2012, pp. 83–93.
Boas, Adrian, J., Return to the Holy City: Historical and Archaeological Sources on the Frankish Presence in Jerusalem between 1229 and 1244, in: Tell in Gath. Studies in the History and Archelogy of Israel. Essays in Honor of Maeir Aren M., ed. Itzhaq Shai et al., Münster 2018, pp. 1028–1050.
van Cleve, Thomas Curtis, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen. Immutator Mundi, Oxford 1972.Eickhoff, Ekkehard, Friedrich Barbarossa im Orient, Tübingen 1977.
Ellenblum, Ronnie. Frankish Castles, Muslim Castles, and the Medieval Citadel of Jerusalem, in: In Laudem Hierosolymitani. Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar, ed. iris Shagrir – Ronnie Ellenblum – Jonathan Riley-Smith, Aldershot 2007, pp. 93–110.
Favreau, Marie-Luise, Studien zur Frühgeschichte des Deutschen Ordens, Stuttgart 1974.
Favreau-Lilie, Marie-Luise, Alle origini dell’Ordine Teutonico: Continuità o nuova fondazione dell’ospedale gerosolimitano degli Alemanni?, in: Militia sacra. Gli ordini militari tra Europa e Terrasanta, ed. Enzo Coli – Maria De Marco and Francesco Maria Tommasi, Perugia 1994, pp. 29–47.
Freidman, Yvonne, Interludes of Peace in the Medieval Latin East: Perceptions and Practices, Abingdon 2026.
Hechelhammer, Bodo, Kreuzzug und Herrschaft unter Friedrich II. Handlungsspielräume von Kreuzzugspolitik (1215–1230) (Mittelalter-Forschungen 13), Ostfildern 2004.
Jackson, Peter, The Crusades of 1239–41 and their aftermath, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental African Studies 50/1, 1987, pp. 32–60.
Kluger, Helmuth, Hochmeister Hermann von Salza und Kaiser Friedrich II (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 37), Marburg 1987.
Lotan, Shlomo, Jerusalem in the Traditions of the Teutonic Order – Symbolism and Uniqueness, in: Zapiski Historycyzne 75, 2010, pp. 7–17.
Loud, Graham A., The German Crusade of 1197–1198, in: Crusades 13, 2014, pp. 143–171.
Luttrell, Anthony, The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order, in: Ordines Militares. Yearbook for the Study of the Military Orders 26, 2021, pp. 351–375.
Militzer, Klaus, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, Verfassung, Verwaltung und Sozialstruktur des Deutschen Ordens 1190–1309 (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 56), Marburg 1999.
Mohr, Walter, Von der Francia Orientalis zum Regnum Teutonicum, in: Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 27, 1957, pp. 27–49.
Morton, Nicholas, The Teutonic knights in the Holy Land, 1190–1291, Woodbridge 2009.
Müller, Gerard, Jerusalem oder Akkon? Über den Anfang des Deutschen Ordens nach dem gegenwärtigen Stand der Forschung, Bad Münstereifel 1989.
Peternek, Vera, What’s in a name? The Carmelites’ presence on Mount Carmel in the Speculum de Institutione Ordinis pro Veneratione Beatae Mariae, Patria Hierosolymitana – Conceptions of Heimat in the ecclesiastical institutions of the Middle Ages (2025). DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/heidok.00037620.
Powell, James, Frederick II and the Muslims. The Making of an Historiographical Tradition, in: Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. Burns, ed. Larry J. Simon – Paul E. Chevedden, Leiden 1995, pp. 13–22.
Pringle, Denys, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. A Corpus, vol. 3: The city of Jerusalem, Cambridge 2007.
Richard, Jean, Hospitals and Hospital Congregations in the Latin Kingdom during the First Period of the Frankish Conquest, in: Outremer, Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar – Hans E. Mayer – R.C. Smail, Jerusalem 1982, pp. 89–100.
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Image: Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. germ. 848
Große Heidelberger Liederhandschrift (Codex Manesse).
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Shlomo Lotan (May 26, 2026). The German Institution and the Teutonic Order in Jerusalem: On the Question of Identity and the Connection between the German Foundations in the City of Jerusalem during the Crusader Era (12th – 13th Centuries). Patria Hierosolymitana. Retrieved June 7, 2026 from https://patria.hypotheses.org/1417