Mariusz Kowalski
Education:
1988-1993 – Master degree studies: University of Warsaw, Department of Geography and Regional Studies (master’s thesis "Ethnic minorities and ethnic conflicts in Central-East Europe").
1994-1995 – Master degree studies: University of Warsaw, history (uncompleted).
Academic career and degrees:
Office of the Capital City of Warsaw, 1993-1995
Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization PAS (IGiPZ PAN), since 1995
2001 – PhD in Earth Sciences in geography (doctoral dissertation "Electoral geography of Poland: Spatial differentiation of electoral behaviours of Poles in the period 1989-1998")
2014 - Doctor of Science
The Centre for East European Studies, since 2001
Research interests:
Political geography, population and historical geography (among others, ethnic and demographic issues, electoral geography, historical territorial divisions).
1988-1993 – Master degree studies: University of Warsaw, Department of Geography and Regional Studies (master’s thesis "Ethnic minorities and ethnic conflicts in Central-East Europe").
1994-1995 – Master degree studies: University of Warsaw, history (uncompleted).
Academic career and degrees:
Office of the Capital City of Warsaw, 1993-1995
Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization PAS (IGiPZ PAN), since 1995
2001 – PhD in Earth Sciences in geography (doctoral dissertation "Electoral geography of Poland: Spatial differentiation of electoral behaviours of Poles in the period 1989-1998")
2014 - Doctor of Science
The Centre for East European Studies, since 2001
Research interests:
Political geography, population and historical geography (among others, ethnic and demographic issues, electoral geography, historical territorial divisions).
less
Related Authors
Interests
Uploads
Papers by Mariusz Kowalski
wpływają na poprawę nastroju w gospodarce. Przedsiębiorcy
planują nowe inwestycje, rośnie liczba ofert pracy. Stopniową
stabilizację polskiej gospodarki potwierdzają także malejące
wskaźniki migrantów deklarujących, iż wskutek pandemii
koniecznością stała się dla nich zmiana miejsca pracy czy
branży zatrudnienia. Wyniki przeprowadzonych przez nas
badań świadczą o tym, że pandemia koronawirusa nie
wpłynęła negatywnie na ocenę atrakcyjności pracy w Polsce
przez cudzoziemców. Około 90% imigrantów nie żałuje
decyzji o podjęciu zatrudnienia w naszym kraju, a blisko
80% chce polecić pracę w Polsce swoim bliskim.
Czytając niniejszy informator, trzeba pamiętać o tym, że sytuacja szkolnictwa polskiego na Ukrainie jest niezwykle dynamiczna. Wynika to zarówno z dostosowywania się istniejących placówek do zmieniających się okoliczności, jak i możliwości kadrowych, finansowych czy zainteresowania składaną przez nie ofertą. Liczba nauczycieli, uczniów, godzin lekcyjnych, a także sami pedagodzy mogą się zmieniać nawet w ciągu roku szkolnego. To wszystko nie powinno jednak przesłonić najważniejszego: imponującej liczby funkcjonujących polskich placówek szkolnych.
The specifics of Polish political life have brought about the shaping of four basic political options. Although there has been a much greater degree of fragmentation organisationally, all of the significant groupings or candidates standing for election may be included within one or other of these categories. The two main antagonistic political options have been defined in the work as right-of- centre or left-of-centre. The conflict between these is first and foremost ideological. The other two, equally-antagonistic options are those of the liberals (in the free- marketeer sense) and the peasants, between whom the conflict is very largely founded upon socioeconomic premises. T. Żukowski (1993) refers to "an axis of values" and "an axis of interests" that order Polish political life (Fig. 1). Furthermore, while the right-of-centre and liberal forces derive mainly from the 1980s opposition, the left-of-centre and peasant options are very much based on former-Communist circles. These linkages would seem capable of describing the composition of successive governing coalitions, which were either right-of- centre/liberal or left-of-centre/peasant. On this basis similarities between the conflicts on the two axes may also be presumed to exist.
From the very start - with the first free elections in 1989 - it was possible to observe spatial differences in support for the different political options that also remained characteristic later on. These differences are linked very clearly with the former state borders dividing Poland in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries (Fig. 2), the distribution of regional centres for ethnic minority groupings - Kaszuby folk, Silesians and Highlanders (Polish: Górale), social strata (the minor Mazovian gentry), religious persuasions (Orthodox and Evangelical), national minorities (Lithuanian, German, Lemek, Ukrainian and Belorusian) and finally also with differences between urban and rural areas (Fig. 34).