De Facto States in Eurasia. Hoch, T. and Kopeček, V. (Eds.), July 2019. New York: Routledge. ISBN: 978-0-367-19912-8, 2019
This book explores the phenomenon of de facto states in Eurasia: states such as Abkhazia, Nagorno... more This book explores the phenomenon of de facto states in Eurasia: states such as Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic. It examines how they are formed, what sustains them, and how their differing development trajectories have unfolded. It argues that most of these de facto states have been formed with either direct or indirect support from Russia, but they all have their own internal logic and are not simply puppets in the hands of a powerful patron. The book provides detailed case studies and draws out general patterns, and compares present-day de facto states with de facto states which existed in the past.
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Papers by Tomáš Hoch
by the Russian Federation towards Georgia in the last decade are considered: internal centralisation of power and economic growth of the Russian Federation, the reinforcement of the importance of the South Caucasus as part of the geopolitical
discourse within the Russian Federation, the deterioration in Russian-Georgian relations, and the suppression of the fear of the spill-over effect since the end of Second Chechen War.
opportunities for the de facto states through foreign direct investments, international trade, development aid or remittances. These external factors of development should play an important role in fulfilling the EU’s desired goals. It is worth considering whether the current EU strategy towards de facto states in post-Soviet space is appropriate and if it would not be better to replace it with another one, which would more likely support the diversification of development opportunities of de facto states, would contribute to peace negotiations of protracted conflicts and which would be more suitable for promoting EU values and interests in this part of the world.
supplemented by public opinion surveys in Georgia and the interviews with a Georgian academics and members of civil society, carried out in June and July 2015.
their control of claimed territory has lasted or how effective their capacities to provide governmental services to its population are, they fail to achieve international recognition. A change in the legitimising strategy adopted by the leaders of de-facto states came with the recognition of Kosovo’s independence by most western powers. In the past, their claims to independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim to a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Increasingly, though, these arguments have been supplemented by an emphasis on “democratisation-for-recognition-strategy”. According to this strategy, those states that proved their viability as democratic states should earn their sovereignty. The aim of this article is to demonstrate this strategy on an instrumental case study of Abkhazia. As a result of the study of secondary literature on the topic of de-facto states democratization, supported with field research in Abkhazia, we try to identify those factors which are promoting and on the other hand obstructing a democratization process in such a de-facto state.
Books by Tomáš Hoch
by the Russian Federation towards Georgia in the last decade are considered: internal centralisation of power and economic growth of the Russian Federation, the reinforcement of the importance of the South Caucasus as part of the geopolitical
discourse within the Russian Federation, the deterioration in Russian-Georgian relations, and the suppression of the fear of the spill-over effect since the end of Second Chechen War.
opportunities for the de facto states through foreign direct investments, international trade, development aid or remittances. These external factors of development should play an important role in fulfilling the EU’s desired goals. It is worth considering whether the current EU strategy towards de facto states in post-Soviet space is appropriate and if it would not be better to replace it with another one, which would more likely support the diversification of development opportunities of de facto states, would contribute to peace negotiations of protracted conflicts and which would be more suitable for promoting EU values and interests in this part of the world.
supplemented by public opinion surveys in Georgia and the interviews with a Georgian academics and members of civil society, carried out in June and July 2015.
their control of claimed territory has lasted or how effective their capacities to provide governmental services to its population are, they fail to achieve international recognition. A change in the legitimising strategy adopted by the leaders of de-facto states came with the recognition of Kosovo’s independence by most western powers. In the past, their claims to independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim to a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Increasingly, though, these arguments have been supplemented by an emphasis on “democratisation-for-recognition-strategy”. According to this strategy, those states that proved their viability as democratic states should earn their sovereignty. The aim of this article is to demonstrate this strategy on an instrumental case study of Abkhazia. As a result of the study of secondary literature on the topic of de-facto states democratization, supported with field research in Abkhazia, we try to identify those factors which are promoting and on the other hand obstructing a democratization process in such a de-facto state.
linear cycle of post-conflict reconstruction via the fluent transformation from a short term humanitarian aid to a longer term development cooperation, can not function in
separatist regions.