Papers by Veronika Hegedűs
It is argued that Hungarian copular clauses have a uniform base-generated structure, where the co... more It is argued that Hungarian copular clauses have a uniform base-generated structure, where the copula has a Small Clause complement and the predicate of the SC forms a complex predicate with the copula. Existential and locative sentences have the same underlying structure, however, their surface word order is different and there is no complex predicate formation. Predicative adpositional phrases (PPs) also form complex predicates with verbs other than the copula. It is shown that particles are part of the extended projection of PPs, which contain projections for place and path denoting postpositions and a functional projection for articles. Particle movement to the preverbal position is therefore one of the instances of a predicative PP forming a complex predicate with the verb. Resultative and depictive secondary predicates and predicative complements of consider-type verbs are also Non-verbal predicates and predicate movement in Hungarian
Syntax of Hungarian. Postpositions and postpositional phrases. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. 11–191., 2021
Acta Linguistica Academica
This paper discusses two Hungarian verbal particles that belong to the semantic group of repetiti... more This paper discusses two Hungarian verbal particles that belong to the semantic group of repetitive elements. The main focus is on the verbal particle újra ‘again’, which has primarily been discussed as an adverb with repetitive and restitutive meanings (with the exception of Csirmaz 2015) but can be a verbal particle, which is distinct both from the adverb and from most other verbal particles. The verbal particle vissza ‘back’, which expresses counterdirectionality will be claimed to be like typical, primarily directional verbal particles and to be a part of the result component of the argument structure. Újra ‘again’ as a verbal particle is analyzed on a par with some non-directional particles and idiomatic resultative phrases that are inserted into the structure in a functional projection below the external argument.
In: Anikó Lipták and Harry van der Hulst (eds.), Approaches to Hungarian 15: Papers from the 2015 Leiden conference. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 65-94.
This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are... more This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are merged in the complement zone of the verb, and argues that certain verbal particles and resul-tatives are merged as specifiers in the extended verb phrase. The empirical focus of the paper is inseparable particle verbs. Verbal particles and resultatives do not behave uniformly when it comes to combinability with inseparable particle verbs: some particles and resultatives can co-occur with inseparable particles verbs, while others cannot. We will argue that particles and resultatives that belong to the former group are merged in a specifier position, while those belonging to the latter group are merged in the verb's complement. Our results also support the view that objects are merged as specifiers rather than as complements (
UiL OTS Yearbook 2006, 1-17, Jan 1, 2007
This paper argues that the category P extends beyond adpositions to include prefixes, particles a... more This paper argues that the category P extends beyond adpositions to include prefixes, particles and cases expressing directions (paths) and locations (places) based on the strikingly similar forms and meanings of such elements. Focusing on Germanic, Slavic, and Finno-Ugric languages, we show that the traditional distinctions between these space-denoting categories emerge from the position of the lexical item in the syntactic structure. * We would like to thank Joost Zwarts, Henriëtte de Swart, Henk van Riemsdijk, Jakub Dotlačil, Hans Broekhuis, Seiki Ayano, and an anonymous reviewer for comments on earlier drafts. 1 The following abbreviations are used in the example glosses: ABL = ablative, ACC = accusative, ADESS = adessive, ADJ = adjective, AGR o = object agreement, AGR s = subject agreement, APPL = applicative, CL = clitic, DAT = dative, DEL = delative, DIR = directional, ELAT = elative, ESS = essive, FEM = feminine, FUT = future, GEN = genitive, ILL = illative, INESS = inessive, INSTR = instrumental, PERF = perfect, PFX = prefix, PL = plural, POSTESS = postessive, PREP = prepositional case, SG = singular, SUB = sublative, SUP = superessive, T/A = tense/aspect, TERM = terminative.
From head-final to head-initial: The evolutionof functional left peripheries in Hungarian syntax, 2014
Proceedings of Diachronic Generative Syntax 14, 2014
Magyar történeti mondattan, 2014
Approaches to Hungarian 13, 2013
Lingua, 2009
This article reformulates analysis of Locative Inversion in more current terms, while extending t... more This article reformulates analysis of Locative Inversion in more current terms, while extending the empirical scope of their proposal to a larger set of constructions involving displacement of small clause predicates and VPs. The new proposal will stress H&M's basic claim that Locative Inversion in examples like Down the hill rolled the baby carriage is possible due to the fact that the predicative PP and the subject DP are in an agreement relation. We will adopt as an axiom that this agreement relation holds cross-categorially and resembles object agreement in that it involves agreement in w-features. If so, Hoekstra and Mulder's (1990) basic insight can be rephrased in more current terms as the following hypothesis: if A and B agree in w-features, both A and B can be the goal of some higher head H with unvalued w-features, and, consequently, be a candidate for internal merge with H. From this it follows as a corollary that in principle predicates may target any checking position that is normally targeted by the subject of the predicative phrase. This article will test this prediction by considering certain instances of predicate inversion in English, Dutch and Hungarian. #
Sounds of silence: empty elements in syntax and phonology, 2008
UiL OTS Yearbook 2006, 2007
http://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/82, 2006
Organizing grammar: linguistic studies on honour of Henk van Riemsdijk, 2005
Conference Presentations by Veronika Hegedűs
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Papers by Veronika Hegedűs
Conference Presentations by Veronika Hegedűs
It is argued that Hungarian copular clauses have a uniform base generated structure, where the copula has a Small Clause complement and the predicate of the SC forms a complex predicate with the copula. Existential and locative sentences have the same underlying structure, however, their surface word order is different and there is no complex predicate formation. Predicative adpositional phrases (PPs) also form complex predicates with verbs other than the copula. It is shown that particles are part of the extended projection of PPs, which contain projections for place and path denoting postpositions and a functional projection for particles. Particle movement to the preverbal position is therefore one of the instances of a predicative PP forming a complex predicate with the verb. Resultative and depictive secondary predicates and predicative complements of consider-type verbs are also claimed to involve a SC, with depictives being different from the other two in that they are in the structural focus position in Hungarian while the others undergo predicate movement.
Predicate movement is analyzed as a way of complex predicate formation in overt syntax. Analyses previously suggested in the literature are considered, which take predicate movement and complex predicate formation either to be semantically motivated or to be a result of independently motivated movement of an internal argument.""