Papers: Climate & Energy by Kacper Szulecki
Our chapter brings together four Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) scholars into a conversatio... more Our chapter brings together four Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) scholars into a conversation about their research and policy engagements, working within History, Political Science, Sociology, and Science and Technology Studies. We develop a socio-technical perspective and turn that into a conceptual tool pack, to interrogate and explore the
Energy democracy' has evolved from a slogan used by activists demanding a greater say in energy-r... more Energy democracy' has evolved from a slogan used by activists demanding a greater say in energy-related decision-making to a term used in policy documents and scholarly literature on energy governance and energy transitions. This article reviews the academic literature using a combination of three methodological elements: (1) keyword searches of major bibliographical databases for quantification purposes; (2) an innovative method referred to as 'circulation tracing' to assess impact; and (3) in-depth discussion of the theoretical underpinnings, implications and interconnections of different parts of the literature. A conceptual framework is developed around three divergent understandings of the term 'energy democracy': (1) a process driven forwards by a popular movement; (2) an outcome of decarbonisation; and (3) a goal or ideal to which stakeholders aspire. The review also highlights some weaknesses of the literature: fragmentation between its European and American branches, which barely relate to each other; implicit or absent linkages between 'energy democracy' and broader theories of democracy; a tendency to idealise societal grassroots; confusion about the roles of the state, private capital and communities; and lack of attention to the threat posed by energy populism. Proponents should not assume that more energy democracy will inherently mean faster decarbonisation, improved energy access or social wellbeing. Finally, more emphasis should be placed on the role of research in providing evidence to ground energy democracy-related analyses and discussions.
Environmental Politics, 2019
While political environmentalism played an important role in social mobilization against communis... more While political environmentalism played an important role in social mobilization against communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe before 1989, throughout the 1990s and early 2000s conservationism appeared to be in decline across the region, and external pressure from European institutions and Western donors influenced environmental policy. What explains the effectiveness of protest since the environmental movement emerged in the 1980s? We trace the emergence and evolution of Polish political environmentalism, looking at three levels of the environmental movement’s legitimacy: the level of practices, societal support, and discourse. Each phase identified between 1980s and 2017 saw shifts on different levels of legitimacy, and each ended with a spectacular environmental protest or a decision, bearing implications for the following phase. Since 2010, we see a deep polarization of Polish politics, limiting the effectiveness of environmental protest despite the movement’s regained triple legitimacy in large parts of the society.
Why did Poland, Europe’s most coal-dependent economy, in 2015 adopt highly technology-specific au... more Why did Poland, Europe’s most coal-dependent economy, in 2015 adopt highly technology-specific auctioning as its main support scheme for renewable energy, since 2016 combined with net-metering for prosumers? This chapter explains the evolution of Polish renewables policy until the end of 2016, exploring how Polish political and organizational fields have influenced the renewables support mix. The European environment has been very important for the development of renewables policy in Poland since the 1990s, but EU influence in other areas has also had repercussions for the Polish renewable energy mix. The organizational field has become consolidated, and its impact on policy has grown over time. We also find that the dominant institutional logics of the organizational ‘conquers’ the political. This is linked to the fact that in the case of Poland, it is difficult to draw a clear line between the two, although the organizational field appears dominant. Poland’s current renewable energy policy mix appears optimal for the actors that dominate the organizational field. Changing that situation would require a deep paradigm shift, with a total reversal of the political economy of the energy sector.
Poland is also one of the
EU countries with the least
ambitious climate protection
policies, havi... more Poland is also one of the
EU countries with the least
ambitious climate protection
policies, having achieved a
“low” ranking in the 2018
Climate Change Performance
Index
This editorial introduces the thematic issue "EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition... more This editorial introduces the thematic issue "EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition?", nesting it in broader discussion on European Union's (EU) energy policy. For over a decade, the EU has displayed an interest and political motivation to integrate climate policy priorities into its energy governance. However, the history of European energy governance does not start there, though political science scholarship has tended to downplay the importance of energy sector regulation. Recent years have finally seen the merging of two distinct research programs on European energy politics, and the emergence of a more inclusive and historically accurate approach to energy governance in Europe. This thematic issue follows that new paradigm. It is divided into three sections. The first investigates the EU Energy Union, its governance and decarbonization ambitions. The second section looks at the increasing overlaps between energy and competition policies, particularly the role of State Aid Guidelines in influencing energy subsidies-for renewable as well as conventional energy. Finally, the third section analyses the energy and climate policy of "new" EU members and the relationship between the EU and non-members in the energy sector.
As energy security becomes a key topic of policy debates, not least in Central and Eastern Europe... more As energy security becomes a key topic of policy debates, not least in Central and Eastern European states, which are vulnerable to gas supply disruptions from Russia, it has been suggested that EU energy policy becomes 'securitized'. However, full securitization attempts, which not only identify threats but also call for exceptional measures to deal with them, are relatively rare in the energy sector. Why do governmental actors initiate securitizing moves aimed at implementing exceptional measures in the energy sector, and what explains the acceptance of certain moves or measures and dismissal of others? This paper looks at Poland, comparing two examples of such moves. Drawing on a primary document analysis, the paper shows how a shared socio-technical imaginary provided an anchor for the successful securitization of the nuclear project, while liberal market discourses limited audience acceptance of the securitizing move in the power sector. Securitization appears to be a mechanism triggered when core state powers over energy are challenged from below (civil society, market actors) and above (supranational institutions), particularly in already securitized contexts. The paper concludes with the value added of Securitization Theory for energy policy studies and lays out a Critical Energy Security Studies agenda, which can build on it.
If we agree that the oil price is a social institution, embedded in socioeconomic and political p... more If we agree that the oil price is a social institution, embedded in socioeconomic and political practices, this means that it is not only the outcome of these practices but also a causal factor. Using the case of Russia, this chapter looks at how oil price changes are perceived and made sense of by the actors involved, providing an interpretivist take on the far-reaching imprint that oil price fluctuations, representations, and expectations regarding the future price levels can have on a society and a political system. Russia is one of the world's top oil and gas producers, and its economy depends heavily on hydrocarbon export revenues. While the government, more or less directly influencing energy sector companies, is in control of export volumes, it has very limited capacity to control the prices. With control beyond reach, Russian authorities have to rely upon prediction-and that often proves very difficult in the volatile energy sector. The chapter identifies three tropes that can be observed in the blame game Russian officials play in their talk about the problem of booms and busts. The first one is a general blind-blaming of "globalization economic powers", without pointing to any clear agency. The second trope is securitization, pointing to some kind of an international plot, with Western or American influence. Finally, the third trope is scapegoating, providing a conspiracy theory about a hidden narrow elite-a group or some individuals who steer the world economy and politics like puppeteers.
The impact of renewables on the energy markets-falling wholesale electricity prices and lower inv... more The impact of renewables on the energy markets-falling wholesale electricity prices and lower investment stability-are apparently creating a shortage of energy project financing, which in future could lead to power supply shortages. Governments have responded by introducing payments for capacity, alongside payments for energy being sold. The increasing use of capacity mechanisms (CMs) in the EU has created tensions between the European Commission, which encourages crosscountry cooperation, and Member States that favour backup solutions such as capacity markets and strategic reserves. We seek to trace the influence of the European Commission on national capacity markets as well as learning between Member States. Focusing on the United Kingdom, France and Poland, the analysis shows that energy security concerns have been given more emphasis than the functioning of markets by Member States. Policy developments have primarily been domestically driven, but the European Commission has managed to impose certain elements, most importantly a uniform methodology to assess future supply security, as well as specific requirements for national capacity markets: interconnectors to neighbouring countries, demand side responses and continuous revision of CMs. Learning from other Member States' experiences also play a role in policy decisions.
‘Energy democracy’ epitomizes hopes in energy transformation, but remains under-defined, a politi... more ‘Energy democracy’ epitomizes hopes in energy transformation, but remains under-defined, a political buzzword rather than a real concept. After presenting its activist roots and mapping its usage, ‘energy democracy’ is positioned in relation to similar normatively derived concepts: environmental, climate, and energy justice, and environmental democracy. Drawing on insights from political theory and political sociology, it is shown what is democratic in energy democracy. Referencing the question of experts and democratic publics in complex technological areas, the paper explains why it is desirable for energy governance to be more democratic. To show what is unique in ‘energy democracy’ beyond increased participation in energy policy, the prosumer is introduced as the ideal-typical citizen, highlighting the importance of the energy transition, the agency of material structures and a new emergent governmentality. ‘Energy democracy’ is conceptualized as an analytical and decision-making tool, defined along three dimensions: popular sovereignty, participatory governance and civic ownership, and operationalized with relevant indicators.
This introductory chapter begins with a review of the academic discussion on the way 'energy secu... more This introductory chapter begins with a review of the academic discussion on the way 'energy security' should be understood. After presenting the most conventional definition, I distinguish between three main approaches to elaborating and (re)defining that notion, and argue for the importance of an analytical concept of 'energy security', allowing to distinguish it properly from other areas of security and other policy fields. Defining energy security as 'low vulnerability of vital energy systems' (Cherp and Jewell 2014), allows for the operationalization of the general research problem posed earlier. I then present the rationale of the two parts of the book, and the research questions they try to answer, and conclude with an overview of the chapters.
The chapter looks at the electricity sector, which is very rarely the object of interest in Secur... more The chapter looks at the electricity sector, which is very rarely the object of interest in Security Studies and political science, despite its clear importance as a vital energy sector sustaining vital functions and values of (post)modern societies. We trace security debates in two sub-sectors – renewables and nuclear energy and in two neighbouring countries, Germany and Poland. Germany is often lauded as the frontrunner of an energy transition while Poland – perceived as a carbon-locked in veto payer in European decarbonization. We show that energy security discourses play a role in informing policy choices, and certainly lead to that kind of divergent rhetoric, but in reality the two countries share a commitment to coal at least in the medium term. In Poland, renewables are often framed as a threat for the electricity system. The German debate, less securitized, seems to be closer to the 'objective' systemic vulnerabilities, whereas in Poland the major vulnerability of the power sector – weak and inadequate grid – remains a non-issue. An instrumental use of securitisation and security jargon is visible among pro-renewable environmental activist in both countries, who mimic the securitising moves known from the gas sector to portray renewables as a solution to national security problems. In the nuclear sector we also find a strong example of a successful and full securitising move, with the announcement of the nuclear project as a national security issue, followed by proposed and implemented extraordinary measures. We find that politicians are more prone to use and accept security jargon, while technical experts in energy are most active in de-securitisation, even of such serious and problematic issues as uncontrolled electricity flows. The more international the energy issue, the more likely it is to see spill-overs from foreign policy and securitising moves drawing on a broader 'security imaginary'.
Poland’s energy mix is dominated by indigenous coal, and since the country joined the European Un... more Poland’s energy mix is dominated by indigenous coal, and since the country joined the European Union in 2004 it has been clear that it will do much to safeguard its domestic coal sector and resist pressures for ambitious harmonized decarbonization efforts. At the same time, Poland is meeting its renewable energy targets and its onshore wind capacity is growing at a significant pace. In 2015 and 2016, a new renewable energy policy mix has been put in place, relying on tenders for renewable energy volume in large scale RES and a micro-installations support scheme. In parallel, a capacity mechanism is still on the table, though its details are only being worked out. What explains this particular choice of instruments? In this article I focus on four explanatory factors: the influence of the European environment; domestic political and organizational fields and the material and structural constraints of the energy system and resource endowment. I provide a historical overview of renewable energy policy in Poland since the early 1990s, showing how policy evolved, new actors and coalitions emerged, and how the influence of the EU changed overtime. The preliminary findings suggest that the European environment has been crucial in pushing for stronger RES support policies, while the inherently instable domestic political field explains the soap opera of renewable energy policy legislation: drafts, new plans, amendments and legal instability. On the other hand, the choice of particular instruments, within the confines of options acceptable by the EU, is best explained by the stable and segmented organizational field, dominated by a professional logic of the centralized, engineer-lead coal sector, which in turn is linked to the importance of the country’s resource endowment. In these conditions, the current renewable energy policy mix seems optimal for the actors dominating the organizational field, and a deep paradigm shift and overturning the political economy of the energy sector would be needed to change that
The recently proposed overarching concept of a European " Energy Union " stresses the importance ... more The recently proposed overarching concept of a European " Energy Union " stresses the importance of regional cooperation, as it has become clear that absent increased coordination and cross-border cooperation, more obstacles than synergies may emerge. Looking at Germany and Poland, this policy brief examines how discrepancies between European Union (EU) member states' understanding and articulation of energy security impede the development of a common European energy policy.
In October 2014 the European Council agreed on the 2030 climate and energy framework, part of whi... more In October 2014 the European Council agreed on the 2030 climate and energy framework, part of which was to create a ‘reliable and transparent governance system’ for the EU to meet its energy goals: to reduce GHG emissions by 40% relative to 1990 levels, to increase the share of renewables to 27% of energy consumption (with flexibility left to member states regarding their national plans) and to improve energy efficiency (European Council, 2014 European Council. (2014). European council (23 and 24 October 2014) ‒ Conclusions. Retrieved from: http://data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-169-2014-INIT/en/pdf, p. 9). The 2030 framework continues along the path of the earlier 2020 climate and energy package, later incorporated into the wider Europe 2020 strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth (European Commission, 2010 European Commission. (2010). Communication from the Commission. Europe 2020: A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. Retrieved from http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2010:2020:FIN:EN:PDF). The framework was also a signal of Europe’s commitment to the global climate policy agenda. After the successful Paris United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) agreement, this mid-term strategy becomes even more important. In parallel, by announcing the Energy Union Package in February 2015 the Commission initiated a debate on making the European energy sector more secure, competitive and sustainable.
The keyword now is ‘governance’, and its scope should not be restricted only to the formalized governance mechanism that the 2030 framework promised, but also include informal cooperation between different levels of policy-making. The 2020 strategy’s experience to date is a valuable lesson from which future EU energy and climate governance should learn if we are to decarbonize efficiently and effectively by 2050.
The “Energy Union” can be seen as the most significant policy idea that seeks to reform European ... more The “Energy Union” can be seen as the most significant policy idea that seeks to reform European energy governance, policy and regional cooperation. However, so far the concept is mostly an empty box in which every stakeholder tries to put whatever is on the top of their priority list. This paper reviews three major theoretical approaches to the analysis of European integration and EU policy which can be used to study the ongoing process of “Energy Union” formation. It then tries to structure the discussion by showing the evolution of the “Energy Union” concept, focusing on proposals by D. Tusk, J-C. Juncker and the European Commission, followed by a comparative analysis of four country cases representing different energy mixes and energy policy directions: Germany, France, Poland and Norway. All these proposals are described and assessed according to their emphasis on the three dimensions of energy policy: security, affordability and sustainability. We sketch two possible scenarios for the future of EU energy policy, as suggested by the intergovernmentalist and supranationalist approach and emphasize the potential impact of “Energy Union’s” governance mechanism which can reach far beyond what is expected and provide welcome coherence in Europe’s energy and climate policy.
POLICY RELEVANCE: The paper structures the policy debate on the "Energy Union", discussing the different elements and instruments proposed by key EU actors ND provides a useful overview of national interests of some important players, set in the context of their wider systemic conditions and policy goals. The framework for comparing the different proposals and national positions is built around the “energy policy triangle”. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible future scenarios, as well as an in-depth discussion of the potential role of the governance mechanism.
Zum ersten Mal seit 1989 liegt die Regierungsverantwortung in Polen vollständig bei einer Partei ... more Zum ersten Mal seit 1989 liegt die Regierungsverantwortung in Polen vollständig bei einer Partei – die Mehrheiten im Sejm und im Senat werden von Recht und Gerechtigkeit (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – PiS) gestellt und auch der Präsident stammt aus ihren Reihen. Das bedeutet, dass sie die ganze Verantwortung dafür übernimmt, den polnischen Energiesektor auf die vielen Herausforderungen vorzubereiten, die sich aus den fehlenden grundsätzlichen Reformen in den letzten Jahren sowie aus der sich dynamisch verändernden Umwelt ergeben haben. Abgesehen von der Wiederholung des Slogans von der Kohle als polnischem nationalem Schatz hat die neue Regierung jedoch keine klare Strategie für die Energie- und Klimapolitik.
In October 2014 the European Council agreed to create a “reliable and transparent governance syst... more In October 2014 the European Council agreed to create a “reliable and transparent governance system (…) to ensure that the EU meets its energy policy goals”. With the announcement of the Energy Union Package in February 2015, the Commission initiated a debate on how to make the European energy sector more secure, sustainable and competitive. The keyword now is therefore ‘governance’, the scope of which should not be restricted only to the formalized governance mechanism that the 2030 framework for energy and climate promised, and the Energy Union Package tries to bring to life, but also includes informal cooperation between different levels of the policy-making process, namely European, regional, national and sub-national. The role of these different levels of governance has to be better understood in the context of the political economy of the energy sector and its impact on the European industry.
Encyclopedia of Global Environmental Governance and Politics, F. Zelli and P. Pattberg (eds.)
Renewable energy is a type of energy acquired from resources that are rapidly (in human scale) re... more Renewable energy is a type of energy acquired from resources that are rapidly (in human scale) regenerated through a natural mechanism (e.g. precipitation or photosynthesis), or acquired from on-going mechanisms themselves (e.g. ocean tides or the photovoltaic effect). Most renewable energy comes from the sun, either directly (solar) or indirectly (wind, hydro, biomass), with geothermal and tidal energy being exceptions.
Now framed as innovative “technologies of the future”, renewables arguably pre-date both the age of oil and the age of coal.
The “Energy Union” can be seen as the most significant policy idea that seeks to reform European ... more The “Energy Union” can be seen as the most significant policy idea that seeks to reform European energy governance, policy and regional cooperation. However, so far the concept is mostly an empty box in which every stakeholder tries to put whatever is on the top of their priority list. This paper tries to structure the discussion by first showing the roots and evolution of the “Energy Union” concept in the EU, focusing on proposals by D. Tusk, J-C. Juncker and the European Commission. It then provides a comparative analysis of four country cases representing different energy mixes and energy policy directions: Germany, France, Poland and Norway. Having analysed the different interests and standpoints we move on to exploring the possible scenarios for the future of EU energy policy, emphasizing the potential impact of “Energy Union’s” governance mechanism which can reach far beyond what is expected and provide welcome coherence in Europe’s energy and climate policy.
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Papers: Climate & Energy by Kacper Szulecki
EU countries with the least
ambitious climate protection
policies, having achieved a
“low” ranking in the 2018
Climate Change Performance
Index
The keyword now is ‘governance’, and its scope should not be restricted only to the formalized governance mechanism that the 2030 framework promised, but also include informal cooperation between different levels of policy-making. The 2020 strategy’s experience to date is a valuable lesson from which future EU energy and climate governance should learn if we are to decarbonize efficiently and effectively by 2050.
POLICY RELEVANCE: The paper structures the policy debate on the "Energy Union", discussing the different elements and instruments proposed by key EU actors ND provides a useful overview of national interests of some important players, set in the context of their wider systemic conditions and policy goals. The framework for comparing the different proposals and national positions is built around the “energy policy triangle”. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible future scenarios, as well as an in-depth discussion of the potential role of the governance mechanism.
Now framed as innovative “technologies of the future”, renewables arguably pre-date both the age of oil and the age of coal.
EU countries with the least
ambitious climate protection
policies, having achieved a
“low” ranking in the 2018
Climate Change Performance
Index
The keyword now is ‘governance’, and its scope should not be restricted only to the formalized governance mechanism that the 2030 framework promised, but also include informal cooperation between different levels of policy-making. The 2020 strategy’s experience to date is a valuable lesson from which future EU energy and climate governance should learn if we are to decarbonize efficiently and effectively by 2050.
POLICY RELEVANCE: The paper structures the policy debate on the "Energy Union", discussing the different elements and instruments proposed by key EU actors ND provides a useful overview of national interests of some important players, set in the context of their wider systemic conditions and policy goals. The framework for comparing the different proposals and national positions is built around the “energy policy triangle”. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible future scenarios, as well as an in-depth discussion of the potential role of the governance mechanism.
Now framed as innovative “technologies of the future”, renewables arguably pre-date both the age of oil and the age of coal.
Mezi axiomy, na nichž se zakládá Havlova morální politická strategie, je jeden nejnápadnější. Není jeho vynálezem ani není výsadou jeho vlastního psaní. Co je to? Prosté přesvědčení: Pravda vítězí. A to nás osvobodí. Alespoň tak jsme si to mysleli.
to the research on dissent to show that the dissident intellectuals in Central Europe (the particular contexts of Czechoslovakia and Poland are investigated) were not only the receivers, but also retransmitters and “generators,” of “universal” ideas. To grasp their role and to understand the nature of “universal” ideas, it is necessary to look into domestic contexts to see how internationally functioning ideas are localized—that is, recontextualized and translated. What is more, locally altered meanings can influence the international “originals” so that a new meaning can be renegotiated. Central European opposition found a firm foundation and a source of empowerment in the internationally recognized discourse of human rights. However, with time, dissident groups in the Eastern Bloc struggled to reinterpret these ideas and extend their mobilizing effect onto
other issues. Certain themes present in Western debates were taken up in Central Europe and merged with human rights issues. The two analyzed here are pacifism and environmentalism,
ideas that were metaphorically “hijacked” and used by the dissidents. The article shows how the translation and renegotiation of these ideas proceeded and to what extent they were successful both locally and transnationally."
Non solo il Sessantotto dunque, ma un intreccio più complesso di movimenti che percorsero e scossero la società europea e che si svilupparono nel corso di almeno tre decenni.
Dieci saggi basati su documentazione d'archivio e due riflessioni di largo respiro che aprono un percorso di ricerca ancora poco battuto, quello della contestazione nell'Italia e nell'Europa della Guerra Fredda, sottolineando insospettabili punti di contatto ed imprevedibili diversità.
Needing to select only the most important elements of the transnational network of peace groups, I focus on the Czechoslovak Charter 77 and the Polish WiP as well as the Societal Resistance Committee (KOS). On the western side I look at those parts of the peace movements that were, first of all, willing to discuss the fundamentals, and secondly, were interested in maintaining contacts with the independent groups in the East. That means especially the European Nuclear Disarmament (END), as well as other Western European organizations, independent but linked to END (i.e. the Dutch IKV – Inter-church Peace Council, the French CODENE - The Committee for the Denuclearization of Europe), as well as the German ‘Greens’.
I begin with a review of theoretical and empirical literature constituting the ‘transnational approach’ to position my work within it. I then move on to the story of the dialogue between the Czechoslovak and Polish dissidents and the Western peace activists, showing the way in which the definition of peace and the priorities of the peace movement were altered because of the transnational exchange.""
disillusionment with Communism is his political/philosophical essay "The Captive Mind". The second generation, which grew up on the wave of the early post-war enthusiasm, is symbolized by the pedagogue and oppositionist Jacek Kuroń. The key book is his The Evil I cause, a re-evaluation of leftist idealism in a Communist reality. The third generation is one who, from the beginning, were influenced by forms of political opposition and who soon became the leaders of anti-Communist (yet still leftwing) dissent, exemplified by Adam Michnik‟s essays. Such a history of "heresy" within the Left is therefore an attempt to
problematize the notion of anti-Communism as the "cardinal folly of our time" and as a reactionary and predominantly conservative ideational standpoint. It also gives a brief overview of the evolution of Polish dissidence."
Energy Security in Europe moves the policy debates on energy security beyond a consideration of its seemingly objective nature. It also provides a series of contributions that shed light on the conditions under which similar material factors are met with very different energy security policies and divergent discourses across Europe. Furthermore, it problematizes established notions prevalent in energy security studies, such as whether energy security is ‘geopolitical’, and an element of high politics, or purely ‘economic’, and should be left for the markets to regulate.
This book will be of particular relevance to students and academics in the fields of energy studies and political science seeking to understand the divergence in perspectives and understandings of energy security challenges between EU member states and in multilateral relationships between the EU as a whole.
Until recently, the Helsinki Final Act provided a foundation for international security as well as the importance of human rights, and common European values as a basis for political cooperation, not only between the European member states.
Now, as this order once built upon human rights and mutual respect is being challenged by the Ukrainian crisis and the growth of illiberal sentiments in Europe, we are required to bring together our historical lessons learnt with a sensible reflection of these new challenges we face
generała Jaruzelskiego rozpoczęto budowę elektrowni jądrowej
w Żarnowcu. Od niedawna znów słyszymy o powrocie
do pomysłów z czasów Polski Ludowej. Tymczasem wokół nas
zachodzą zupełnie nowe zjawiska – zmiany klimatu i postęp
technologiczny wymuszają gruntowne przewartościowanie
naszego sposobu myślenia o produkcji energii. Ćwierćwiecze
demokratycznej Polski to dobry moment na refleksję nad
transformacją w tym wymiarze.