Books by Katharine Adeney
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
The final important element to take into account in explaining the adoption of the particular con... more The final important element to take into account in explaining the adoption of the particular constitutional structures that contributed to federal stability, or lack thereof, in India and Pakistan is that of state-sponsored national identity. Understanding the state’s articulation of a national identity is vital to explain attitudes toward constitution formation. As should be clear from the previous chapters, it cannot stand alone. State-sponsored national identities in India and Pakistan were inevitably influenced by British constitutional structures. And without an appreciation of the changes that occurred between the plans that were proposed by the Congress and the League, and the constitutions that were adopted by India and Pakistan, it is not possible to explain the reasons behind the changes.
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2006
Katharine Adeney demonstrates that institutional design, rather than the role of religion, is the... more Katharine Adeney demonstrates that institutional design, rather than the role of religion, is the most important explanatory variable in understanding the different types and intensities of conflict in India and Pakistan. Deploying an innovative methodological approach, Adeney focuses on the rationale behind the creation and different designs of federal and consociational structures in the two countries. Deftly interweaving historical narrative with an analysis of the salient cleavages in both countries, Adeney examines the politics of institutional design and ethnic conflict regulation, as well as the extent to which previous constitutional choices explain current conflicts.
MONSTRATES thr tional design, ler than the role of religion, is th important explanatory variable... more MONSTRATES thr tional design, ler than the role of religion, is th important explanatory variable in understanding the different types and intensities of conflict in India and Pakistan. Deploying an innovative methodological approach, Adeney focuses on the rationale behind the ...
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 17449050902738705, Mar 1, 2009
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan, 2007
The history of federations is at least as much a history of success as of dissolution …many non-f... more The history of federations is at least as much a history of success as of dissolution …many non-federal states rigidly opposing any entrenchment of regional autonomy …have been broken.
Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research …, 1964
This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic an... more This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group -defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
Book Reviews by Katharine Adeney
Ethics & International Affairs, 2002
Political Studies Review, 2015
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Books by Katharine Adeney
Book Reviews by Katharine Adeney
While much has been said about the geopolitical implications of the CPEC, including for both India and the United States, less attention has been devoted to providing in-depth insights into the mechanics of how the BRI is unfolding on the ground in Pakistan. How do China and Pakistan negotiate the terms of CPEC deals? To what extent has Islamabad managed to exert agency in its dealings with Beijing? How does China adapt to the contexts it operates in? By now, the CPEC has been subject to much media, academic, and policy scrutiny, but these questions have not been answered.
The power asymmetry between the two partners—coupled with the impression that the BRI represents a unidirectional Chinese endeavor, not just in Pakistan but also globally—has contributed to the erroneous representation that Beijing is merely imposing the CPEC on its all-weather partners in Islamabad. On the contrary, this study highlights China’s adaptive strategies in dealing with a host of Pakistani actors (including political parties, local communities, and the military) against the backdrop of Pakistan’s evolving political landscape and change in leadership following the country’s 2018 elections.
In filling this gap, this paper foregrounds the importance of adopting a relational approach to studying how the BRI unfolds on the ground. This entails looking at how Pakistan and China have negotiated the CPEC’s energy, infrastructure, and industrial cooperation projects. The analysis is based on semi-structured elite interviews conducted by the two authors during three rounds of fieldwork in 2015, 2018, and 2020–2021 triangulated with a host of official reports, statements, and newspaper articles.
Examining the domestic contours of the CPEC shows that Pakistani actors have wielded agency in important ways throughout the process, while Chinese actors at times have accommodated key Pakistani demands.
While much has been said about the geopolitical implications of the CPEC, including for both India and the United States, less attention has been devoted to providing in-depth insights into the mechanics of how the BRI is unfolding on the ground in Pakistan. How do China and Pakistan negoti- ate the terms of CPEC deals? To what extent has Islamabad managed to exert agency in its dealings with Beijing? How does China adapt to the contexts it operates in? By now, the CPEC has been subject to much media, academic, and policy scrutiny, but these questions have not been answered.
The power asymmetry between the two partners—coupled with the impression that the BRI represents a unidirectional Chinese endeavor, not just in Pakistan but also globally—has contributed to the erroneous representation that Beijing is merely imposing the CPEC on its all-weather partners in Islamabad. On the contrary, this study highlights China’s adaptive strategies in dealing with a host of Pakistani actors (including political parties, local communities, and the military) against the backdrop of Pakistan’s evolving political landscape and change in leadership following the country’s 2018 elections.
In filling this gap, this paper foregrounds the importance of adopting a relational approach to studying how the BRI unfolds on the ground. This entails looking at how Pakistan and China have negotiated the CPEC’s energy, infrastructure, and industrial cooperation projects. The analysis is based on semi-structured elite interviews conducted by the two authors during three rounds of fieldwork in 2015, 2018, and 2020–2021 triangulated with a host of official reports, statements, and newspaper articles.
Examining the domestic contours of the CPEC shows that Pakistani actors have wielded agency in important ways throughout the process, while Chinese actors at times have accommodated key Pakistani demands.
projects under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. While its geopolitical and
financial implications have received much attention, CPEC’s mediation
through the structures of Pakistan’s federal system has remained
comparatively understudied. To fill this gap, this article analyses CPEC’s
evolution between 2013 and 2023, revealing both the continuing
centralisation of the management of CPEC and the inequitable distribution of
projects that have characterised its implementation. The analysis also
addresses whether domestic political structures or external pressures explain this inequity. The article draws on a triangulation of official CPEC data
collated since 2018, meeting minutes of key decision-making bodies,
budgetary analysis and semi-structured interviews. In doing so, this article
contributes to understanding global China’s encounters with local dynamics.
For policymakers as well as political scientists, it is vitally important to identify whether tendencies toward ethnic democracy are increasing (and the conditions under which they do so). There may well be red flags that emerge in established democratic systems, heralding the potential direction of travel. The conclusion revisits this point as it speaks to the significance of this article. This article proposes a methodology to identify degrees of ethnic democracy using a combination of formal and informal measures and illustrates it by assessing India as an ethnic democracy in relation to its Muslim communities.
The 18th Constitutional Amendment of 2010 introduced major changes to the federal system, agreed by consensus. But have these changes gone far enough? This article analyses the changes that were made, engaging with debates concerning the wisdom of creating ethnofederal units, dividing core groups, as well as the optimal number of units. It concludes that while major changes have been made, they have not yet gone far enough. The diversity of Pakistan should be seen as a source of federal strength rather than as a weakness.