Politics and International Relations

This book analyzed the development of Turkish defense industry and the functions of Undersecretariat for Defense Industry. First, the evolution of defense industries in the world and today''s propects of these industries were evaluated. Second, the historical background and today''s situation of Turkish defense industry and Turkish procurement process were examined. Third, the role of Undersecretariat for Defense Industries, its legal basis and its composition were analyzed. This book will provide a substantial background knowledge for people who are interested in Turkey''s defense industry policies.

Everybody now working on the problem of what the present generation may or may not owe to those coming in the future, does so in the shadow of the 'non-identity problem' as articulated in Derek Parfit's Reasons and Persons. 1 This problem raises profound difficulties for two of the main lenses with which we operate when thinking about moral demands, when we seek to apply these to the intergenerational context. Person-affecting approaches, on the one hand, seem to lead us away from the desired 'no-difference view' (i.e., the view that the non-identity problem makes no difference to what morality demands) and towards a view that says because we cannot directly harm those to come in the distant future, as they have no alternative life histories, our obligations to them are weak indeed. On the other hand, some consequentialist approaches lead us towards the 'repugnant conclusion', that is, the preference for the massively large and destitute population 'Z' over the relatively affluent and smaller population 'A' on the grounds that the former has more total utility, and that is another position against which our intuitions recoil.

Few theorists have done more in recent years to explore and develop our understanding of the political conflicts and struggles that lie at the heart of democratic politics than Bonnie Honig. Through books such as Emergency Politics: Paradox, Law, and Democracy (2009); Democracy and the Foreigner (2001); and Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (1993), along with numerous scholarly journal articles, Honig has sought to develop an agonistic account of democratic politics, and also sketch out a role for political theorising that alerts us to the exclusions and remainders that accompany any political order. She prompts us to be attentive to these exclusions, and to believe that political theory should provide resources for those engaged in democratic activism to challenge the existing order of things. At the same time, we are reminded to be solicitous towards democratic achievements, and to protect those institutions that make democratic life possible against the challenge of more authoritarian forms of politics. Thus we should engage in both 'combat', as we seek to render our democratic institutions more open, inclusive, and just, and also 'care' as we seek to protect the values that have been created in, and by, the-always imperfect-forms of democratic politics that we currently possess.

Everybody now working on the problem of what the present generation may or may not owe to those coming in the future, does so in the shadow of the 'non-identity problem' as articulated in Derek Parfit's Reasons and Persons. 1 This problem raises profound difficulties for two of the main lenses with which we operate when thinking about moral demands, when we seek to apply these to the intergenerational context. Person-affecting approaches, on the one hand, seem to lead us away from the desired 'no-difference view' (i.e., the view that the non-identity problem makes no difference to what morality demands) and towards a view that says because we cannot directly harm those to come in the distant future, as they have no alternative life histories, our obligations to them are weak indeed. On the other hand, some consequentialist approaches lead us towards the 'repugnant conclusion', that is, the preference for the massively large and destitute population 'Z' over the relatively affluent and smaller population 'A' on the grounds that the former has more total utility, and that is another position against which our intuitions recoil.

In decision-making on the politically-contentious issue of unconventional gas development, the UK Government and European Commission are attempting to learn from the US experience. Although economic, environmental, and health impacts and regulatory contexts have been compared cross-nationally, public perceptions and their antecedents have not. We conducted similar online panel surveys of national samples of UK and US residents simultaneously in September 2014 to compare public perceptions and beliefs affecting such perceptions. The US sample was more likely to associate positive impacts with development (i.e. production of clean energy, cheap energy, and advancing national energy security). The UK sample was more likely to associate negative impacts (i.e. water contamination, higher carbon emissions, and earthquakes). Multivariate analyses reveal divergence cross-nationally in the relationship between beliefs about impacts and support/ opposition-especially for beliefs about energy security. People who associated shale gas development with increased energy security in the UK were over three times more likely to support development than people in the US with this same belief. We conclude with implications for policy and communication, discussing communication approaches that could be successful cross-nationally and policy foci to which the UK might need to afford more attention in its continually evolving regulatory environment.

This chapter aims to introduce the postcolonial approaches in the discipline of International Relations (IR). Emerged in the 1990s as a part of the critical strand of thought, postcolonial IR approaches are considered as “the fastest growing areas of research in IR” (Sabaratnam, 2020, p. 161; Rutazibwa and Shilliam, 2018, p. 9).

International relations (IR) scholarship rests on a conception of 'the international' based on the experiences of core actors. A burgeoning literature has asked what IR would look like if non-core actors' conceptions of 'the international' were also considered. This article analyzes conceptions of 'the international' in Turkey as an example of a non-core context. In doing this, the article develops and offers a new analytical framework which breaks down the components of conceptions of 'the international' into three questions: 'what', 'who', and 'where' of world politicsnamely, the main dynamics of world politics, the main actors of world politics, and the location where world politics takes place. I utilize this framework to empirically analyze the election manifestos and party programs of the political parties in Turkey, and tease out their conceptions of 'the international.' The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for IR scholarship in general.

Since Plato the arts have worried those concerned with the maintenance and stability of the polis. More recently politicians and commentators have expressed fears that the manner in which formal politics is depicted in fiction has been a contributory factor in the breakdown of trust in British political culture. By comparison the USA is pointed to as offering a far more positive tradition of cultural representations of politics and politicians. This article seeks to assess such claims arguing that neither tradition-British or American-can be so easily characterised. It goes on to argue for the importance of taking the fictional representation of politics seriously not only for its worth as a contemporary record of attitudes and assumptions about British political culture but also its ability to reveal and consider aspects of political activity that traditional methods might find difficult to measure and record.

Wear fake beard, find toilets, avoid killer robots -the new hoard of politicians can learn a lot from political books, plays and films, say Matthew Bailey and Philip CowleyThe parliamentary constituencies of Feverford in Kent and Trough in Hertfordshire are not especially well known.

This article explores common commitments between competing historical materialist perspectives within International Political Economy (IPE). It does so by engaging with the approach of Open Marxism that has emerged as the basis of a radical rethinking of theories of the state, the dialectic of subject-object and theory-practice, as well as commitments to emancipating the social world. Despite these contributions, though, there has been a sonorous silence within debates in critical International Relations (IR) theory in relation to the arguments of Open Marxism. In contrast, we engage with and develop an immanent critique of Open Marxism through a 'Critical Economy' conception of the state proffered by Antonio Gramsci. Previously overlooked, this alternative approach not only promotes an understanding of the state as a social relation of production but also affords insight into a broader range of class-relevant social forces linked to contemporary processes of capitalist development. A key priority is thus granted to theorising the capitalist state, as well as issues of resistance and collective agency, that surpasses the somewhat 'theological' vision of state-capital-labour evident in Open Marxism. Moreover, it is argued in conclusion that the approach we outline provides an avenue to critique additional competing 'critical' approaches in IR/IPE, thereby raising new questions about the potential of critical theory within international studies.

This article engages with the debate on how the role of ideas can be conceptualised within International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) and how this is related to the discursive production of meanings embedded in the economy. It is argued that although constructivist and post-structuralist approaches can conceptualise the structural relevance of ideas, thereby improving on neo-realist and liberal institutionalist approaches, they nevertheless fail to explain why certain ideas dominate over others at a particular moment in time. In response to constructivist and post-structuralist criticism, it is argued that the internal relation of ideas as material social processes is appreciated better through an historical materialist theory of history. In other words, the article shows how ideas can be conceived as material social processes through which signs become part of the socially created world in a way that surpasses the deficits of constructivist and post-structuralist approaches alike, whilst avoiding the problems of economism.