Throughout the course of the present paper, I intend to discuss both the similarities and the dif... more Throughout the course of the present paper, I intend to discuss both the similarities and the differences in the types of suffering portrayed within the musical genres of the subgroup cante jondo of the flamenco from the Spanish province of Andalusia and those of Mexican rancheras. The paper will first define each genre and then at length discuss the cante jondo of flamenco: from its origin and ideological base of suffering to its subsequent development as a contingence in Spanish and particularly Andalusian society, after which point I will discuss the same points for the Mexican ranchera, from its origin and ideological base of suffering to its subsequent development as a cornerstone of Mexican society. I then respectively proceed to discuss the development of each genre in order to discuss any possible changes of the ideological basis of suffering upon which each genre was founded. I then conclude by comparing the differences in portrayals of suffering between that of the flamenco and ranchera.
Political mobilization and its consequential representation is oftentimes one of the first steps ... more Political mobilization and its consequential representation is oftentimes one of the first steps in improving political, economic, and social conditions, yet there is seldom enough research investigating commonalities among ethnic groups that have less than what many would consider appropriate representation. In this manner, some ethnic groups frequently lag behind in becoming politically mobilized, such as the Romani (Roma) in Central East European countries (CEECs) and the pueblos originarios of Latin America. In the paper, I use the terms Roma and pueblos originarios in a broad sense, encompassing the subgroups therein. In order to compare the political mobilization and consequential representation of these two broad groups, I shall briefly relate the history of each group before examining their respective political organization, as this will aid in understanding their political situation more thoroughly. In this manner, the paper will be organized as such: a historical look at the Roma in CEECs, followed by their political mobilization and representation before, during, and after communism into more contemporary times and then a look at the history of the pueblos originarios upon the arrival of the Spanish, during la conquista and subsequent independence, into their political mobilization in the 20th and 21st centuries. After examinations of the political mobilization of each group, I shall comment on their success and briefly conjecture on some causes as to why each group was or was not successful. I then offer investigative insight into future research relating to the field, suggesting a more causal analysis of why such a political deficit between these two ethnic groups exists.
The political leaders of the US had much to figure out, such as just how strong the Federal Gover... more The political leaders of the US had much to figure out, such as just how strong the Federal Government should be or how the States should be represented given the varying population differences. However, whereas the elites typically debated these matters, the ecclesiastical question of how God would fit into the American Republic was not so exclusive, and so “ordinary” Americans also participated. Hence, there was much religious uncertainty among Americans in the years following the Revolutionary War, which historians have yet to come to a consensus on. Here lies the necessity of a detailed look at the arguments for and against the separation of church and state in the U.S. from the Revolutionary War to 1800. In such arguments, a myriad of Americans of different backgrounds advocated the separation of church and state and consequently espoused a multi-faceted argument that reflected the changing national perspective of religion as a personal belief that the country must not use to exclude non-Christian Americans, which defeated the simple yet seemingly stable argument of their opponents, who believed if the US wanted to be a virtuous republic, it needed Jesus
Throughout the course of the present paper, I intend to discuss both the similarities and the dif... more Throughout the course of the present paper, I intend to discuss both the similarities and the differences in the types of suffering portrayed within the musical genres of the subgroup cante jondo of the flamenco from the Spanish province of Andalusia and those of Mexican rancheras. The paper will first define each genre and then at length discuss the cante jondo of flamenco: from its origin and ideological base of suffering to its subsequent development as a contingence in Spanish and particularly Andalusian society, after which point I will discuss the same points for the Mexican ranchera, from its origin and ideological base of suffering to its subsequent development as a cornerstone of Mexican society. I then respectively proceed to discuss the development of each genre in order to discuss any possible changes of the ideological basis of suffering upon which each genre was founded. I then conclude by comparing the differences in portrayals of suffering between that of the flamenco and ranchera.
Political mobilization and its consequential representation is oftentimes one of the first steps ... more Political mobilization and its consequential representation is oftentimes one of the first steps in improving political, economic, and social conditions, yet there is seldom enough research investigating commonalities among ethnic groups that have less than what many would consider appropriate representation. In this manner, some ethnic groups frequently lag behind in becoming politically mobilized, such as the Romani (Roma) in Central East European countries (CEECs) and the pueblos originarios of Latin America. In the paper, I use the terms Roma and pueblos originarios in a broad sense, encompassing the subgroups therein. In order to compare the political mobilization and consequential representation of these two broad groups, I shall briefly relate the history of each group before examining their respective political organization, as this will aid in understanding their political situation more thoroughly. In this manner, the paper will be organized as such: a historical look at the Roma in CEECs, followed by their political mobilization and representation before, during, and after communism into more contemporary times and then a look at the history of the pueblos originarios upon the arrival of the Spanish, during la conquista and subsequent independence, into their political mobilization in the 20th and 21st centuries. After examinations of the political mobilization of each group, I shall comment on their success and briefly conjecture on some causes as to why each group was or was not successful. I then offer investigative insight into future research relating to the field, suggesting a more causal analysis of why such a political deficit between these two ethnic groups exists.
The political leaders of the US had much to figure out, such as just how strong the Federal Gover... more The political leaders of the US had much to figure out, such as just how strong the Federal Government should be or how the States should be represented given the varying population differences. However, whereas the elites typically debated these matters, the ecclesiastical question of how God would fit into the American Republic was not so exclusive, and so “ordinary” Americans also participated. Hence, there was much religious uncertainty among Americans in the years following the Revolutionary War, which historians have yet to come to a consensus on. Here lies the necessity of a detailed look at the arguments for and against the separation of church and state in the U.S. from the Revolutionary War to 1800. In such arguments, a myriad of Americans of different backgrounds advocated the separation of church and state and consequently espoused a multi-faceted argument that reflected the changing national perspective of religion as a personal belief that the country must not use to exclude non-Christian Americans, which defeated the simple yet seemingly stable argument of their opponents, who believed if the US wanted to be a virtuous republic, it needed Jesus
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