... "The Last One," an English import avail ... allow keyboard entry of data, r... more ... "The Last One," an English import avail ... allow keyboard entry of data, rather in the manner of a pocket calculator, but this manual procedure hardly ... The JINSAM package for the Commodore and IBM Personal machines, for example, has a reasonably powerful statistical op-tion ...
Italians and any other non-Irish to come inside and apply. The business literature, both publishe... more Italians and any other non-Irish to come inside and apply. The business literature, both published and unpublished, never mentions NINA or any policy remotely like it. The newspapers and magazines are silent. The courts are silent. There is no record of an angry youth tossing a brick through the window that held such a sign. Have we not discovered all of the signs of an urban legend? The NINA slogan seems to have originated in England, probably after the 1798 Irish rebellion. By the 1820s it was a cliche in upper and upper middle class London that some fussy housewives refused to hire Irish and had even posted NINA signs in their windows. It is possible that handwritten NINA signs regarding maids did appear in a few American windows, though no one ever reported one. Apart from want ads for personal household workers, the NINA slogan has not turned up in the newspapers. The myth focuses on public NINA signs which deliberately marginalized and humiliated Irish male job applicants. The complete absence of evidence suggests that probably no such signs ever existed at commercial establishments, shops, factories, stores, hotels, railroads, union halls, hiring halls, personnel offices, labor recruiters etc. anywhere in America. Irish Americans all have heard about them?and remember elderly relatives insisting they existed. The myth had "legs": people still believe it, even scholars. The late Tip O'Neill remembered the signs from his youth in Boston in 1920s; Senator Ted Kennedy reported the most recent sighting, telling the Senate during a civil rights debate that he saw them when growing up5 Historicaliy,
... Arthur Calhoun's A Social History of the American Family: From Colo-nial Times to the Pr... more ... Arthur Calhoun's A Social History of the American Family: From Colo-nial Times to the Present appeared in three volumes between 1917 and 1919 and contained what still remains as the most thorough and wide-ranging study of women, children, and family life. ...
Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legi... more Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legislative behavior here explores some of the more abstruse methods of discovering patterns of partisanship and the structure of issues from roll calls. Although Duncan Mac-Rae, Jr., is a sociologist, he ignores the problem of relating roll call responses to the personal or constituency characteristics of legislators. Few historians-even those who know the necessary matrix algebra-will find the book useful unless they are beginning a large roll call project and are uncertain about the assumptions and implications of the numerous techniques available. MacRae offers a highly condensed survey of clustering techniques up to multidimensional scaling, but he devotes his chief attention to factor analysis. This imbalance is unfortunate. Factor analysis owes its popularity to psychology, where it is used to simplify the patterns of responses to questionnaires. Psychologists compute hypothetical mathematical constructs called factors, and assume that all questionnaire responses are nothing more than combinations (called "loadings") of factors. The artificiality of factors hardly is bothersome, since the questionnaires are completely arbitrary in the first place. Historical roll calls, however, possess a reality quite apart from numerical manipulation. Few historians will be willing to assume that the voting behavior of a congressman is merely a set of loadings on some factors, especially when they realize that different mathematical methods produce quite different factors for the same data. Clustering techniques, however, bring together men or roll calls that most closely resemble each other. Clustering allows the historian to see meaningful patterns without straying far from the sources or assuming the existence of invisible factors. While MacRae recognizes the superiority of clustering over factoring, he fails to devote adequate attention to the problems and promises of Guttman and multidimensional scaling and other clustering procedures. Historians can no longer afford to borrow uncritically complex techniques devised in other disciplines for different problems and different kinds of measurement. Just as medievalists rightly devote much of their professional training to Latin, Americanists will have to learn statistics well enough to devise their own methods for finding patterns in legislative behavior.
Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legi... more Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legislative behavior here explores some of the more abstruse methods of discovering patterns of partisanship and the structure of issues from roll calls. Although Duncan Mac-Rae, Jr., is a sociologist, he ignores the problem of relating roll call responses to the personal or constituency characteristics of legislators. Few historians-even those who know the necessary matrix algebra-will find the book useful unless they are beginning a large roll call project and are uncertain about the assumptions and implications of the numerous techniques available. MacRae offers a highly condensed survey of clustering techniques up to multidimensional scaling, but he devotes his chief attention to factor analysis. This imbalance is unfortunate. Factor analysis owes its popularity to psychology, where it is used to simplify the patterns of responses to questionnaires. Psychologists compute hypothetical mathematical constructs called factors, and assume that all questionnaire responses are nothing more than combinations (called "loadings") of factors. The artificiality of factors hardly is bothersome, since the questionnaires are completely arbitrary in the first place. Historical roll calls, however, possess a reality quite apart from numerical manipulation. Few historians will be willing to assume that the voting behavior of a congressman is merely a set of loadings on some factors, especially when they realize that different mathematical methods produce quite different factors for the same data. Clustering techniques, however, bring together men or roll calls that most closely resemble each other. Clustering allows the historian to see meaningful patterns without straying far from the sources or assuming the existence of invisible factors. While MacRae recognizes the superiority of clustering over factoring, he fails to devote adequate attention to the problems and promises of Guttman and multidimensional scaling and other clustering procedures. Historians can no longer afford to borrow uncritically complex techniques devised in other disciplines for different problems and different kinds of measurement. Just as medievalists rightly devote much of their professional training to Latin, Americanists will have to learn statistics well enough to devise their own methods for finding patterns in legislative behavior.
The discipline of political science deliberately abandoned history sixty years ago. In a quest fo... more The discipline of political science deliberately abandoned history sixty years ago. In a quest for a true “science” of politics, it turned to physics and especially psychology for models of what a science ought to be like (Jensen, 1969). Rigor in defining and measuring variables and in the statement of theories and testing of hypotheses was sought, plus a method that could predict, and thus control, the future. History seemed unnecessary, for the terrible cataclysm of the Great War seemed to have erased or smothered the impact of the past. It would take political scientists a half century to rediscover history, and the goal of this paper is to examine the route of one of their most important explorers of the past, Walter Dean Burnham.
... "The Last One," an English import avail ... allow keyboard entry of data, r... more ... "The Last One," an English import avail ... allow keyboard entry of data, rather in the manner of a pocket calculator, but this manual procedure hardly ... The JINSAM package for the Commodore and IBM Personal machines, for example, has a reasonably powerful statistical op-tion ...
Italians and any other non-Irish to come inside and apply. The business literature, both publishe... more Italians and any other non-Irish to come inside and apply. The business literature, both published and unpublished, never mentions NINA or any policy remotely like it. The newspapers and magazines are silent. The courts are silent. There is no record of an angry youth tossing a brick through the window that held such a sign. Have we not discovered all of the signs of an urban legend? The NINA slogan seems to have originated in England, probably after the 1798 Irish rebellion. By the 1820s it was a cliche in upper and upper middle class London that some fussy housewives refused to hire Irish and had even posted NINA signs in their windows. It is possible that handwritten NINA signs regarding maids did appear in a few American windows, though no one ever reported one. Apart from want ads for personal household workers, the NINA slogan has not turned up in the newspapers. The myth focuses on public NINA signs which deliberately marginalized and humiliated Irish male job applicants. The complete absence of evidence suggests that probably no such signs ever existed at commercial establishments, shops, factories, stores, hotels, railroads, union halls, hiring halls, personnel offices, labor recruiters etc. anywhere in America. Irish Americans all have heard about them?and remember elderly relatives insisting they existed. The myth had "legs": people still believe it, even scholars. The late Tip O'Neill remembered the signs from his youth in Boston in 1920s; Senator Ted Kennedy reported the most recent sighting, telling the Senate during a civil rights debate that he saw them when growing up5 Historicaliy,
... Arthur Calhoun's A Social History of the American Family: From Colo-nial Times to the Pr... more ... Arthur Calhoun's A Social History of the American Family: From Colo-nial Times to the Present appeared in three volumes between 1917 and 1919 and contained what still remains as the most thorough and wide-ranging study of women, children, and family life. ...
Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legi... more Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legislative behavior here explores some of the more abstruse methods of discovering patterns of partisanship and the structure of issues from roll calls. Although Duncan Mac-Rae, Jr., is a sociologist, he ignores the problem of relating roll call responses to the personal or constituency characteristics of legislators. Few historians-even those who know the necessary matrix algebra-will find the book useful unless they are beginning a large roll call project and are uncertain about the assumptions and implications of the numerous techniques available. MacRae offers a highly condensed survey of clustering techniques up to multidimensional scaling, but he devotes his chief attention to factor analysis. This imbalance is unfortunate. Factor analysis owes its popularity to psychology, where it is used to simplify the patterns of responses to questionnaires. Psychologists compute hypothetical mathematical constructs called factors, and assume that all questionnaire responses are nothing more than combinations (called "loadings") of factors. The artificiality of factors hardly is bothersome, since the questionnaires are completely arbitrary in the first place. Historical roll calls, however, possess a reality quite apart from numerical manipulation. Few historians will be willing to assume that the voting behavior of a congressman is merely a set of loadings on some factors, especially when they realize that different mathematical methods produce quite different factors for the same data. Clustering techniques, however, bring together men or roll calls that most closely resemble each other. Clustering allows the historian to see meaningful patterns without straying far from the sources or assuming the existence of invisible factors. While MacRae recognizes the superiority of clustering over factoring, he fails to devote adequate attention to the problems and promises of Guttman and multidimensional scaling and other clustering procedures. Historians can no longer afford to borrow uncritically complex techniques devised in other disciplines for different problems and different kinds of measurement. Just as medievalists rightly devote much of their professional training to Latin, Americanists will have to learn statistics well enough to devise their own methods for finding patterns in legislative behavior.
Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legi... more Tables, charts, notes, bibliography, and index.) A leading specialist on American and French legislative behavior here explores some of the more abstruse methods of discovering patterns of partisanship and the structure of issues from roll calls. Although Duncan Mac-Rae, Jr., is a sociologist, he ignores the problem of relating roll call responses to the personal or constituency characteristics of legislators. Few historians-even those who know the necessary matrix algebra-will find the book useful unless they are beginning a large roll call project and are uncertain about the assumptions and implications of the numerous techniques available. MacRae offers a highly condensed survey of clustering techniques up to multidimensional scaling, but he devotes his chief attention to factor analysis. This imbalance is unfortunate. Factor analysis owes its popularity to psychology, where it is used to simplify the patterns of responses to questionnaires. Psychologists compute hypothetical mathematical constructs called factors, and assume that all questionnaire responses are nothing more than combinations (called "loadings") of factors. The artificiality of factors hardly is bothersome, since the questionnaires are completely arbitrary in the first place. Historical roll calls, however, possess a reality quite apart from numerical manipulation. Few historians will be willing to assume that the voting behavior of a congressman is merely a set of loadings on some factors, especially when they realize that different mathematical methods produce quite different factors for the same data. Clustering techniques, however, bring together men or roll calls that most closely resemble each other. Clustering allows the historian to see meaningful patterns without straying far from the sources or assuming the existence of invisible factors. While MacRae recognizes the superiority of clustering over factoring, he fails to devote adequate attention to the problems and promises of Guttman and multidimensional scaling and other clustering procedures. Historians can no longer afford to borrow uncritically complex techniques devised in other disciplines for different problems and different kinds of measurement. Just as medievalists rightly devote much of their professional training to Latin, Americanists will have to learn statistics well enough to devise their own methods for finding patterns in legislative behavior.
The discipline of political science deliberately abandoned history sixty years ago. In a quest fo... more The discipline of political science deliberately abandoned history sixty years ago. In a quest for a true “science” of politics, it turned to physics and especially psychology for models of what a science ought to be like (Jensen, 1969). Rigor in defining and measuring variables and in the statement of theories and testing of hypotheses was sought, plus a method that could predict, and thus control, the future. History seemed unnecessary, for the terrible cataclysm of the Great War seemed to have erased or smothered the impact of the past. It would take political scientists a half century to rediscover history, and the goal of this paper is to examine the route of one of their most important explorers of the past, Walter Dean Burnham.
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