Ancient History

Herodotus associates the possession of 'wisdom' (sophias) and 'knowledge' (philosopheon) with one who has extensively 'travelled' (planes) to foreign lands.,] Such a person is counted amongst the saphistai, the wise men or teachers,,2 The Greek philosopher's visit to foreign countries was a doxographical and biographical tapas specifically associated with the attainment of wisdom" The philosophical and religious wisdom attained by such tr'avellers was essentially 'barbarian'. As Diogenes Laertius noted, the later Neoplatonic tradition held that 'the study of philosophy had its beginning among the barbarians... the Persians have their Magi, the Babylonians or Assyrians their Chaldeans, and the Indians their Gymosophists; and among the Celts and Gauls there are the people called Druids or Holy Ones,3 These marginalised religious teachers and transmitters of spiritual wisdom ar'e associated with the geographical and social periphery ...

The emperor Domitian was cast as an archetypical tyrant in the posthumous literary tradition. Since hypocrisy and sexual profligacy were recognized as typical tyrannical attributes, Suetonius used these tropes to highlight Domitian’s supposedly unworthy character. Dom. 8, 3 ostensibly describes the emperor’s praiseworthy acts in the context of enforcing traditional Roman morality; however, elsewhere in the Vita, Domitian is described as performing the very acts that he condemned, an authorial technique which emphasizes the emperor’s hypocrisy. A critical analysis of the locus in question also adds weight to the view that the Domitianus demonstrates a high degree of anti-Domitianic bias, though it manifests itself largely in the arrangement of material rather than in outright hostility on the biographer’s part.

The article discusses the methodologies for the teaching and assessment of Latin in European, British, and Australian universities. Latin pedagogy has either remained attached to the Grammar Translation model or adopted the communicative approach pioneered for the teaching of modern languages. While the first clung to an outdated tradition that cast Latin as a 'dead' language, the second diffused the teaching of grammar embracing instead the Roman culture. Consequently, concerns regarding our graduates' professional standing and research skills have arisen. Following the revival of Latin across the globe and the increased mobility of students and graduates, a revision of teaching approaches is imperative. The article supports the reintroduction of grammar in university language teaching based on Grammar Construction Theory and Radical Constructivism with encouragement from discoveries in cognitive neuroscience. My case-study highlights the challenges in redefining the teaching and assessment of university Latin allowing for student views to be sensed.

in the wide catalogue of sexual crimes that suetonius levels at the emperors, and particularly to those not granted the epithet diuus, Galba has hitherto presented something of an enigma. moreover, little attention has been paid to the private proclivities of this ephemeral emperor, with a recent article on Galba's conduct providing negligible treatment of these matters ( 1 ). This article seeks to redress that imbalance. as is now widely recognized, the active partner in a same-sex relationship between men, provided that the passive partner was not a roman citizen puer, would not necessarily be censured for same-sex intercourse ( 2 ). despite this, a further nuance must be considered. even if always the active partner in such relationships, i.e., engaged in penetrative sexual activities, the roman citizen male, particularly if in a position of political and social eminence, such as an equestrian or senator, should not be constantly consumed with sexual desire (libido), for that in extremis was regarded as essentially emasculating ( 3 ). it is in this context that we look at Galba's somewhat puzzling sexual behav-(*) Journal abbreviations follow the 'Liste des périodiques' in L'Année philologique.

The citizenship status of Flavia Domitilla, the wife of the emperor Vespasian, has frequently been the subject of scholarly comment, but has never been explained adequately. In his Vitae, Suetonius merely spares a few lines for this unlikely imperial wife, who came from a seemingly obscure and indeed disadvantaged background. Flavia Domitilla is generally regarded as having been a freedwoman or born in captivity and is, therefore, an implausible choice of wife for a member of the senatorial order. However, a closer examination of the case indicates that she may well have been freeborn, yet was also born into Junian Latin status. The article draws on legislation regarding Junian Latins in imperial Rome and discusses the legal as well as customary marital prerequisites for Roman senators.

Otho was made out to be another Nero in the literary tradition, to the extent that his actions were assimilated with those of the last Julio-Claudian. This includes a predilection for sexual passivity, with Apollonius of Tyana even describing him, in a highly rhetorical passage, as having been Galba's boy lover. Despite numerous ancient references to Otho's ostensible effeminacy, including his supposedly overzealous care of his person, accusations of sexual excess appear to be rooted in the general view of the rhetorical tyrant typified by Nero. Otho's real-life sexual preferences are clearly unrecoverable, so this inquiry focuses instead on the way in which his sexuality was depicted by those attempting to shape his reputation as a man unworthy of imperial office. In this study, we examine contemporary social and philosophical tenets underpinning ancient criticism of his alleged behavior.

This article, which supports the view that Suetonius did not shy from employing bias to suit his authorial intentions, examines the biographer's representation of Vespasian's attitude to sexual matters. The discussion focuses on his ostensibly problematic presentation of the 'good' emperor Vespasian's decision to reside with the freedwoman Antonia Caenis after his wife's death.

This paper discusses the appropriation of eastern cults by the Seleucus I Nikator and his son Antiochus in their struggle to establish their dynasty. I, therefore, examine the roles of Zeus and Apollo, the foremost divine protectors of the Seleucids, against near eastern royal traditions. The evidence indicates that the tradition of Apollo as Seleucus’ father was of a late date and limited circulation. Instead, at the start of the dynasty Seleucus seems to have promoted Zeus as his divine protector, while it was Antiochus who was primarily associated with Apollo. Although the phenomenon is often explained as the result of Antiochus’ more systematic religious policy, a more accurate explanation can be reached if we examine the solar aspects of Babylonian kingship which are transferred to both Zeus and Apollo during the Hellenistic period.
In Babylon, kings relied on the benevolence of Shamash, the Sun-god, for maintaining their just, god-sanctioned rule, often publicized on royal inscriptions. But while Shamash for responsible for the legislative duties of the king, Marduk, the protector of the city, determined its military supremacy. Marduk, identified in the Hellenistic period with Zeus Belos, acquired solar aspects in the same way that the divinity of a number of local Baals came to be praised in solar terms. Zeus was often worshipped as Zeus Helios, while Apollo was eventually identified with the Sun. However, Seleucus and Antiochus who posed as Babylonian kings did not assimilate the sun-god with Apollo: Seleucus relied on the favour of Zeus/Marduk to establish his kingdom, while Antiochus received the protection of Apollo who was identified with Nabu, Marduk’s son. Therefore, the first two Seleucids applied their insight of Babylonian traditions to the interpretatio graeca encouraging the identification of Marduk and Nabu with Zeus and Apollo respectively; thus, they promoted the father-son relationship of the gods, also projected on their kingship.

The article considers Titus' dismissal of Berenice as a literary construct promoting his imperial claims. Berenice was likened to the mistresses populating elegiac love poetry, and was also assimilated to the eastern queens Cleopatra VII and Dido, the rhetorical antipodes to traditional Roman values. By rejecting Berenice, Titus embraces these values, an action which promoted his legitimacy and dissociated him from oriental despotism. 1 Vespasian gave Titus a prominent role from the start of his reign; on this, see Levick 1999.184-95; Edmondson 2005.8. All dates are C.E., unless indicated otherwise. Abbreviations follow the "Liste des périodiques" in L'Année philologique, except Euseb. Werk. 7 = Rudolf Helm (ed.) 1984. Eusebius Werke 7. Die Chronik des Hieronymus. Berlin. Source abbreviations are as per OCD 3 , aside from Or. = Oracula Sibyllina = Charles Alexandre (ed.) 1841-56. Oracula Sibyllina (2 vols.). Paris. We thank one of Arethusa's referees for making some useful technical suggestions. 2 Macurdy 1935.246-47, citing IG III, 556 (= CIG 361); Joseph. Vit. 119 (Thackeray); cf. Joseph. BJ 2.598. In addition, Josephus (Vit. 119) refers to Berenice as queen (βασιλίς); cf. Tac. Hist. 2.2.1, 2.81.2 (regina). 3 Crook 1951.163 suggests that Berenice may have been Titus' lover as early as 67; cf. Nicols 1978.128. Dio (65.15.3-4) writes that her brother Agrippa was awarded the ornamenta praetoria by Vespasian upon his arrival at Rome in 75, a clear indication of the closeness between the two families at this juncture. 4 The powerful impression that Cleopatra inflicted on the Roman people and its employment by Augustan propaganda is much discussed in modern scholarship; see, for example, Syme