Papers by Dorota Wiśniewska
Revue historique, 2023
L’article caractérise la citoyenneté des femmes nobles dans la République nobiliaire de Pologne d... more L’article caractérise la citoyenneté des femmes nobles dans la République nobiliaire de Pologne dans la seconde moitié du xviiie siècle. Il décrit les rapports des femmes des élites avec l’État, leurs sentiments d’appartenance à la nation et leur attachement aux lieux, où elles vivent. Il met en lumière la perception qu’ont les hommes de l’engagement des femmes dans la vie publique et de leur citoyenneté, ainsi que les similarités et les particularités du contexte polono-lituanien par rapport à l’Occident. Centré sur la correspondance féminine, l’article montre que les femmes nobles en Pologne-Lituanie non seulement se voient officiellement accorder le statut de citoyennes, mais aussi elles se sentent inclues à la nation politique et manifestent leur patriotisme. Elles agissent pour le bien commun qu’elles considèrent en accord avec les intérêts privés et familiaux. Le régime républicain, l’influence des Lumières et les circonstances particulières liées aux partages facilitent leur inclusion, mais elles ne contestent pas leur position sociale. Elles sont bien conscientes de leur subordination face aux hommes, mais vu que leurs familles et l’Église leur inculquent la vision patriarcale du monde dès le plus jeune âge, il ne vient pas à l’esprit des femmes de s’y opposer. Et car la « révolution polonaise » (1788-1792) est menée par la noblesse, la question de l’octroi de la citoyenneté à toutes les femmes ne se pose pas dans le débat public.
Edukacja Kultura Społeczeństwo, 2022
W artykule porównuję podręczniki papierowe i cyfrowe pod względem ich funkcjonalności podczas zaj... more W artykule porównuję podręczniki papierowe i cyfrowe pod względem ich funkcjonalności podczas zajęć szkolnych oraz w ramach samokształcenia. Wnioski wysuwam na podstawie analizy wydanych w ostatnich latach podręczników do historii dla uczniów liceów ogólnokształcących i techników oraz zasobów cyfrowych Zintegrowanej Platformy Edukacyjnej Ministerstwa Edukacji i Nauki. Skupiam się przede wszystkim na: budowie i objętości podręczników, sposobach realizacji materiału, nawigacji i wyszukiwaniu informacji, aktywizacji uczniów, dostępności i zasięgu odbiorców oraz przyswajaniu treści z papieru i ekranu. Zachęcam do wykorzystywania potencjału obu typów podręczników oraz włączania uczniów w proces planowania kształcenia.
Public in Public History, 2021
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Gender&History, 2021
The Great Sejm (1788−1792) is perceived as a turning point in Stanisław August Poniatowski's reig... more The Great Sejm (1788−1792) is perceived as a turning point in Stanisław August Poniatowski's reign and as one of the most important Sejms in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Studies devoted to this period concentrate in particular on parliamentary debates and deputies' actions, as they were leading actors in this so-called Polish mild revolution. However, an interesting line of inquiry is to ask about women's experiences, as they were also aware of the importance of these events. This paper presents conclusions arising out of analysis of women's correspondence from the Archiwum Roskie (Roskie Archives): the legacy of the Lithuanian and Polish aristocratic Sapieha, Branicki and Potocki families that is maintained at the Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych (Central Archives of Historical Records) in Warsaw. First, the article describes the group of correspondents and the source material extracted for examination. Second, it focuses on women's approaches towards the Sejm, its deputies and its attempts to reform the Republic. Lastly, it tries to explain the factors influencing women's attitudes. The study's results allow us to gain a better understanding of elite women's political culture in the late eighteenthcentury Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny „Sobótka”, 2018
The article presents attitudes of the Polish noble Franciszek Rzewuski (ca. 1730-1800) towards th... more The article presents attitudes of the Polish noble Franciszek Rzewuski (ca. 1730-1800) towards the Bar Confederation (1768-1772), during which he resided abroad, as well as his conduct in the face of the First Partition of Poland. The paper is based on a collection of letters from Rzewuski to his mother, Franciszka née Cetner, kept in the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Lviv.
„Les cahiers pour l’histoire de La Poste", 2018, no. 20, Les Chemins de la correspondance. Matérialité et stratégies de la correspondance en Europe et ses prolongements coloniaux, XVIIe-XXe siècle, éd. Lauriane Cros
Dyplomacja francuska w Rzeczypospolitej około połowy XVIII w. – kulisy funkcjonowania, w: Komunikacja w epoce staropolskiej, red. A. Ziober, Łódź , 2018
Artykuł opisuje kulisy funkcjonowania francuskiej ambasady w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1752-1758... more Artykuł opisuje kulisy funkcjonowania francuskiej ambasady w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1752-1758, kiedy funkcję ambasadora pełnił hrabia Charles-François de Broglie. Na podstawie materiałów archiwalnych i drukowanych odnoszących się do tej misji, przedstawia rodzaje tworzonej dokumentacji oraz metody pozyskiwania informacji. Skupiono się na komunikacji między placówką warszawską a instytucjami zwierzchnimi we Francji i powstałej wówczas sieć kontaktów między ambasadą a francuskimi dyplomatami w innych krajach, cudzoziemcami oraz Polakami. Obok polityki wyznaczanej przez Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych, od około 1745 r. dyplomaci realizowali projekty polityczne „Sekretu Króla” – niejawnej instytucji Ludwika XV, której głównym celem było zapewnienie polskiej korony księciu Louis-François de Conti (1717-1776). Ze względu na tę „dwutorowość” francuskiej dyplomacji, podjęto również próbę scharakteryzowania organizacji pracy „Sekretu”.
„Przegląd Historyczny", R. 110, nr 4, 2017
Historians write very little about Ludwika Zamoyska, née Poniatowska – the eldest sister of the k... more Historians write very little about Ludwika Zamoyska, née Poniatowska – the eldest sister of the king Stanisław August Poniatowski. Moreover, accessible sources do not fill this lacuna. However, the correspondence of family Zamoyski found in the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kiev delivers a wide range of information concerning Ludwika’s life. The article is based on her letters to Jan Jakub Zamoyski (her husband) and one of the general of their army - Andrzej Wyszyński, written from 1751 to 1772. It elucidates Ludwika’s engagement for her husband’s career in the first years of their marriage. It seems though that after 1772 relations between Ludwika and Jan Jakub changed, which was a direct consequence of his involvement against the king during the confederation of Bar. Secondly, the paper concentrates on Zamoyska’s commitment to the success of the political party led by her parents and uncles (“Familia”), as well as on her efforts to support Stanisław August Poniatowski. Finally, it presents her strong position in the public sphere, which resulted from her familial background and activity.
Udane przedsięwzięcia i chybione projekty. Kobiety aktywne w życiu publicznym (1750-1989)/ Erfolgreiche und gescheiterte Projekte. Handelnde Frauen in der Öffentlichkeit (1750-1989), red. A. Leszczawski-Schwerk, L. Ziątkowski, D. Wiśniewska, Kraków , 2017
French diplomats in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 18th century, similarly to other re... more French diplomats in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 18th century, similarly to other representatives of foreign courts in Warsaw, participated in social life of elites, attempting thereby to influence Polish politics. Although diplomats’ interference in internal affairs of the country officially raised objection among nobility, each political party courted their support. An interesting example of document illustrating these specific relations may be a list of correspondents of French ambassador in Poland Charles-François de Broglie (1752-1758), containing names of 42 individuals and 2 families. Interestingly, one may find there a few women: the wife of great marshal of Lithuania Barbara Sanguszkowa and ladies from Jabłonowski, Sapieha, Ogiński and Mniszech families.
The analyse of letters exchanged by the ambassador and abovementioned ladies might present their cooperation and show the role of elite women in the public sphere. However, only few letters survived to our times: missives from Katarzyna Mniszech, Urszula Lubomirska, Maria Radziwłłowa and the correspondence of de Broglie with B. Sanguszkowa. Therefore, the material we dispose do not allow us to elaborate on their relations. Nevertheless, diplomatic correspondence of the ambassador and his partners with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs compensates – to some extent – the lack of ego-documents.
In this article, we try to complement the source corpora in order to gain better understanding of social roles played by noblewomen in the early modern period. Next to letters to de Broglie from Polish noblewomen, gathered in Parisian National Archives, we studied materials concerning the period 1752-1758 in French Diplomatic Archives and National Library, as well as diplomatic correspondence, published in the 19th century.
The aim of the article is to present a group of noblewomen with whom Louis XV’s diplomats wanted to cooperate. Furthermore, it concentrates on profits, which women could have counted on by working with the French. Lastly, it focuses on remarks about women associated with the party “Familia”, competing on the political scene with the group supported by French diplomats, and on observations regarding “indirect” role of women in the political life that they played, remaining a ”tool” in the hands of their relatives, who set political alliances by means of marriages.
Primarily, the ambassador and his co-workers mentioned „activists” attached to the party of great general Jan Klemens Branicki, called “Patriotic” or “Republican” party, which was supported by the French court. Moreover, they payed attention to ladies who they wanted to persuade to take Branicki’s side. The majority of “Republicans” were related to Branicki, thus they were well-informed in the party’s affaires. The general trusted them, which was another reason why French diplomats sought their friendship. Interestingly, the marital status of women seems to be not so important if it comes to their engagement in political life. Among 10 women mentioned in the materials, only B. Sanguszkowa and U. Lubomirska were widows; the rest were married.
French diplomats appreciated ambition, enthusiasm, enterprise, canniness, intelligence, loyalty, as well as patriotism in their female friends. They wanted to cooperate with ladies having a significant social status. It seems that the main motivation of women to be politically active was above all the interest of their families. The latter was then tied with the objectives of a party, to which the family belonged and lastly, with common good, which they understood in accordance with the party vision of it.
The ambassador and other French diplomats hoped for getting information concerning politics from women. In addition, the latter intermediated between them and general Branicki (and possibly other Polish politicians), especially when they wanted to exchange confidential messages, without exposing them to August III’s espionage. The diplomats expected that women would use their position among nobility to influence decisions made by their friends and relatives, as well as to persuade them to support France.
The relationship between Polish noblewomen and French diplomats were based on reciprocal exchange. Indeed, these women undertook actions in the frame of their engagement for the political party, which (as they declared) truly supported, however for their “friendship”, they received real benefits in return: gifts, money or favour. At the same time, some relations of French diplomats with Polish ladies evolved into close relationships.
Lastly, owing to the fact, that the French supported Branicki’s party, they rarely met women associated with his rivals: the leader of the court party Jerzy August Mniszech or „Familia”. Ladies, who they noticed, were respected and their opinion mattered in making decisions. On the other hand, French diplomats carefully observed marriages of women sympathising with these two parties, treating marriage as political alliance between families, which might have strengthen one party and weaken the other.
„Klio”. Czasopismo poświęcone historii powszechnej i polski, vol. 40, nr 1, 2017
European elites often and willingly attended the court of Stanisław Leszczyński since he was perc... more European elites often and willingly attended the court of Stanisław Leszczyński since he was perceived as excellent host and interesting companion. Among those visiting Lunéville we find the daughter of famous Parisian salonière Madam Geoffrin – Marie-Thérèse de La Ferté-Imbault. She maintained a regular contact with Leszczyński and at the end of her life she wrote memories about him.
This paper will elucidate the remarks of the marquise regarding the king’s character and private life, his reign as a prince of Lorraine and Bar, as well as his attitude toward common resentment against Jesuits. Ferté-Imbault’s memories represent an example of so-called ego-documents which show her subjective opinion. Therefore, the aim of the article is to juxtapose her observations with Leszczyński’s portrayal in historiography. Finally, it will be important to elaborate on the reasons why some of her judgments does not reflect his image in historical studies.
Kobieta niepoznana na przestrzeni dziejówred. A. Obara-Pawłowska, A. Miączewska, D. Wróbel, Lublin , 2017
The article presents findings coming out of the analysis of the correspondence of Polish women fr... more The article presents findings coming out of the analysis of the correspondence of Polish women from magnate families, intercepted by the Saxon intelligence services, which is gathered in the Main State Archives of Saxony in Dresden (Sächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden). Despite the fact that Saxons paid attention to letters sent by Polish nobility, including women, from the very beginning of the union between the two countries (1697), we did not find a wide range of documents sent by great ladies or addressed to them before 1749. Moreover, we resigned from studying the material concerning the time the court resided in Warsaw (1756–1763). Therefore, the paper is based on the sources from the period 1749–1754. By presenting the content of women’s missives the Saxon services were interested in and examining the reasons why their letters might have drawn the attention of the king and his minister Henry Brühl, it challenges our understanding of these women’s roles in the political life of the 18th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Historia – w drodze ku przyszłości, 2016
Women’s history “has its blooming period” since the second half of the XX century, especially sin... more Women’s history “has its blooming period” since the second half of the XX century, especially since the
70s and the 80s, which we owe to the growing interest in studies concerning minorities (hitherto marginalized),
the approaches proposed by historical school Annales, as well as the progressive feminine emancipation.
This paper will reflect on the current state of research in Poland regarding women’s engagement
in political life in early modern Europe. It elucidates the main directions of analyse and the potential perspectives
for studying women’s participation in politics in the above-mentioned times. Secondly, it indicates
the limits hindering further development of such studies: the reality of the period, types of historical
documents that we dispose and finally, the mentality of a researcher, her/his own categories of analyse
Books by Dorota Wiśniewska
[ENGLISH VERSION BELOW]
Czym były osiemnastowieczne salony? Kto je prowadził i jak można było sta... more [ENGLISH VERSION BELOW]
Czym były osiemnastowieczne salony? Kto je prowadził i jak można było stać się częścią tego świata? Jakie aktywności towarzyszyły spotkaniom? Jakie funkcje pełniły salony w życiu społecznym i politycznym? Jaki był stosunek „salonierek” do polityki i w jakim stopniu salon pomagał im w ich publicznej działalności? Autorka odpowiada na te pytania, nawiązując do prac dotyczących salonu we Francji, pamiętników polsko-litewskiej szlachty oraz relacji podróżników, którzy odwiedzili Warszawę w czasie panowania Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. Porównuje życie towarzyskie elit we Francji i w Polsce w drugiej połowie XVIII wieku, ukazując punkty wspólne i specyfikę obu środowisk. Wnioski z lektury korespondencji markizy Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand i Marii Radziwiłłowej pozwoliły z kolei zestawić kultury polityczne przykładowych „salonierek”, a także ukazać związki między życiem towarzyskim i politycznym z ich perspektywy.
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What were 18th-century salons? Who led them, and how could one become part of this world? What activities accompanied the meetings? What functions did salons play in social and political life? What was the attitude of the "salonnieres" towards politics, and to what extent did the salon help them in their public activities? The author answers these questions by referring to works on the salon in France, the diaries of Polish-Lithuanian nobility, and the accounts of travelers who visited Warsaw during the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski. She compares the social life of elites in France and Poland in the second half of the 18th century, showing common points and the specificity of both environments. The conclusions from reading the correspondence of the Marquise Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand and Maria Radziwiłł made it possible to compare the political cultures of exemplary "salonnieres" and to show the connections between social and political life from their perspective.
ed. A. Leszczawski-Schwerk, L. Ziątkowski, D. Wiśniewska, Kraków , 2017
Book Reviews by Dorota Wiśniewska
Jean-Fred Warlin, J.-P. TERCIER, L'ÉMINENCE GRISE DE LOUIS XV. UN CONSEILLER DE L’OMBRE AU SIÈCLE DES LUMIÈRES, Harmattan, Paris 2014, ss. 638, Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny „Sobótka”, 69, 2014, 4, s. 155-159.
Artykuły recenzyjne i recenzje 155 jednak interpretacji i analiz samej Autorki dotyczących kobiec... more Artykuły recenzyjne i recenzje 155 jednak interpretacji i analiz samej Autorki dotyczących kobiecego przyłączenia się do grup heretyckich.
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Papers by Dorota Wiśniewska
The analyse of letters exchanged by the ambassador and abovementioned ladies might present their cooperation and show the role of elite women in the public sphere. However, only few letters survived to our times: missives from Katarzyna Mniszech, Urszula Lubomirska, Maria Radziwłłowa and the correspondence of de Broglie with B. Sanguszkowa. Therefore, the material we dispose do not allow us to elaborate on their relations. Nevertheless, diplomatic correspondence of the ambassador and his partners with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs compensates – to some extent – the lack of ego-documents.
In this article, we try to complement the source corpora in order to gain better understanding of social roles played by noblewomen in the early modern period. Next to letters to de Broglie from Polish noblewomen, gathered in Parisian National Archives, we studied materials concerning the period 1752-1758 in French Diplomatic Archives and National Library, as well as diplomatic correspondence, published in the 19th century.
The aim of the article is to present a group of noblewomen with whom Louis XV’s diplomats wanted to cooperate. Furthermore, it concentrates on profits, which women could have counted on by working with the French. Lastly, it focuses on remarks about women associated with the party “Familia”, competing on the political scene with the group supported by French diplomats, and on observations regarding “indirect” role of women in the political life that they played, remaining a ”tool” in the hands of their relatives, who set political alliances by means of marriages.
Primarily, the ambassador and his co-workers mentioned „activists” attached to the party of great general Jan Klemens Branicki, called “Patriotic” or “Republican” party, which was supported by the French court. Moreover, they payed attention to ladies who they wanted to persuade to take Branicki’s side. The majority of “Republicans” were related to Branicki, thus they were well-informed in the party’s affaires. The general trusted them, which was another reason why French diplomats sought their friendship. Interestingly, the marital status of women seems to be not so important if it comes to their engagement in political life. Among 10 women mentioned in the materials, only B. Sanguszkowa and U. Lubomirska were widows; the rest were married.
French diplomats appreciated ambition, enthusiasm, enterprise, canniness, intelligence, loyalty, as well as patriotism in their female friends. They wanted to cooperate with ladies having a significant social status. It seems that the main motivation of women to be politically active was above all the interest of their families. The latter was then tied with the objectives of a party, to which the family belonged and lastly, with common good, which they understood in accordance with the party vision of it.
The ambassador and other French diplomats hoped for getting information concerning politics from women. In addition, the latter intermediated between them and general Branicki (and possibly other Polish politicians), especially when they wanted to exchange confidential messages, without exposing them to August III’s espionage. The diplomats expected that women would use their position among nobility to influence decisions made by their friends and relatives, as well as to persuade them to support France.
The relationship between Polish noblewomen and French diplomats were based on reciprocal exchange. Indeed, these women undertook actions in the frame of their engagement for the political party, which (as they declared) truly supported, however for their “friendship”, they received real benefits in return: gifts, money or favour. At the same time, some relations of French diplomats with Polish ladies evolved into close relationships.
Lastly, owing to the fact, that the French supported Branicki’s party, they rarely met women associated with his rivals: the leader of the court party Jerzy August Mniszech or „Familia”. Ladies, who they noticed, were respected and their opinion mattered in making decisions. On the other hand, French diplomats carefully observed marriages of women sympathising with these two parties, treating marriage as political alliance between families, which might have strengthen one party and weaken the other.
This paper will elucidate the remarks of the marquise regarding the king’s character and private life, his reign as a prince of Lorraine and Bar, as well as his attitude toward common resentment against Jesuits. Ferté-Imbault’s memories represent an example of so-called ego-documents which show her subjective opinion. Therefore, the aim of the article is to juxtapose her observations with Leszczyński’s portrayal in historiography. Finally, it will be important to elaborate on the reasons why some of her judgments does not reflect his image in historical studies.
70s and the 80s, which we owe to the growing interest in studies concerning minorities (hitherto marginalized),
the approaches proposed by historical school Annales, as well as the progressive feminine emancipation.
This paper will reflect on the current state of research in Poland regarding women’s engagement
in political life in early modern Europe. It elucidates the main directions of analyse and the potential perspectives
for studying women’s participation in politics in the above-mentioned times. Secondly, it indicates
the limits hindering further development of such studies: the reality of the period, types of historical
documents that we dispose and finally, the mentality of a researcher, her/his own categories of analyse
Books by Dorota Wiśniewska
Czym były osiemnastowieczne salony? Kto je prowadził i jak można było stać się częścią tego świata? Jakie aktywności towarzyszyły spotkaniom? Jakie funkcje pełniły salony w życiu społecznym i politycznym? Jaki był stosunek „salonierek” do polityki i w jakim stopniu salon pomagał im w ich publicznej działalności? Autorka odpowiada na te pytania, nawiązując do prac dotyczących salonu we Francji, pamiętników polsko-litewskiej szlachty oraz relacji podróżników, którzy odwiedzili Warszawę w czasie panowania Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. Porównuje życie towarzyskie elit we Francji i w Polsce w drugiej połowie XVIII wieku, ukazując punkty wspólne i specyfikę obu środowisk. Wnioski z lektury korespondencji markizy Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand i Marii Radziwiłłowej pozwoliły z kolei zestawić kultury polityczne przykładowych „salonierek”, a także ukazać związki między życiem towarzyskim i politycznym z ich perspektywy.
-----
What were 18th-century salons? Who led them, and how could one become part of this world? What activities accompanied the meetings? What functions did salons play in social and political life? What was the attitude of the "salonnieres" towards politics, and to what extent did the salon help them in their public activities? The author answers these questions by referring to works on the salon in France, the diaries of Polish-Lithuanian nobility, and the accounts of travelers who visited Warsaw during the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski. She compares the social life of elites in France and Poland in the second half of the 18th century, showing common points and the specificity of both environments. The conclusions from reading the correspondence of the Marquise Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand and Maria Radziwiłł made it possible to compare the political cultures of exemplary "salonnieres" and to show the connections between social and political life from their perspective.
Book Reviews by Dorota Wiśniewska
The analyse of letters exchanged by the ambassador and abovementioned ladies might present their cooperation and show the role of elite women in the public sphere. However, only few letters survived to our times: missives from Katarzyna Mniszech, Urszula Lubomirska, Maria Radziwłłowa and the correspondence of de Broglie with B. Sanguszkowa. Therefore, the material we dispose do not allow us to elaborate on their relations. Nevertheless, diplomatic correspondence of the ambassador and his partners with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs compensates – to some extent – the lack of ego-documents.
In this article, we try to complement the source corpora in order to gain better understanding of social roles played by noblewomen in the early modern period. Next to letters to de Broglie from Polish noblewomen, gathered in Parisian National Archives, we studied materials concerning the period 1752-1758 in French Diplomatic Archives and National Library, as well as diplomatic correspondence, published in the 19th century.
The aim of the article is to present a group of noblewomen with whom Louis XV’s diplomats wanted to cooperate. Furthermore, it concentrates on profits, which women could have counted on by working with the French. Lastly, it focuses on remarks about women associated with the party “Familia”, competing on the political scene with the group supported by French diplomats, and on observations regarding “indirect” role of women in the political life that they played, remaining a ”tool” in the hands of their relatives, who set political alliances by means of marriages.
Primarily, the ambassador and his co-workers mentioned „activists” attached to the party of great general Jan Klemens Branicki, called “Patriotic” or “Republican” party, which was supported by the French court. Moreover, they payed attention to ladies who they wanted to persuade to take Branicki’s side. The majority of “Republicans” were related to Branicki, thus they were well-informed in the party’s affaires. The general trusted them, which was another reason why French diplomats sought their friendship. Interestingly, the marital status of women seems to be not so important if it comes to their engagement in political life. Among 10 women mentioned in the materials, only B. Sanguszkowa and U. Lubomirska were widows; the rest were married.
French diplomats appreciated ambition, enthusiasm, enterprise, canniness, intelligence, loyalty, as well as patriotism in their female friends. They wanted to cooperate with ladies having a significant social status. It seems that the main motivation of women to be politically active was above all the interest of their families. The latter was then tied with the objectives of a party, to which the family belonged and lastly, with common good, which they understood in accordance with the party vision of it.
The ambassador and other French diplomats hoped for getting information concerning politics from women. In addition, the latter intermediated between them and general Branicki (and possibly other Polish politicians), especially when they wanted to exchange confidential messages, without exposing them to August III’s espionage. The diplomats expected that women would use their position among nobility to influence decisions made by their friends and relatives, as well as to persuade them to support France.
The relationship between Polish noblewomen and French diplomats were based on reciprocal exchange. Indeed, these women undertook actions in the frame of their engagement for the political party, which (as they declared) truly supported, however for their “friendship”, they received real benefits in return: gifts, money or favour. At the same time, some relations of French diplomats with Polish ladies evolved into close relationships.
Lastly, owing to the fact, that the French supported Branicki’s party, they rarely met women associated with his rivals: the leader of the court party Jerzy August Mniszech or „Familia”. Ladies, who they noticed, were respected and their opinion mattered in making decisions. On the other hand, French diplomats carefully observed marriages of women sympathising with these two parties, treating marriage as political alliance between families, which might have strengthen one party and weaken the other.
This paper will elucidate the remarks of the marquise regarding the king’s character and private life, his reign as a prince of Lorraine and Bar, as well as his attitude toward common resentment against Jesuits. Ferté-Imbault’s memories represent an example of so-called ego-documents which show her subjective opinion. Therefore, the aim of the article is to juxtapose her observations with Leszczyński’s portrayal in historiography. Finally, it will be important to elaborate on the reasons why some of her judgments does not reflect his image in historical studies.
70s and the 80s, which we owe to the growing interest in studies concerning minorities (hitherto marginalized),
the approaches proposed by historical school Annales, as well as the progressive feminine emancipation.
This paper will reflect on the current state of research in Poland regarding women’s engagement
in political life in early modern Europe. It elucidates the main directions of analyse and the potential perspectives
for studying women’s participation in politics in the above-mentioned times. Secondly, it indicates
the limits hindering further development of such studies: the reality of the period, types of historical
documents that we dispose and finally, the mentality of a researcher, her/his own categories of analyse
Czym były osiemnastowieczne salony? Kto je prowadził i jak można było stać się częścią tego świata? Jakie aktywności towarzyszyły spotkaniom? Jakie funkcje pełniły salony w życiu społecznym i politycznym? Jaki był stosunek „salonierek” do polityki i w jakim stopniu salon pomagał im w ich publicznej działalności? Autorka odpowiada na te pytania, nawiązując do prac dotyczących salonu we Francji, pamiętników polsko-litewskiej szlachty oraz relacji podróżników, którzy odwiedzili Warszawę w czasie panowania Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. Porównuje życie towarzyskie elit we Francji i w Polsce w drugiej połowie XVIII wieku, ukazując punkty wspólne i specyfikę obu środowisk. Wnioski z lektury korespondencji markizy Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand i Marii Radziwiłłowej pozwoliły z kolei zestawić kultury polityczne przykładowych „salonierek”, a także ukazać związki między życiem towarzyskim i politycznym z ich perspektywy.
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What were 18th-century salons? Who led them, and how could one become part of this world? What activities accompanied the meetings? What functions did salons play in social and political life? What was the attitude of the "salonnieres" towards politics, and to what extent did the salon help them in their public activities? The author answers these questions by referring to works on the salon in France, the diaries of Polish-Lithuanian nobility, and the accounts of travelers who visited Warsaw during the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski. She compares the social life of elites in France and Poland in the second half of the 18th century, showing common points and the specificity of both environments. The conclusions from reading the correspondence of the Marquise Marie de Vichy-Chamrond du Deffand and Maria Radziwiłł made it possible to compare the political cultures of exemplary "salonnieres" and to show the connections between social and political life from their perspective.