Papers by Godfrey B . Asiimwe
Journal of Asian and African Studies, Feb 7, 2022
The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive... more The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive economic growth after Neo-liberal reforms in Uganda. The government of Uganda undertook targeted interventions to ameliorate youth unemployment, which escalated. Why was the growing economy failing to absorb labour? Why were the interventions failing? We argue that the interplay of the skewed neo-liberal and global architecture, decline of traditional labour absorbing sectors, and the debilitating syncretic ‘informal’ sector constrained sustainable youth employment and deflated interventions. The paper opines that Uganda’s neo-liberal capitalism was unique, as it was structured in a way that did not enhance domestic actors and sectors, which would have increased sustainable labour absorption and utilisation. Otherwise, Uganda’s celebratory growth was largely aid-driven and in the controversial and constrained informal sector, limited service ‘enterprises’ and import consumerism, which undermined domestic productivity and employability. Neo-liberalism and the reconstituted state did not align the domestic and global economic structures for meaningful employment. Unemployment spiralled into the socio-political landscape, while youth agency strived for better positioning.
Journal of Eastern African Studies, Feb 1, 2013
Abstract This article argues that the recklessness and extractive policies of Amin's regime a... more Abstract This article argues that the recklessness and extractive policies of Amin's regime aggravated the failures of the state coffee monopoly marketing system, and highlights the responses by different actors at the production and marketing levels. As the “economic war” escalated and the resource base contracted, the regime was increasingly extractive of the coffee resource. Meanwhile, the regime's recklessness boomeranged with tightening international embargoes that had adverse repercussions on the state marketing channel. Consequently, coffee marketing became a contested arena between the state versus the differently positioned actors and producers. Amidst monopoly marketing failures, extractive policies and fluctuating international price trends, the article highlights producer's response through declining coffee production. With the windfall coffee booms, the differently positioned actors strove to sell the coffee through the “illegal” parallel coffee smuggling (magendo), which became dominant. The article explores the modus operandi and impact of magendo on coffee producers, and its subsequent decline.
Palgrave Macmillan eBooks, Sep 11, 2015
Mkuki na Nyota Publishers eBooks, Oct 22, 2015
African Studies Review, Aug 8, 2013
This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in posti... more This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in postindependence Uganda, with particular focus on the narrow interests it serves and its impact on development and service delivery. It argues that high-level political corruption endures largely because it is situated within the framework of "neo"-patron-clientelism and skewed power relations. The article shows how institutions have not been able to effectively engage the inner-circle ruling elite due to a skewed power structure that serves narrow political interests. Grand bureaucratic and petty forms of corruption are equally extensive and challenging, though only the former have been affected by "zero tolerance" policies. The article concludes, however, that through its interplay of inclusion and exclusion, political corruption has generated contestations which undermine it and challenge the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime. Résumé: Cet article explore la prévalence de corruption bureaucratique et politique à haut niveau en Ouganda depuis l'indépendance. Il se concentre en particulier sur les intérêts limités que la corruption sert ainsi que son impact sur le développement du pays et la qualité du service public. Cet article soutient que la corruption politique à haut niveau perdure principalement à cause du "nouveau" contexte de patronage/ clientélisme en place et de relations de pouvoir biaisées. Il montre aussi comment les institutions n'ont pas été capables d'engager de manière efficace l'élite interne au pouvoir à cause d'une structure de pouvoir qui sert des intérêts politiques étroits. La corruption bureaucratique systémique côtoie une corruption quotidienne mineure, toutes deux sont vastement répandues et difficiles à combattre, bien que seule la première aie été affectée par des mesures de "tolérance zéro." Cet article conclut cependant que la corruption politique, par l'intermédiaire du phénomène d'inclusion et d'exclusion, a généré des contestations qui la remettent en question et qui lancent un défi au régime du Mouvement de Résistance Nationale (MRN).
Africa Development, 2014
With Uganda's turbulent and traumatic post-independence political experience, the takeove... more With Uganda's turbulent and traumatic post-independence political experience, the takeover of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) in 1986 ushered in a tide of unprecedented hope for political transformation and constitutionalism. NRM's ten-point programme, pledge for a 'fundamental change', climaxing in the formulation of a new constitution in 1995, encapsulated the state-social contract and hope for the new order. But ten years later, Uganda' political landscape and power architecture continued to show that political transformation and constitutionalism were still illusory. This article examines political development in Uganda during the first ten years under the new constitution and time of democratic reforms in Africa. The article shows that these years pointed to political reversals epitomised by the preponderance of abuse of human rights, state failures and loss of hope in the war-ravaged north, patrimonialism, autocratic tendencies, and manipulations which were reminiscent of the old dictatorships. The last straw came with the shocking amendment of the embryonic constitution to remove presidential term limits, which were entrenched as a lynch-pin for a smooth transfer of power. This was followed by the military siege of the High Court that crowned the reality that militarism remained the anchor of power in Uganda's body politic. The independence of the judiciary and legislature remained illusory, as together with the opposition they remained susceptible to bribery, manipulation, intimidation and repression. With an unpredictable constitutionalism and political terrain, the NRM's promise of a 'fundamental change' degenerated into 'no change'. Résumé Avec l'expérience politique post-indépendance mouvementée et traumatisante de l'Ouganda, l'accession au pouvoir du Mouvement de Résistance Nationale (NRM) en 1986 a marqué la montée d'une vague d'espoir sans précédent de transformation politique et de constitutionnalisme. Le programme de gestion des ressources naturelles en dix points proposé par le NRM, qui a donné des gages d'un « changement fondamental » et qui a abouti à l'adoption d'une nouvelle constitution en 1995, a scellé le pacte Etat-Société et a été porteur d'espoir pour un nouvel ordre politique. Mais dix ans plus tard, dans quelle mesure l'Ouganda est-il sur la bonne voie vers la transformation politique dans les relations État-société et le constitutionnalisme? En conséquence, le présent document examine l'évolution politique en Ouganda pendant les dix premières années sous l'empire de la nouvelle constitution et une conjoncture de temps des réformes démocratiques en Afrique. Le document montre que ces années ont été le théâtre de bouleversements politiques incarnés par la prépondérance de l'abus de droit de l'homme, les défaillances de l'État et le désespoir dans le nord du pays ravagé par la guerre, la patrimonialisation du pouvoir, les dérives autocratiques et les manipulations qui rappelaient les anciennes dictatures. Le comble est venu avec le choquant tripatouillage de la constitution pourtant embryonnaire pour supprimer la limitation des mandats présidentiels, qui était le verrou qui garantissait un transfert en douceur du pouvoir. Cet événement a été suivi par le siège militaire de la Haute Cour qui a fini par convaincre que le militarisme est resté le propre du pouvoir politique en Ouganda. L'indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et législatif restait illusoire, et avec l'opposition ces instituions restent en proie à la corruption, la manipulation, l'intimidation et la répression. Avec un constitutionnalisme et terrain politique imprévisible, la promesse du NRM d'un «changement fondamental» a dégénéré en un « statu quo politique ».
Migrations and Identity of Indian-Pakistani Minorities in Uganda, Dec 15, 2015
Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania have minorities from the Indian sub-continent amongst their population... more Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania have minorities from the Indian sub-continent amongst their population. The East African Indians mostly reside in the main cities, particularly Nairobi, Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, Mombasa, Kampala; they can also be found in smaller urban centres and in the remotest of rural townships. They play a leading social and economic role as the)’ work in business, manufacturing and the service industry, and make up a large proportion of the liberal professions. They are divided into multiple socio-religious communities, but united in a mutual feeling of meta-cultural identity. This book aims at painting a broad picture of the communities of Indian origin in East Africa, striving to include changes that have occurred since the end of the 1980s. The different contributions explore questions of race and citizenship, national loyalties and cosmopolitan identities, local attachment and transnational networks. Drawing upon anthropology, history, sociology and demography, I...
Africa Development, 2014
With Uganda's turbulent and traumatic post-independence political experience, the takeove... more With Uganda's turbulent and traumatic post-independence political experience, the takeover of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) in 1986 ushered in a tide of unprecedented hope for political transformation and constitutionalism. NRM's ten-point programme, pledge for a 'fundamental change', climaxing in the formulation of a new constitution in 1995, encapsulated the state-social contract and hope for the new order. But ten years later, Uganda' political landscape and power architecture continued to show that political transformation and constitutionalism were still illusory. This article examines political development in Uganda during the first ten years under the new constitution and time of democratic reforms in Africa. The article shows that these years pointed to political reversals epitomised by the preponderance of abuse of human rights, state failures and loss of hope in the war-ravaged north, patrimonialism, autocratic tendencies, and manipulations which were reminiscent of the old dictatorships. The last straw came with the shocking amendment of the embryonic constitution to remove presidential term limits, which were entrenched as a lynch-pin for a smooth transfer of power. This was followed by the military siege of the High Court that crowned the reality that militarism remained the anchor of power in Uganda's body politic. The independence of the judiciary and legislature remained illusory, as together with the opposition they remained susceptible to bribery, manipulation, intimidation and repression. With an unpredictable constitutionalism and political terrain, the NRM's promise of a 'fundamental change' degenerated into 'no change'. Résumé Avec l'expérience politique post-indépendance mouvementée et traumatisante de l'Ouganda, l'accession au pouvoir du Mouvement de Résistance Nationale (NRM) en 1986 a marqué la montée d'une vague d'espoir sans précédent de transformation politique et de constitutionnalisme. Le programme de gestion des ressources naturelles en dix points proposé par le NRM, qui a donné des gages d'un « changement fondamental » et qui a abouti à l'adoption d'une nouvelle constitution en 1995, a scellé le pacte Etat-Société et a été porteur d'espoir pour un nouvel ordre politique. Mais dix ans plus tard, dans quelle mesure l'Ouganda est-il sur la bonne voie vers la transformation politique dans les relations État-société et le constitutionnalisme? En conséquence, le présent document examine l'évolution politique en Ouganda pendant les dix premières années sous l'empire de la nouvelle constitution et une conjoncture de temps des réformes démocratiques en Afrique. Le document montre que ces années ont été le théâtre de bouleversements politiques incarnés par la prépondérance de l'abus de droit de l'homme, les défaillances de l'État et le désespoir dans le nord du pays ravagé par la guerre, la patrimonialisation du pouvoir, les dérives autocratiques et les manipulations qui rappelaient les anciennes dictatures. Le comble est venu avec le choquant tripatouillage de la constitution pourtant embryonnaire pour supprimer la limitation des mandats présidentiels, qui était le verrou qui garantissait un transfert en douceur du pouvoir. Cet événement a été suivi par le siège militaire de la Haute Cour qui a fini par convaincre que le militarisme est resté le propre du pouvoir politique en Ouganda. L'indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et législatif restait illusoire, et avec l'opposition ces instituions restent en proie à la corruption, la manipulation, l'intimidation et la répression. Avec un constitutionnalisme et terrain politique imprévisible, la promesse du NRM d'un «changement fondamental» a dégénéré en un « statu quo politique ».
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2022
The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive... more The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive economic growth after Neo-liberal reforms in Uganda. The government of Uganda undertook targeted interventions to ameliorate youth unemployment, which escalated. Why was the growing economy failing to absorb labour? Why were the interventions failing? We argue that the interplay of the skewed neo-liberal and global architecture, decline of traditional labour absorbing sectors, and the debilitating syncretic ‘informal’ sector constrained sustainable youth employment and deflated interventions. The paper opines that Uganda’s neo-liberal capitalism was unique, as it was structured in a way that did not enhance domestic actors and sectors, which would have increased sustainable labour absorption and utilisation. Otherwise, Uganda’s celebratory growth was largely aid-driven and in the controversial and constrained informal sector, limited service ‘enterprises’ and import consumerism, which u...
International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research, 2018
This study explored the influence of intra-household gender relations in access to Agricultural E... more This study explored the influence of intra-household gender relations in access to Agricultural Extension Services (AESs) for improved livelihoods as a pathway to long term poverty reduction. The study covered the four NAADS pioneer beneficiary Sub counties of Bubare, Bukiinda, Ikumba and Maziba in Kabale district. It analysed gender based relational differences prevailing between men and women in a household (HH) in the creation and recreation of secure livelihoods through AESs. A mixed method approach with cross sectional and exploratory research designs was used to collect data through documentary review, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), HH surveys, Key Informant (KI) interviews and observation checklist. The study sample comprised of 181 farmers’ HHs and 14 KIs. The study results revealed that intra-HH gender relations among the Bakiga people of Kabale district are situated within a patriarchal setting which exhibit men’s dominance over women’s decisions in major spheres of life ...
Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, 2010
... A male respondent questioned whether women could, therefore, have rights over products of lan... more ... A male respondent questioned whether women could, therefore, have rights over products of land like coffee (Bukenya (M/40) Nnanga, 30/4/98) 6 . It can be argued that all a wife had were usufruct rights over her husband's land. ... 150-161. Tamale, Sylvia. 1999. ...
Journal of Eastern African Studies, 2013
Abstract This article argues that the recklessness and extractive policies of Amin's regime a... more Abstract This article argues that the recklessness and extractive policies of Amin's regime aggravated the failures of the state coffee monopoly marketing system, and highlights the responses by different actors at the production and marketing levels. As the “economic war” escalated and the resource base contracted, the regime was increasingly extractive of the coffee resource. Meanwhile, the regime's recklessness boomeranged with tightening international embargoes that had adverse repercussions on the state marketing channel. Consequently, coffee marketing became a contested arena between the state versus the differently positioned actors and producers. Amidst monopoly marketing failures, extractive policies and fluctuating international price trends, the article highlights producer's response through declining coffee production. With the windfall coffee booms, the differently positioned actors strove to sell the coffee through the “illegal” parallel coffee smuggling (magendo), which became dominant. The article explores the modus operandi and impact of magendo on coffee producers, and its subsequent decline.
This paper is derived from a study on alternative community-based security mechanisms in low-inco... more This paper is derived from a study on alternative community-based security mechanisms in low-income urban areas of Kampala-Uganda. The objective was to understand how low income areas negotiated their security against the background of weak, unresponsive, abusive and inefficient state security systems. Yowana Maria Muzeei and Kifumbira were purposively sampled, and both in-depth and Focus Group Discussions were applied to obtain information which was enriched by secondary sources. We trace the rise of the non-state security nodes; analyse their legitimacy and modus operandi; highlight the relationship between the state and alternative security nodes and assesses their effectiveness. Major findings pointed to a complex and multilayered security governance space against the perception of state dominance of security governance. The conventional and non-state security nodes showed complementary, but also conflictual relations; with intersections, modifications, adoptions and overlaps. T...
Sage, 2022
The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive... more The paper interrogates the paradox of persistent youth unemployment amid an upswing of impressive economic growth after Neo-liberal reforms in Uganda. The government of Uganda undertook targeted interventions to ameliorate youth unemployment, which escalated. Why was the growing economy failing to absorb labour? Why were the interventions failing? We argue that the interplay of the skewed neoliberal and global architecture, decline of traditional labour absorbing sectors, and the debilitating syncretic ‘informal’ sector constrained sustainable youth employment and deflated interventions. The paper opines that Uganda’s neo-liberal capitalism was unique, as it was structured in a way that did not enhance domestic actors and sectors, which would have increased sustainable labour absorption and utilisation. Otherwise, Uganda’s celebratory growth was largely aid-driven and in the controversial and constrained informal sector, limited service ‘enterprises’ and import consumerism, which undermined domestic productivity and employability. Neo-liberalism and the reconstituted state did not align the domestic and global economic structures for meaningful employment. Unemployment spiralled into the socio-political landscape, while youth agency strived for better positioning.
Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa
Progress to secure safe water provision in rural Uganda, 2015
African Studies Review, 2013
: This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in pos... more : This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in postindependence Uganda, with particular focus on the narrow interests it serves and its impact on development and service delivery. It argues that high-level political corruption endures largely because it is situated within the framework of “neo”-patron-clientelism and skewed power relations. The article shows how institutions have not been able to effectively engage the inner-circle ruling elite due to a skewed power structure that serves narrow political interests. Grand bureaucratic and petty forms of corruption are equally extensive and challenging, though only the former have been affected by “zero tolerance” policies. The article concludes, however, that through its interplay of inclusion and exclusion, political corruption has generated contestations which undermine it and challenge the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime.
National Democratic Reforms in Africa, 2015
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Papers by Godfrey B . Asiimwe