Ask Mike

A selection of answers to questions posed by readers of AskHistorians. Refreshed most weeks, with the latest postings at the top.

Or go here for more answers from Mike.


Short index to questions (the lower the number, the further down the column the answer will be found)

[52] Who is the performer shown on a leash in this image of the “Congress of Freaks” at the Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus?

[51] Henry Ford died of a stroke after seeing footage of Nazi concentration camps. I’ve read that Eisenhower and Nixon alike detested him and other Nazis and sent him the footage before it went public and he watched it alone in his private theatre. Can anyone prove this really happened?

[50] How could Russian coins from 1811 have ended up in Eastern Canada in 1934?

[49] What is the highest rank a commoner could rise to in medieval England?

[48] “In 1927 Chiang Kai-Shek boiled hundreds of Communists alive,” claimed George Orwell. Is this actually true? If not, where could he have heard such a report from?

[47] Did Anne of Cleves really hang the famous Holbein portrait in her castle to troll King Henry?

[46] Did the Empire of Japan seriously try to make conman Ignaz Trebitsch Lincoln the 14th Dalai Lama?

[45] According to Sir James Frazer, in his famous book The Golden Bough, Iron Age kings were regularly sacrificed after completing a fixed term as monarchs, in order to safeguard the fertility of the soil. Was Frazer right about this? What do we know about the kings who were supposedly sacrificed, and the people who killed them?

[44] Supposedly Madagascar was pretty close to industrialization prior to European colonialism. Is this true?

[43] Is the story of the Man in the Iron Mask real? If he was, how did he get so well known, even in his contemporary time? And why was his identity concealed?

[42] I live in London in 1670, I have up to date fire insurance and a fire mark for my insurer, a fire has just broken out. How do I tell my insurer I need their fire brigade? What happens if there are multiple fires and all the services are being used?

[41] I’ve seen it claimed, without any sources, that Lord Byron lost his virginity at age nine with his family nurse. What evidence is there that this actually happened and what are the details?

[40] What should we think of the early medieval stories of sky-ships, crewed by sky- sailors, appearing in the air over monasteries and towns?

[39] Does anyone know, for real, which the oldest pub in England actually is?

[38] During the 9th century, a Tang Dynasty author wrote a story about a Black Person (“Negrito”) active during the 8th century in the Tang Dynasty. How many Black People were in Tang China, how did they get there, and what were their lives like?

[37] Were there links between William the Conqueror’s banning of the slave trade in England, and England’s later invasion of Ireland?

[36] Do we know what Joan of Arc looked like?

[35] Warning: NSFW. Did Wu Zetian really demand that foreign diplomats perform cunnilingus on her in in open court as a show of obedience–or is this a myth?

[34] Why did Fine Gael run a candidate in Inverness, Scotland, in the February 1974 and 1979 UK General elections? They’re an Irish party, so I have no idea why they would run there. It was the same candidate (U. Bell) both times. Any ideas?

[33] Is it true that a portrait of Cleopatra, painted in about 30 BCE by someone who had met her, was unearthed in Italy in 1818? What happened to the image?

[32] Did anyone really say “Her Majesty takes a bath once a month whether she need it or no” about Elizabeth I? Where did this come from? Why is it always referenced in quasi-academic literature without sources?

[31] What do we know about the history of the True Cross after the 1st Century?

[30] Every once in a while, a website will claim that teeth extracted from dead soldiers at Waterloo supplied dentures across Europe for years. Is this a myth?

[29] In 1765, a chimney sweep was exiled from Edinburgh for five years for assisting in a public hanging. Why?

[28] The medieval legend of the Dry Tree.

[27] Did the NYTimes run the headline “The Apostle of Hate is Dead” in response to Malcolm X’s assassination?

[26] There where many types of guilds in the middle ages. Did any of them focus ONLY on illegal activities (smuggler guilds, thieves guild etc) ? Or does this only happen in fantasy novels?

[25] How did the ancient White Horse, a huge hill-figure carved into a chalky down in the south of England in about 1,000 BCE, survive all the political, social and military changes that took place in the area for thousands of years without growing over?

[24] Is it possible that an Islamic city-state, rather like Venice, might have flourished on the desert coast of Somalia in the medieval period, sent envoys all the way to Beijing, and evolved a stable form of republican government that lasted well into the nineteenth century?

[23] How did the general public in England regard Halley’s Comet in 1066? Was universally seen as an ill portent?

[22] How did the sack of Guangzhou (Canton) in 879, at the end of the Tang dynasty, affect transoceanic trade between the Tang empire and Abbasid caliphate?

[21] I was reading about the history of the stapler and found that the first stapler was made for King Louis XV. “The ornate staples it used were forged from gold, encrusted with precious stones, and bore his Royal Court’s insignia.” Is this true? Does the stapler still exist?

[20] Why can’t I find very much information about the 14th Century Black Death in Asia?

[19] In Les Misérables, Victor Hugo claims that children were kidnapped during the reign of Louis XV, and rumours were whispered of the King’s ‘purple baths’. What is Hugo referring to here, and would the rumours have been common knowledge to a reader at the time?

[18] Do we know of any cases in the Catholic Church when the Advocatus Diaboli (or Devil’s Advocate) successfully argued against someone becoming a saint?

[17] Did Britain fund and direct the 1801 assassination of Tsar Paul?

[16] Did Coca-Cola produce a clear version of Coke for General Zhukov that could be disguised as vodka? If so, for how long was this going on?

[15] Why did Poland have lower rates of Black Death than other European countries during the 1300s?

[14] What is the truth about “getting shanghaied”? Was there such a thing as a bar in 19th-century San Francisco with a chair that dumped drugged people down a trapdoor to kidnap them and force them into the sailing life?

[13] During the New York Draft Riots (1863), supposedly the New York Times defended their office from the mob with 2 Gatling guns. Where did they obtain these guns and ammunition and how did they turn away the mob?

[12] Is it true that Henry VIII feared being attacked so much he had himself bricked into his bedroom every night?

[11] On the giants of Patagonia.

[10] Whatever happened to the hotel detective?

[9] At any point between the end of WWI and the end of WWII was there ever a rise of supernatural beliefs in Japan?

[8] Why did Hatshepsut’s successors attempt to proscribe her memory?

[7] What was the murder rate during the medieval period?

[6] I am a hot-blooded young British woman in the Victorian era, hitting the streets of Manchester for a night out with my fellow ladies and I’ve got a shilling burning a hole in my purse. What kind of vice and wanton pleasures are available to me?

[5] Did British criminals in the 1700s and 1800s really worship a deity called the Tawny Prince? If so, what were the origins of this deity?

[4] How bad would it have smelled in a medieval city?

[3] What exactly were the relics on which Harold Godwinson swore his oath to William of Normandy?

[2] What prompted the first emperor of Qin to have hundreds of scholars buried alive and their works burned?

1] Were the pyramids still kept in repair at the time of Cleopatra?


[52]

Edward J. Kelty’s portrait of the 1927 “Congress of Freaks”

Q: Who is the performer shown on a leash in the front centre of this image of the “Congress of Freaks” at the Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus?

The image you have linked to was taken in 1927 by the New York photographer Edward J. Kelty, and it depicts the acts who appeared in sideshows along the midway of the Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus that season. Because Clyde Ingalls, the sideshow manager, advertised a list of his performers for this year, which appears in the footnotes of the Barth and Siegel book referenced in the sources below, it’s possible to identify the performer you are interested in as Ho Jo, the Bear Boy. The young man standing over him is a noted Mexican “fat boy” known as Tom Ton. The “leash” you notice is not in fact a restraint – it is actually Tom Ton’s belt, as can be seen by comparing your image with Kelty’s photo of the preceding year’s company.

David Hitchcock, a British academic studying history from below, argues that one purpose of studying history is to “redress that most final, and brutal, of life’s inequalities: whether or not you are forgotten.” I firmly believe this to be true, so let’s see what we can do to rescue the Bear Boy from the abyss of faded memories. We’ll start by looking at what little is known of Ho Jo and his career, and then broaden the enquiry to include Kelty’s role as a circus photographer. Finally – but necessarily, I think – we’ll finish up with a brief look at modern academic takes on the “freak show” as a cultural phenomenon.

Ho Jo’s real name was Jeff Davis. It suggests that he was probably born to a family of formerly enslaved people somewhere in the American South – there is some reason to suspect he may have been a native of South Carolina (see below). While his date of birth and place of origin are not known, and I’ve searched unsuccessfully for a death certificate that might reveal them, the first notices of his showman’s career begin to appear in 1920. This makes it most likely that he was born sometime shortly after 1900.

Davis appears to have experienced a form of dwarfism, though it’s not possible to offer a proper diagnosis on the basis of a couple of photographs. He was Black, and wore a furred body suit as part of his act and to compliment his “bear boy” persona. The Tampa Tribune of 29 January 1928, which gives the only account of Ho Jo’s actual performances that I’ve been able to trace, says that he was billed as “The Bear Boy from Haiti” (a fairly typical piece of carnival exoticism, but also one that – given the US occupation of Haiti from 1915 – purportedly explained his presence in the US) and “the only four-footed human being on earth”. His act was to shin up trees and poles, “using all fours just like the real article.”

Within his own world, Ho Jo kept some pretty elite company. The Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus was the largest, best-funded and most prestigious of all the travelling shows in the US at this point, with a staff somewhere north of 300 people and its own 60-car railway train, almost a mile long – so perhaps it’s no surprise that Kelty’s 1927 photo also depicts a number of the best-known “freak show” performers of the 1920s, some of them still recognisable today. They include Olga the Bearded Lady (top row, far left), two giants – Jim Tarver (top row, third left) and Jack Earle (top row, second from the right) – Major Mite, billed as the smallest man in the world (top row, just to the right of centre), and Eko and Iko, the two albino Black men with dreads, wearing sashes, on the right hand side of the front row, who were usually billed as “Ambassadors from Mars”. Possibly the most recognisable figure in the image for many people today is Minnie Woolsey, who was billed as Koo-Koo the Bird Girl (top row, wearing a plumed cap and glasses and standing next to Major Mite), though she certainly wasn’t considered an especially major draw at the time this picture was taken. Her modern fame rests on her memorable appearance in the cult 1932 horror movie Freaks, by Dracula director Tod Browning, in which she is seen dancing on the table in the wedding reception sequence.

Despite his membership of the “Congress of Freaks”, Ho Jo, like Koo-Koo, never ascended to top billing in the circus sideshow world. He was at best a second rank performer, and he only seems to have appeared as part of the Ringling Congress in 1926 and 1927; he did not even spend the whole of the 1927 season with the show, also appearing at the “Dreamland Circus Sideshow and Chinatown” at Coney Island in May of that same year.

Davis died in Columbus, Ohio, in the spring of 1931. It’s unclear from the brief death notice that appeared in Billboard – the trade magazine nowadays noted for covering the music industry, but then the main communications medium for show people – what he was doing in Columbus. Possibly he lived there, but it seems more probable, given the date (too early for circus season in Ohio) and the need to earn a living, that he was appearing at a local dime museum, a building converted to display “living wonders” including “freaks” and speciality acts such as sword swallowers and fire eaters. A handful of exhibitions of this sort were permanent attractions, but most toured from city to city like the circus, stopping in one place for a few weeks or a month before moving on. Ho Jo had toured in the south with the Cash Miller museum in the winter of 1929-30, exhibiting in Atlanta late in November and moving on to Chattanooga three weeks later in the company of Hamda Bey, billed as a “Hindu fakir”, whose act likely involved sword swallowing and perhaps a bed of nails; Mme. Ensly, “the homeliest woman in the world”; Twisto, an “india rubber man” – meaning contortionist; Edna-George, a claimed hermaphrodite; and “the Original Sailor Joe”, a heavily tattooed man. Probably he was with a similar show in ’31 when he fell ill and was taken to the University Hospital in Columbus. He died there on 28 March of tubercular peritonitis – TB that has spread from the lungs to infect the abdominal cavity. He was probably aged about 30 or 35 at the time of his death, and must have been ill for some time.

What, though, of Davis’s life? Performers in the “freak shows” of this period fell into one of three broad categories, each of which offered a different level of status within the community. At the summit of this hierarchy were the “born freaks”, people who were different from those around them from birth. The most remarkable members of this category – people such as Frank Lentini, the man with three legs – secured top billing and were the best paid; some, as we shall see, were capable of “carrying” an entire show of otherwise indifferent performers. Ho Jo fell into this category, as did bearded women, Koo-Koo the Bird Girl (who had Virchow Seckel dwarfism), fat men and women (irrespective of the causes of their obesity), and some “hermaphrodites”. Next came the “made freaks”, who had turned themselves into sideshow attractions. This category included tattooed people and also various performers whose act rested on some form of fakery or “gaff”. Perhaps the most remarkable example I’m aware of was Mortado, the Living Fountain, a German man who had had holes bored through his hands and feet. According to Daniel Mannix, he kept these wounds open by driving wooden plugs into them in between performances; on stage, metal pipes linked to the water supply would be run into them and turned on to produce the “living fountain” effect. The final category of “freak show” performers, and the least prestigious because they were most easily replaced, were novelty acts such as fire-eaters and strong men. Inside the side show tent, all performers would be introduced to crowds by “talkers”, who spun exotic and utterly fictitious stories to explain how they had been discovered and came to be onstage. Jeff Davis’s billing as a native of Haiti is an example of this. Mortado’s wounds were explained with a story that he had survived crucifixion in some African or Latin American jungle by members of an indigenous tribe. Similarly, the “Original Sailor Joe” who exhibited with Ho Jo would not simply have displayed his body art – he would have been talked up with some story explaining how he came to be so extensively tattooed – probably one involving shipwreck and “savages”.

The scant material that survives for Ho Jo’s life allows us to slot him into the sideshow hierarchy, and so understand a little about his likely standing in the show community, but, other than that, it tells us only a little about him. The chances are that he had little formal schooling. Depending on his home circumstances, he may possibly have decided on a career in showbusiness for himself, but it is perhaps most likely that he was “scouted” by someone with associations with the circus world who saw his potential, as were Eko and Iko were (see below). In the latter case it’s fairly possible that he spent time in a state asylum or institution of some sort as a result of his disability, which means he need not necessarily have started work in his teens. The Billboardevidence shows us that he must, nonetheless, have been in show business no later than 1918 or 1919, and he seems to have maintained a long business relationship with Jay Warner of the Diamond Amusement Co., who operated out of premises in the small town of Union, South Carolina, from at least 1916 before eventually shifting the base of his operations to Bay St Louis, Missouri, and getting into the manufacture of Ferris wheels and merry-go-rounds. In those days, Warner ran a 10-in-1 show (the circus equivalent of a dime museum, being ten assorted acts in a single tent, accessible on payment of a single entrance fee). By 1921, Ho Jo was being billed as “half-man, half-monkey”; five years later, he was with the Ringling-Barnum operation – billed as “the Greatest Show on Earth”, and by far the largest and most prestigious travelling circus in the world at that time. To work as part of its “Congress of Freaks” and on the main drag in Coney Island when that resort was still close to its peak, Ho Jo must have offered more than just a little person for crowds to gawp at. His act must have been worth watching, too.

If not quite at the top of his profession, Ho Jo was clearly in demand during his career – over the course of the 1920s, Billboard featured at least half a dozen want ads placed by showmen explicitly seeking his services and urging him to contact them to take up bookings. On the other hand, he seems to have been quite alone at the time of his death, and out of contact with whatever family he may have had. The death notice that appeared in Billboard – placed there by a local correspondent named Mark Verdon (about whom I have been able to discover nothing other than his then address and an association of some sort with Hilderband’s United Shows, a West Coast circus, which does suggest he was a fellow showman) says that “the address of any surviving relative was not known”. Verdon appealed for “acquaintances of ‘Ho Jo’” to send contributions towards the cost of his interment to an undertaker in the city. A total of $75 was needed by 6 April to allow a decent burial to go ahead; Billboard only published the appeal in an issue dated 11 April which actually appeared four days earlier – and hence cannot have reached readers before the 6th. It seems most likely that Davis was interred in a pauper’s grave.

The photographer who immortalised Ho Jo as a member of the “Congress of Freaks” thus occupies an important place in his history. Edward J. Kelty was a one-time newspaper reporter from San Francisco who relocated to New York after serving as a Navy cook during the First World War and opened a photographic studio in midtown Manhattan. For roughly eight months of the year, Kelty’s stock-in trade was photographing weddings, banquets and conventions in the city. For the remaining four, when the summer shows were touring, he travelled up and down the east coast, taking photographs of most of the major names of the period, including the Sells- Floto, Hagenbeck-Wallace and Cole Brothers circuses as well as Ringling Bros.

Kelty invested time and trouble in his travels because of the business opportunities. His main work as a group photographer meant that he was one of the very few people operating at this time to own the large-format cameras needed to take “banquet shots”. One of these, weighing about 25lbs (11kg), produced 11×14 inch images (28x36cm) that were several times the size of the standard exposures of the time, and it was this camera that Kelty used for his annual photos of the “Congress of Freaks”.

He followed highly-structured workdays, erecting his camera at dawn and getting to work straight after breakfast, starting with the general staff and turning to the performers last of all to allow time for them to don costumes and make-up. By noon he would have exposed about 30 photographs, taking three or four alternate shots of each large group. Afternoons were spent processing exposures, after which he would solicit orders and make the necessary prints that same evening, so that his customers received their orders before the circus moved on to its next pitch in some other town.

Kelty was not an employee of the circuses he photographed. Instead, he sought their permission to be on the lot, and help in corralling numerous performers into the same place at the same time for his images. In return, he made copies of the results available for publicity purposes. He also made part of his living by selling prints to the people captured in his pictures, paying a half-share of these proceeds to the circus. On his return to New York, he produced and marketed catalogues of his images, and sold prints to circus fans as well.

We know only a little more of Kelty than we do of Jeff Davis, but it seems he must have had an affinity for the people whom he photographed in order to capture them so well. Barth calls him the “Cecil B. DeMille of still photography”. He declined with the fortunes of the circus, too. The travelling show gave way to movies as the central form of entertainment popular with most Americans, and the Great Depression had a devastating effect – fewer potential customers could afford the prices. As a result, the ranks of the largest “railway shows” fell from 13 in 1929 to just three by 1933. Smaller shows were impacted in at least equal proportion, sometimes closing down overnight and leaving both performers and their animals stranded without pay in some small town. Sells-Floto, one of the largest and most successful of circuses in the 1920s, was folded into the Ringling Bros and Barnum & Bailey operation in 1929, eventually becoming just a brand name for its logistics operation.

“At some point between 1938 and the early 1940s,” Barth notes, “Kelty was forced to sell a significant number of his negatives to Knickerbocker Photos, a company that distributed photographic images to magazines, periodicals, and textbook publishers.” He subsequently moved to Chicago, where he worked as a vendor at Wrigley Field. According to a story told to Barth by several different collectors of his photographs, he sometimes met Chicago bar bills by handing over some of his remaining negatives. He died in 1967.

Throughout this short essay, I’ve placed the term “freaks” and the phrase “freak show” in inverted commas, in recognition of the fact that it is a negative term, and that employment of “freaks” by sideshows and dime museums is nowadays only a little less controversial than the use of animals by circuses. Interest in these entertainments, once ghettoised to a relatively small group comprising former performers, carneys, and enthusiasts, has increased somewhat with the growth of the field of disability studies, but there is nonetheless absolutely no consensus in the historiography as to how best to view either the shows, or the people who performed in them.

One school, which features the likes of Daniel Mannix – an Admiral’s son turned carney turned pulp writer – makes the case that “freaks” were generally better off as members of travelling shows than they would have been in any other likely circumstances. There is some justification in such claims; the vast majority of “freaks” came from relatively or absolutely impoverished backgrounds, and those born during the heyday of the carnivals, between about 1860 and 1930, lived at a time when there were very few social safety nets in place for anyone considered badly disabled or unable to work. Absent a family willing and able to take care of them, many such individuals wound up in local or state institutions for the disabled, where the conditions and food were awful and their treatment often grim. Generally barely educated, and in many cases mentally disabled, they were often unable to speak out on their own behalf, and might easily suffer from neglect, not to mention sexual or physical abuse. For Mannix, the contrast between such fates and life with the carnival was a stark one. In the shows, “freaks” not only lived among others like them; they could potentially earn a decent living and had status that was often actually relative to the extent of their disabilities. As Mannix notes,

Such expert showmen as Charles S. Stratton (“General Tom Thumb”)… travelled extensively and acquired a comfortable fortune, as did Chang and Eng, the original Siamese twins, Percilla and Emmett (the monkey-girl and alligator-skinned man) and Al Tomaini (a giant) and his wife Jeanie (a half woman), who ran their own side show and retired to Florida on the proceeds… It would seem to me that all these freaks were happier and more useful than they would have been locked up in institutions.

He then continues:

During the three years I worked as a sword-swallower and fire eater in a carnival sideshow, I lived and performed with freaks. A good freak would top every outfit on the Midway, even the nude posing girls, and it’s mighty hard to beat sex as an attraction…

I once worked with a freak who was billed as the “Pig-Faced Boy”. He was one of the best natured persons I’ve ever known. A hunchbacked dwarf, the boy’s face came almost to a point, and vaguely suggested an animal’s snout. His parents stubbornly refused to acknowledge the boy’s deformity and kept insisting that he’d grow out of it.

To Pig-Face, the carnival seemed like paradise. For the first time in his life, his strangeness had become an asset. He knew that the success of the 10-in-1 (carny term for the sideshow) depended largely on him, and he felt a glow of self-respect. He was surrounded by people who admired and even envied him. He told us with amused pride that some ordinary dwarfs with another carny were trying to imitate his appearance by using greasepaint and New Skin. “They still look like ordinary people,” he told me proudly. “Not me – I really look like a pig!”

The contrary position points out that experiences of this sort were not the norm, and that only performers of unusual intelligence and considerable self-confidence could hope to experience really good conditions and build appreciable wealth. Other “freaks”, perhaps most obviously the so-called “pinheads”, whose microcephaly severely impacted their mental capacities, were largely at the mercy of the people who ran the sideshows; some of them were treated well, others more poorly, but it’s hard to resist the conclusion that these performers were often regarded more as possessions than family members (being sometimes literally bought and sold), and experienced conditions that were not all that far removed from slavery.As Robert Bogdan points out in his academic study of “freak shows”, the motives and private characters of the men who ran the travelling shows might vary, but they were apparently never entirely honest nor straightforward; the very nature of their job militated against that. Clyde Ingalls, the sideshow manager for whom Ho Jo worked at the Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus in the 1920s, had a reputation for treating most of the people who worked for him quite well – but he also authorised his ticket-sellers to systematically short-change the “rubes” who were his paying customers, and demanded a share of the proceeds of this grift. Bogdan similarly points to the “revolt of the freaks”, which supposedly took place in 1903 when a group of performers from Barnum & Bailey’s “Prodigy Department” wrote a letter to the New York World, lodging a

respectful though emphatic protest against the action of some person in placing in our hall a sign bearing the, to us, objectionable, word “Freaks,” and committing another person to call aloud, “this way to the Freaks.”

This turned out to be a product of the circus’s PR department, deliberately initiated and orchestrated for the purposes of generating publicity.

The new research done by Beth Macy – author of the biography of George and Willie Muse, the albino brothers exhibited as Eko and Iko, the Ambassadors from Mars, who must have known Jeff Davis – uncovers the same sorts of ambiguities. In one sense, the brothers endured a truly horrific personal history. They were born into considerable poverty; their family were sharecroppers in Truevine, Virginia, where the boys went to work in the tobacco fields from the age of six. There they were tracked down by a circus scout, who noticed their potential as freaks, lured them with an offer of sweets, and then kidnapped them and took them off to perform (unpaid) in the sideshow – from which they were discouraged from leaving by being told that their parents were dead. It was not until nearly 30 years later that their mother, Harriett Muse, discovered that her sons were still alive, and visited the circus to confront the sideshow proprietor and recover her sons.

The complications of the Muse brothers’ story do not end there, as Macy is honest enough to admit. They returned home, only for their father, Cabell – a gambler and local bully – to start charging locals cash to see them. After his death they returned to the circus – paid this time, though they were repeatedly fleeced by the people for whom they worked; there, they might earn a living for themselves, but, as Sukhdev Sandhu puts it, “they could be everything but themselves. They were everywhere but home.” And though Willie Muse lived to be 108, and was noted for his optimistic outlook and even temperament, he always did have a bad word to say for the man who had abducted him – repeatedly terming him a “c%cksucker”.

The only sensible conclusion seems to be that we need to take the stories of these performers case by case. For every Charles Stratton – white, highly intelligent, an active partner in his own exhibition – there were likely many Muse brothers. We do not know enough about the life or the times of Jeff Davis to know for certain which category he fitted into. His background, and his disability, certainly had the potential to place him the same category as the Ambassadors from Mars. Ho Jo’s lonely death, his lack of family, and a likely pauper’s burial, suggest the same. On the other hand, the highly fragmentary evidence of Billboardrather paints him as a showman of some repute, and an active member of a travelling fraternity who possessed the regard of the people with whom he worked.

Whatever the truth, we at least know a little more about him now – as a performer, but also as a human being who does not deserve to be forgotten. I hope that it’s been interesting to read a little bit about his life and times.

Primary sources

Billboard, 10 January 1920, 14 May 1921, 3 June 1922, 2 February 1924; 10 April 1926; 23 April 1927; 14 May 1927; 6 August 1927; 28 January 1928; 24 March 1928; 16 June 1928; 11 August 1928; 3 November 1928; 23 November 1929; 14 December 1929; 11 January 1930; 18 January 1930; 11 April 1931 p.70 [death]; 5 February 1949

Clarion Democrat, 15 Sep 1927

Miles City Star, 23 July 1938

Tampa Tribune, 29 January 1928 [details of performance]

Secondary sources

Miles Barth, Alan Siegel and Edward Hoagland, Step Right This Way: the Photographs of Edward J. Kelty(2002); Robert Bogdan, Freak Show: Presenting Human Oddities for Amusement and Profit (1988); Michael Chambers, Staging Stigma: A Critical Examination of the Freak Show (2008); Daniel P. Mannix, Freaks: We Who Are Not As Others (1976); Sukhdev Sandhu, “Truevine by Beth Macy review – a remarkable story of freakshow racism”, Guardian, 17 March 2017; John Jacob Woolf, “Fabricating Freakery: the Display of Exceptional Bodies in 19th Century London”, Goldsmiths, University of London PhD thesis, 2016


[51]

Screenshot

Henry Ford with a Ford

Q: Henry Ford died of a stroke after seeing footage of Nazi concentration camps. I’ve read that Eisenhower and Nixon alike detested him and other Nazis and sent him the footage before it went public and he watched it alone in his private theatre. Can anyone prove this really happened?

A:The story sounds far too neat to be true, and the dates do not remotely fit – but the claim that Henry Ford died as a direct result of his first exposure to the realities of a Nazi rule that he had once expressed real admiration for is at least a contemporary one, and it comes from a supposed eyewitness.

We should probably begin by recalling that, while Henry Ford is best-remembered by the general public for the central part he played in devising the assembly-line production system, and hence in creating a mass market for cars during the first half of the 20th century, historians have also long been interested in both his battles against unions and his intense antisemitism. Ford used some of the millions he made from industry to bankroll publication and distribution of tens of thousands of copies of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a Tsarist-era fraud designed to provide proof that a Jewish conspiracy secretly ruled the world. He also purchased his hometown newspaper, the Dearborn Independent, turning it into a mouthpiece for his views, and the Independent subsequently published a 91-part series of antisemitic essays, ghosted for Ford, which he later turned into a four-volume book titled The International Jew. Ford distributed the book via Ford dealerships, circulating about half a million copies in total.

This activity, coupled with Ford’s celebrity and the respect in which he was held for his success in business, played a significant part in legitimising antisemitism in the US between the wars. It did not go un-noticed by the Nazis, either. A correspondent from the New York Times who interviewed Hitler late in 1931 reported that he had a large portrait of Ford hanging over his desk, and historian Hasia Diner has noted that “Hitler could look at Ford as somebody who was – let’s call him an age-mate… [He] was very much inspired by Ford’s writing.” The Nazis awarded Ford the Grand Cross of the German Eagle in 1938 (he was the only American to receive this honour), and in 1945, while awaiting trial at Nuremberg, Robert Ley – the Nazi bureaucrat in charge of the Labour Front organisation, who was heavily implicated in the use of slave labour in German factories – wrote to Ford, making much of their shared antisemitism and requesting a job. During the 1930s, the Ford Motor Co. became a haven for Nazi sympathisers, and Jonathan Logsdon has also pointed out that, even before the Nazis came to power, Ford was already notorious for his ruthless and anti-union business practices:

Ford’s chief investigator, Harry Bennett… emerged as a major influence on company policy. Bennett created a Gestapo-like agency of thugs and spies to crack down on potential threats to Ford, such as union men. “To those who have never lived under a dictatorship,” reflected one employee, “it is difficult to convey the sense of fear which is part of the Ford system.”

Ford, in short, was at the very least a strident antisemite and poster-boy for views the Nazis would agree with who had also earned the bitter enmity of organised labour, especially in the manufacturing heartland around Detroit. And all this helps to illuminate the background to the story you have heard.

The actual source for the story of Ford’s fatal encounter with filmed evidence for Nazi atrocities is Josephine Gomon (1892-1975), a feminist and social activist who was a prominent figure in Detroit politics from the 1920s into the 1970s. Gomon, who was active in pushing for access to birth control, for civil rights and civil liberties, was politically liberal and had few views in common with Ford. However, she did know him well. During the Depression years of the 1930s, while working as executive secretary for Frank Murphy, then the mayor of Detroit, she was sent to negotiate a loan from the Ford Motor Co. to tide the city’s overstretched finances over a financial crisis. Ford was sufficiently impressed by Gomon’s negotiating skills (an obit notes that she “convinced him that he’d hate the idea of New York bankers having a stake in Detroit more than he disliked Murphy”) that he hired her during the war to take a role recruiting women to work in a Ford-controlled aircraft factory. She was patriotic enough to agree, but “added the ingredient of equal treatment for them, while campaigning for better conditions for all workers” and also became firm friends with Walter Reuther, the radical and highly effective leader of the United Auto Workers union. All this made Gomon extremely unsympathetic to Ford’s politics, and to a large extent to Ford the man.

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Josephine Goman, Detroit activist and Ford’s head of women personnel at the Willow Run plant, is the source of the story investigated here

In the 1970s, in semi-retirement, Gomon composed two manuscripts which she seems to have intended for publication. One focused on Frank Murphy, the other on Henry Ford. Although they never were published, both scripts still exist among the Gomon papers in the special collections of the University of Michigan Library, and the story of Ford’s viewing of documentary footage of the Nazi concentration camps comes from drafts of the latter work, which had the working title “The Poor Mr Ford”. A brief excerpt from this reminiscence, probably written down almost 30 years after the fact, accompanied by a longer precis of the relevant passage, can be found in Max Wallace’s critical history of Ford and Charles Lindbergh’s roles as Nazi sympathisers and cheerleaders, The American Axis [pp.358-9]. Wallace was the first historian to quote directly from Gomon’s MS (Carol Gelderman had referenced it in a footnote two decades earlier), and I would guess that it is ultimately via Wallace that you have encountered the story:

Each person has their own unique reaction to the stories coming out of Germany immediately after the war ended, but none perhaps as ironic – some would say fitting – as Henry Ford’s. In the spring of 1946, the American government released a public information film called “Death Stations” documenting the liberation of Nazi concentration camps by US troops a year earlier. In May, Henry Ford and a number of his colleagues attended a private showing of the film at the auditorium of the Ford Rouge River plant, a few days before the documentary was to be released to the general public. Most of the assembled Ford executives sat rapt as the first gruesome images of the Majdanek concentration camp flickered on the screen. They reeled in horror at the graphic footage, which included stark images of a crematorium, Gestapo torture chambers, and a warehouse filled with victims’ belongings. When the lights went on an hour later, the company executives rose, shaken, only to find Henry Ford slumped over in his seat, barely conscious. Sitting there witnessing the full scale of Nazi atrocities for the first time, the old man had suffered a massive stroke, from which he would never fully recover. The story sounds apocryphal, and it is never mentioned in any company history or Ford biography, but the account comes from a credible eyewitness source. It is described in the unpublished memoirs of one of the Ford Motor Company’s highest ranking executives – Josephine Gomon, director of female personnel at the Willow Run bomber plant – who was present at the screening. Ford’s lesson, she wrote, seemed appropriate:

“The man who had pumped millions of dollars of anti-Semitic propaganda into Europe during the twenties saw the ravages of a plague he had helped to spread. The virus had come full circle.”

So that’s the story. But, as I noted above, Gomon did not write it down at the time, and at the very least had some personal and political motives for suggesting that Ford had suffered such a collapse in such circumstances. Whether or not she misremembered, elided, or simply invented her story, it does not match up our understanding of how knowledge of the Holocaust reached the United States, nor with the known facts of Ford’s final decline and death.

To deal with knowledge of the Holocaust first: “Death Stations”, as several sources refer to it – though probably the US Army propaganda short Death Mills is meant – does exist, and it was first released in the spring of 1946; one focus was indeed on the Majdanek extermination camp, at Lublin in Poland, and the film did contain sequences showing the crematorium and investigators casting a warehouse piled high with victims’ belongings. However, this was far from the first evidence most Americans had seen of the death camps. Baron points out that “the widespread dissemination of footage and photographs of the liberation of the concentration camps in newspapers, newsreels and magazines” began as early as 1944. A Universal newsreel, “Nazi Murder Mills” was widely shown in US cinemas in May 1945, the narrator noting that “for the first time, Americans can believe what they thought was impossible propaganda. Here is documentary evidence of sheer mass murder – murder that will blacken the name of Germany for the rest of recorded history.”

As a result, Baron notes, “revelations about the carnage in Europe… seeped into the consciousness of most Americans,” and the impacts are clearly visible in public opinion polls conducted in 1945, in which 84% of respondents said they were convinced that “Germans have killed many people in concentration camps or let them starve to death.” Even though the Holocaust was certainly not central to the way in which Americans thought about and remembered the Second World War during the 1940s, and even if Ford was among the minority who did not see this evidence when it was first published, or he chose to ignore it, it seems unlikely that he could have been so entirely ignorant of the Holocaust as late as 1946 as Gomon’s account implies.

(It’s worth noting in passing here that neither Eisenhower nor Nixon figure at all in any of the accounts of Ford’s final illness or death that I have gone over, and Nixon was in 1945-46 a relatively junior officer in the US Navy, working on aviation contracts in Baltimore, and then only just beginning his own political career. However, Eisenhower absolutely did play a central role in arranging for filmed evidence from concentration camps to be widely disseminated – as Shandler puts it, he was “at the forefront of establishing the act of witnessing the conditions of recently liberated camps as a morally transformative experience.” This may be one reason why his name has become attached to the version of the story that you’ve heard.)

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The first of the nearly two-year-long series of antisemitic editorials published by Ford in the hometown newspaper that he owned

The question of whether Ford ever reassessed his antisemitism, and the extent to which he can in any sense be considered to have been a Nazi sympathiser, is a fairly complex topic to engage with.  His views were, I think, deep-grained, but antisemitism was only one of a very large number of prejudices that he held, if by far the most damaging among them. David L. Lewis of the University of Michigan has noted that Ford “championed birds, peace, Prohibition… waterpower, village industries, old-fashioned dancing, reincarnation, exercise, carrots, wheat, soybeans, plastics, hard work, and hiring of the handicapped,” but “attacked Jews, jazz, historians, ‘parasitic’ stockholders, alcohol, rich foods, meat, overeating… lipstick, rolled stockings, horses, cows, pigs, and chickens” as well as unions). His antisemitism was also something difficult to deal with within triumphalist tone of much of the biographical material written about him and his industrial success. Generally speaking, Ford biographers have tended to underplay the issue, while specialists in Jewish history and antisemitism have tended to focus on the 1920s and Ford’s publications in the Dearborn Independent, and not on his perspectives on the Nazi state of the 1930s or during World War II.

Further complexity is added by the fact that Ford was a businessman, and was undoubtedly aware that his views were not shared by large numbers among his customer base – indeed, some of his customers boycotted Ford products because of the Independent‘s series. In addition, and while there’s little doubt that the articles reflected Ford’s positions, it’s actually too simple to say that he “wrote” them himself – he was too busy for that, and authorship of the series has usually been ascribed to his influential personal secretary, Ernest Liebold – another antisemite, but one who, I think it’s probably safe to say, held his position at least in part because his views on Jewish people coincided with Ford’s.

Anyway, what can be said about Ford’s evolving views on antisemitism and Nazism amounts to this: Ford publicly repudiated antisemitism in the 1920s. He temporarily halted publication of the Dearborn Independent articles as early as 1922, and formally apologised for the series as early as 1927. After 1927, he does not seem to have made further antisemitic comments in public forums. But this doesn’t mean that he had changed his mind – his apology actually emerged as part of a negotiated settlement for a libel case brought against Ford by Aaron Sapiro, a Jewish lawyer he had accused in the Independent of exploiting farmers’ cooperatives. As such, it cannot be assumed to be sincere.

Similarly, and for potentially the same reasons, Ford seems to have taken some care not to publicly identify with or praise the Nazis even before they came to power, much less caused the outbreak of war in Europe in 1939. He was approached as early as 1923 to provide funding for Hitler, and met with a Nazi emissary named Kurt Ludecke, who was sent from Germany while Hitler was imprisoned after the Beer Hall Putsch. Carol Gelderman recounts that Ludecke made what he hoped would be a well-received pitch to Ford. He

told Ford that Hitler’s ultimate rise to power was inevitable. As soon as he had power, he would inaugurate a social program for which the Dearborn Independent‘s articles provided much suggestive material. All that was needed to get an immediate application within Germany of the views that Ford and Hitler held in common was money. “The Nazis were the only important active group in the world with a positive program by establishing a new non-Judaized order,” he continued, but they were helpless without money. Ludecke sensed Ford’s unresponsiveness. “If I had been trying to sell Mr Ford a wooden nutmeg, he couldn’t have shown less interest in the proposition. With the consummate Yankee skill, he lifted the discussion back to the idealistic plane to avoid the financial question “.

No payments were forthcoming. Ford’s same tendency to put his and his company’s needs and profit ahead of Germany’s later caused him to refuse another approach, this time to produce Volkswagen’s for Hitler in Germany, and, when he accepted the Grand Cross of the German Eagle in 1938, he stated that he saw it as a gift from the German people and did not accept it because of any sympathy with Nazism. Ford did, however, agree to build a company-owned assembly plant in Berlin where trucks and V8 engines were assembled. Four or five other factories followed. Gelderman suggests that this move, too, should be seen as part of a business strategy and not an active Ford investment in Nazism or the Nazi programme:

By this time, American executives hardly knew what was going on because of Nazi interference. By 1940 the plant was turning put turbines without [Ford’s] knowledge. In Cologne a heavy infantry vehicle was being produced without Dearborn’s consent. By spring of 1941, Hitler occupied the continent from Russia to the Pyrenees. All Ford facilities on the continent, except the Danish plant, served Hitler. After Pearl Harbor, all these Ford plants became enemy property.

Ford openly criticised Hitler’s renunciation of the free market, but his views on Nazi antisemitism are harder to gauge. In the late 1930s he did take some public steps to underscore his supposed renunciation of antisemitism. He ordered that 12% of Ford advertising funds be channelled to Jewish newspapers, and attended a number of testimonial dinners for prominent Jewish figures, and urged that America should welcome Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution. In 1937, he issued a statement to the Detroit Jewish Chronicle “disavowing any connection whatsoever with the publication in Germany of the book known as The International Jew.” On the other hand, says Gelderman, “he did little to stop the proliferation of The International Jew within or without Germany” and “apparently made no connection between [the suppression of the free-market] and the suppression of the Jews that his own antisemitism had done so much to foster.”

Finally, in this regard, Ford was – so far as I can tell with only a little time to devote to the research – silent on antisemitism, the Holocaust and Nazism after 1939, though more can probably be said on this matter. During the war, he strongly backed the American war effort. The Willow Run factory, where Gomon worked, employed 60,000 workers to build B-24s, aircraft and tank engines, trucks, jeeps and other hardware. By 1945-46, when it’s reasonable to suppose that Ford must have become aware of the Holocaust, his physical and mental state was almost certainly too compromised for him to have commented meaningfully on the issue, even if he had been minded to.

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The vast Ford production facility at Willow Run, MI, where Josephine Gorman headed up female personnel during World War II

Next, we need to consider what is known of the circumstances of Ford’s decline and death. He suffered not one, but several, strokes – the first in 1938. His recovery from this event was rapid and, apparently, complete, but he experienced a second in 1941 that was far more debilitating – physically, Ford seemed largely undiminished well into his eighties, but from 1942-3 he does seem to have suffered from mental effects associated with the experience of strokes, and biographers note that from that time he was intermittently irritable, suspicious, disordered and confused. Neither of these two incidents was publicised, however, and Ford’s third stroke – by far the most serious in the sequence – was also hushed up. This final cerebrovascular event occurred early in 1945, and it took place at Richmond Hill, an estate Ford owned in Ways Station, south-east Georgia, which is about 870 miles south-east of the Ford plant where, in the story you have heard, Ford experienced his stroke. When Ford was well enough, he returned north to Fair Lane, his home in Dearborn, Michigan, but – the narrator of the PBS documentary of Ford’s life observes – thereafter he “remain[ed] mentally and physically languid, often failing to recognize old friends and associates, and [was] carefully kept out of the public eye.”

In short, then, the stroke that felled Ford, and probably contributed to his eventual death on 8 April 1947, occurred more than a year before the release of the documentary Death Mills/“Death Stations” which is supposed to have occasioned it. We know of no fourth stroke, and – while the secrecy that surrounded Ford’s first three near-brushes with death suggests that it is far from impossible that he did have another after his return to Michigan, that it is possible this coincided with a showing of Death Mills to Ford Company employees, and that Josephine Gomon could have witnessed this – the consensus among historians and Ford biographers is that it was the Richmond Hill event that impacted him most. We can even go further than that, since Carol Gelderman, a Ford biographer, noted [endnote to pp.374-75 of her book] that she had

asked Henry Ford II whether his grandfather had a stroke at this time. He did not know, but authorized Stanley Nelson, executive director of Henry Ford Hospital, “to release to [the author] any information in the records of the hospital about any stroke or strokes that my grandfather may have had in 1945 or in any other year.” (Letter of January 30, 1979.) According to these records, Ford had no stroke in 1945.

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Still from Billy Wilder’s Death Mills (1946), showing personal possessions taken from victims of the Majdanek extermination camp. This was the film that Ford was supposedly watching when he suffered his fatal stroke

To sum up: even if Ford did suffer a collapse of some sort during a viewing of Death Mills, what Gomon witnessed was apparently not a stroke, much less a fatal seizure of any sort. It is difficult to be certain how shocked he would have been by the evidence that the film contained, or even that he had not previously seen film or still images from the concentration camps, plenty of which were in widespread circulation more than year earlier. And there was a further one-year gap between the rough date Gomon that says she watched Death Mills with Ford in the spring of 1946 and Ford’s eventual death, from a cerebral haemorrhage, in April 1947 – so it seems completely impossible to link any viewing of that film by Ford (for which Gomon in any case remains our solitary source) directly to his death. That death – pretty clearly – can be attributed to a combination of old age (Ford died aged 83) and his significant and debilitating long-term health problems, without any need to appeal to the shock effect of a belated recognition of the consequences of his long-term association with Nazism. If Ford did watch the film, moreover, he certainly did not do so alone, and there’s no evidence that he was sent a copy of the footage by either Eisenhower or Nixon.

With all this said, I do think it is broadly feasible that might be at least a grain of truth in Goman’s account. Gelderman notes that “there is no reason to doubt Mrs Gomon’s veracity; the author checked her trustworthiness with an impeccable sources.” So perhaps Ford didattend a screening of the film, and perhaps he was affected by the viewing sufficiently for that to be obvious to Gomon. I think it is highly unlikely, given that we do know of Ford’s three other events, that a really serious incident would have gone unnoticed and unrecorded by the people around him, or by Ford biographers, however. It seems to me more likely that three separate events – Ford’s 1945 stroke, a 1946 viewing of Death Mills attended by Gomon and other Ford executives, and Ford’s eventual death in 1947 – got telescoped in Gomon’s 1970s memoir, and then further compressed in the version of the story that you heard, becoming connected as one contiguous (and morally satisfying) series of events. But the details in the account you’ve heard are a pretty poor match for the history, I’m afraid.

Sources

PBS interview (2012) with Hasia Diner, Professor of American Jewish History & author of The Jew in the United States, 1654-2000 (2004); “Henry Ford and Anti-Semitism: A Complex Story“, Henry Ford Museum of American Innovation; “Ford dies in lamplit bedroom, cut off by floods,” Washington Star, 8 April 1947; “Josephine Gomon, libertarian, dies in Detroit,” Daytona Beach Morning Journal, 15 November 1975; Robert Aitken and Marilyn Aitken, “Pride and prejudice: the dark side of Henry Ford,” Security 32 (2005); Neil Baldwin, Henry Ford and the Jews: the Mass Production of Hate (New York, 2002); Lawrence Baron, “The first wave of American ‘Holocaust’ films, 1945-1949,’ American Historical Review 2010; Carol Gelderman, Henry Ford: the Wayward Capitalist (New York, 1981); Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge, 1984); David Lanier Lewis The Public Image of Henry Ford: An American Folk Hero and His Company(Detroit: 1976); Stefan Link, “Rethinking the Ford-Nazi connection,” Bulletin of the German Historical Institute 49 (2011); Jonathan R. Logsdon, “Power, ignorance and anti-semitism: Henry Ford and his war on Jews,” Hanover Historical Review 1999; Jeffrey Shandler, While America Watches: Televising the Holocaust (New York, 1999); Daniel Schulman, “America’s most dangerous anti-Jewish propagandist,” The Atlantic, 7 November 2023; Max Wallace, The American Axis: Henry Ford, Charles Lindbergh, and the Rise of the Third Reich(New York, 2003); Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory Through the Camera’s Eye (Chicago, 1998)


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Carron Point

The beach at Carron Point, New Brunswick

Q: How could Russian coins from 1811 have ended up in Eastern Canada in 1934?

I came across a curious article from 1934 saying that a treasure was found in buried on or near a beach around a lighthouse near Bathurst on the Northern New Brunswick coast in Eastern Canada. It was a kettle full of mysterious coins. The lighthouse keeper who found it hoped it was a pirate treasure, but it turned out to be 111 two kopek coins from the Russian Empire. As far as the article mentions they were all from 1811. This, apparently was worse than worthless at the time, except for the value of the copper.

I don’t know much more than that, and there doesn’t appear to be any follow up. Entirely hypothetically speaking though, how might that pot of copper have ended up there? Who could have brought such a thing over? How would a Russian even have managed to end up in Bathurst, New Brunswick, Canada on or around 1811?

A: Coins are durable objects, and, as a result, they have cropped up in some pretty surprising places over the years. Favourite oddities include Roman currency found in Iceland and – a particular surprise, this one – a coin dating to the reign of the Emperor Hadrian that was excavated from under several feet of soil about a hundred miles up the river Congo in central Africa in about 1890. There is also an ongoing investigation into the mystery of how a small group of coins minted in the coastal African state of Kilwa (in modern Tanzania) in about 1200 found their way to the Wessel Islands, 5,000 miles to the east, off the north coast of Australia, where they were uncovered during the Second World War.

McIntosh coins

Coins minted in the Sultanate of Kilwa in about 1300, and found in the Wessel Islands, Arnhem Land in 1944.

There is a tendency, when dealing with stories of this sort, for the imagination to conjure up a one-step, and generally romantic, solution to such mysteries – coming up with adventurous scenarios that might have taken a Roman legionary of the second century way south of the Sahara, or envisioning a Kilwan trading ship disabled by the monsoon winds and drifting thousands of miles off course to strand her crew amidst the unintelligibly alien culture of the indigenous Yolngu peoples of Australia. The reality, insofar as we can work it out, tends to be both more complex and also a lot more prosaic. The Congo coin had a high silver content, enough to make it a valuable item of exchange hundreds of years after it was struck in Rome and the empire that had made it had declined and fallen. Rather than being dropped by a solitary, way-out-of-place Roman soldier, it’s far more likely that it made its way south via a lengthy series of transactions. Possibly these started on the north shores of the Mediterranean, but continued in the Roman provinces of North Africa, from where the coin eventually made its way into the hands of desert nomads – who crossed the Sahara and then traded it to someone in the Sahel, from whence it eventually continued its journey south. Or, perhaps more likely, the coin stayed in the Mediterranean for centuries, eventually to find its way on board a Portuguese ship headed for the Kingdom of Kongo sometime after contact was established between the two states in the 1480s. Either way, it’s probable that no one person took the coin from its point of origin to its point of discovery, and the same most likely applies to the Wessel Islands coins too – which were found mixed with Dutch currency dating to the 17th century, and so, we can deduce, probably didn’t actually come direct from the Swahili Coast in the 13th century.

Alexander I 1812 kopek

A Russian 2-kopek coin minted in 1812, during the reign of Alexander I

Without having seen the article you read (which I’d love to have a reference to…), it’s hard to know what to make of the find that you are interested in, but a few thoughts do occur. First, the coins were found inside a kettle. That strongly suggests they were not trade objects but rather a hoard, deliberately buried by someone who wanted them to stay together in one place, and hoped to come back eventually to recover them. The fact that the coins were all minted around the same date points in the same direction. But the value of the coins was very low, even in 1811, and Alexander I kopeks were minted from soft copper. That meant they contained no precious metals that would have made them intrinsically valuable to anyone outside Russia in the early 19th century, whether as trade objects or as a source of useful materials in areas where there are no naturally occurring lodes of workable metal (I commented in an earlier response on the ways in which iron carried across the Pacific on disabled Japanese merchant ships may have eventually found its way into use by indigenous communities in the Pacific north-west). So, actually, it’s unlikely the coins you are interested in made their way to eastern Canada via the sort of lengthy series of unremarkable financial transactions I was describing above – any such trades would have tended to break up the collection of currency found in the hoard, and the out-of-place discoveries I have mentioned involved single coins, or at most a small handful of them, not more than a hundred apparently struck in the same time or place. But this realisation, by itself, doesn’t take us a whole lot closer a solution to your mystery.

I can make a couple of observations that might move us a bit further forward, nonetheless. Firstly, as is well known, Russians certainly were present in what’s now Canada in about the period we are interested in – Alaska was an imperial colony until its purchase by the US in 1867. That fact, however, is almost certainly less significant than it might at first appear – New Brunswick is an entire continent, and some 3,000 miles, away from any Russian settlement of the period, and getting from one side of the Americas to the other as early as the first decades of the 19th century would have been an incredibly difficult, lengthy and arduous affair, one that would have almost certainly required careful planning and involved a distinct objective. It’s very difficult to imagine what the latter might have been, nor why anyone would think it a good idea to take a big bag of kopeks with them on what would have been an unimaginably arduous trek. Overall, I think it extraordinarily unlikely that any individual or group of Russians would have made their way from Alaska to the Canadian Maritimes overland in the first half of the 19th century.

More probably, the coins arrived in Canada from the opposite direction – coming from the east. The existence of a hoard of identical coins suggests to me that they were once the property of a single person who placed some value on them and had some potential future use for them, which in turn suggests the person who buried the hoard was probably a Russian. By far the most obvious reason for such outsiders to come to New Brunswick in the 19th century would have been involvement in the fisheries there. Ships and merchants from what is now New Brunswick were heavily involved in the highly lucrative cod industry, for instance (there was also a prominent local logging industry which might also have proved attractive to immigrants). We do know that at least one Russian reached the eastern Canadian coast as a result of his involvement in the fishing trade – William Hyman, who was born into a Russian Jewish community in Lódz, in what is now Poland, in 1807, fetched up in Gaspé, Quebec, in about 1843, and built up a successful stake in the dried cod business there. By the time of his death in 1882, Hyman was one of the most successful businessmen in town, accounting for about 10% of the port’s exports, and he was able to bequeath to his heirs

a dock, storehouses and a warehouse at Gaspé, a hotel and several properties and mortgages in the Forillon peninsula region, and six fishing establishments… He had also accumulated many securities in banks at Quebec City and Montreal, and owned a Montreal residence where he had spent the winters since 1874.

Of course, a man like Hyman would have been far too wealthy, and no doubt far too integrated into Canadian society, to have wanted to bury a hoard of old low-value imperial coins on a remote beach. But his very existence does at least establish that some Russians did make their way to there Maritimes in the relevant period. How plausible, then, is it to suggest that the coins you are interested in were once the property of some Russian fisherman? I have had a look for evidence of Russian fleets taking part in the great cod trade, and not turned up anything to suggest that this happened – sailing from the eastern Baltic, through the North Sea and then all the way to the Grand Banks would have been a costly and challenging voyage that would have taken a lot longer than the journey from a western European port like Bristol, and it would most likely have been easier for any Russians in the market for Canadian cod to have bought lightly salted and dried end product on the open market in Europe than to have fished for them themselves in the distant North Atlantic. Moreover, while the religiously observant Russians did eat large quantities of fish (Sarhrage & Lundbeck point out that the proscriptions of the Orthodox church prohibit the consumption of meat on 132 days of the year), these were plentifully available from nearer waters – the main sources were the Caspian, the White Sea, and from European freshwaters. In addition, the main Russian fish import in the 19th century was not cod, but the very differently-flavoured, and much more popular, salted herring, which made up almost 80% of imports when reliable figures become available from the start of the 20th century. Those fish, moreover, were sourced from Hanseatic ports in the Baltic, and in general local conditions would mitigate against any attempt to build a commercially-viable long-distance fishing trade based out of Russian Baltic ports – Tallin, for example, is typically iced-up for anything up to 175 days each year.

Now, none of this absolutely rules out individual Russian sailors working their way west and taking part in the Canadian fisheries as part of the crew of a foreign ship, and it’s certainly possible that this did occur from time to time. But why would such a man want to burden himself with a large quantity of low-value coins that would have been useless in Canada as items of exchange? A 2-kopek coin of the period you’re interested in weighed 13g, or about half an ounce – a hoard of more than a hundred of the things would have weighed in at about 1.4 kilos, or more than 3lbs, which seems an awful lot to carry on board ship and then take off that ship in Canada for no readily apparent reason. Finally, if – as their burial and their placement together in a kettle certainly suggests – the Bathurst find was a hoard, why would any visiting sailor planning eventually to return to the only country where those kopeks could actually be spent choose to abandon them at the spot where they were found?

BathurstFront_1933_LAC

Carron Point lighthouse in 1933

There are a couple of interesting points to make in this respect. First, the lighthouse at Bathurst is located at Carron Point. This is a promontory at the mouth of Bathurst harbour, but (thanks to the large size of the harbour) it is located almost two miles outside the town. That’s a long way for a sailor in port to lug a heavy sack of coins – why make that journey? Second, while it’s not clear from your post whether or not the spot was chosen because of the proximity of the lighthouse, it makes a certain amount of sense to assume it was – you note the coins were found pretty close by, and, potentially, the location of the lighthouse itself would have provided a straightforward means of relocating an otherwise hard-to-find burial spot. If that’s the case, then we also know something about the date of the deposit, since the first lighthouse on the site was not constructed until 1871.

All of these clues suggest to me another possible origin for the coins. William Hyman had left Russia to escape the limited opportunities and often active persecution endured by Jewish people in the empire, and the first significant wave of Russian emigration to Canada actually roughly coincided with the construction of the Bathurst lighthouse, beginning from the 1870s; today more than 620,000 Canadians (including a few thousand in New Brunswick) have Russian heritage. While the first significant group of emigrants were actually around 7,000 ethnically German anabaptists who settled in Manitoba, from the 1880s much larger numbers of Jewish refugees fled the pogroms that fairly regularly occurred during this period. Most of these people settled in eastern urban areas such as Toronto and Montreal. Might a poor emigrant, whose wealth largely comprised low-value coins that they’d planned to convert into the local currency, but never had the opportunity to, have been the source of the find?

Well, it’s possible, and I’d say actually that it’s fairly plausible that at least one Russian family from this diaspora might have made its way to a relatively flourishing port like Bathurst in this period (even today, it’s still the fourth largest town in New Brunswick – in the 19th century it would have been more prominent than that). But once again I’d have to say that the specific nature of the find makes the idea unlikely – it’s almost vanishingly improbable that a single Russian family’s source of wealth would comprise 3lbs of coins of identical date, rather than a far less heterogenous collection of higher-value currency. I’d say that the coins in the hoard that turned up in Bathurst must have remained together for a reason.

And this is where both my imagination and my research skills begin to fail me, I’m afraid. The homogeneity of the find seems to suggest someone with a direct connection to a Russian mint, or a Russian bank, but the gap between the date these coins were struck and the earliest plausible date for their deposit at Carron Point remains a real puzzle – there’s no obvious reason why such a large number of low-value coins would have stayed together for so long. Perhaps the hoard was itself the product of a find of some sort, of a bag of coins that had never been opened since it was minted, and was found at the back of a dusty shelf, or locked up in a cupboard somewhere? Might it have reached Canada as part of some commercial transaction carried out some time in the 19th century?

But then again, why bury such a low-value collection of coins in the first place? Why would anyone make the journey all the way to Carron Point to leave them? I’d guess the coins were more likely taken to the beach by boat than lugged up to the lighthouse from Bathurst on foot, but, beyond that, I’m stumped for a specific motive. The hoard might even have been placed there as a joke, or “uncovered” as part of a publicity-seeking hoax, to see what wonderment it might generate. I don’t know the exact date of your newspaper clip, but there were a couple of major finds of hoards in 1934 that might have provided inspiration for such an exploit, such as the discovery in August of that year of gold coins worth more than $11,000 buried in a cellar in Baltimore.

Well: if the last of these possibilities is correct, then we can say one thing: the depositor would probably have been gratified by your curiosity, and my willingness to spend a couple of pretty interesting, if ultimately unsuccessful, hours attempting to investigate on your behalf.

Sources

The Canadian Encyclopedia

Dictionary of Canadian Biography

John Murray Gibson, Northern Mosaic: the Making of a Northern Nation (1939)

Dietrich Sahrhage & Johannes Lundbeck, A History of Fishing (1992)

 

[49]

 

The Cathedral at Canterbury

The cathedral at Canterbury

Q: What is the highest rank a commoner could rise to in medieval England?

A: Archbishop of Canterbury.

The church was long noted as the means by which those from less than exalted backgrounds could best make both a good living, and, potentially, their mark, both theologically and politically. A high proportion of successful prelates were the younger sons of prominent families – men who were unlikely to inherit significant amounts of land. Careers in the church offered such men livelihoods, and family connections the leverage to achieve higher office within the ecclesiastical community. These sorts of career decisions also applied to family members who faced more significant barriers to advancement than mere order of birth; thus at least two of the Canterbury archbishops of the medieval period – Ralph Nevill and John Stafford – were the illegitimate sons of noted families.

A second, and much smaller, group of eminent clerics made their way up the ecclesiastical ladder from lower positions than that as a result of talent or patronage. Cathedral cities and monasteries typically provided opportunities for schooling for children from much more modest social backgrounds, and there was always demand from the royal government for educated men who could read and write. While those able to take advantage of such openings were rarely if ever from the very bottom rungs of society, sons of artisans and merchants could and did get themselves “talent-spotted” by superiors who valued their scholastic or administrative skills.

Very occasionally, a child from such a background might make it all the way. The best-known example from the medieval period was that of Thomas Becket, whose disagreements with Henry II, and eventual death within the precincts of Canterbury cathedral at the hands of a group of the king’s knights, made him perhaps of the most famous of all English archbishops; he was the son of a successful London merchant. And Edmund of Abingdon, who became archbishop a few decades after Becket, was probably the son of a wool merchant.

Edmund’s career offers a good example of the means of ascent that could be employed by men from more humble backgrounds in this period. His family background was sufficiently affluent to allow him to attend the University of Paris, after which he moved to the university at Oxford and became well known as an expert on Aristotle and a teacher of grammar. All university teachers this period were also ordained priests, and further alternating periods spent as a scholar at Paris and Oxford were interrupted by time spent in possession of various church benefices and preaching the crusade. Eventually one of Edmund’s old university pupils, Walter de Gray, became Archbishop of York, and was able to use his influence to advance the career of his old master. Edmund ultimately became compromise candidate for the archiepiscopal throne at Canterbury in 1233.

Archbishop-Walter-Reynolds

Walter Reynolds – from small-town bakery to Archbishop of Canterbury

Such a career was rare, but certainly far from unknown in the medieval period. While we often have only the barest details about the parentage and early careers of many eminent churchmen (and are not completely sure, for example, that Edmund’s father really was a minor merchant), the archbishop who rose from the must humble background of all in the medieval period was almost certainly Walter Reynolds, who held the see at Canterbury from 1314-27. He is generally accepted to have been the son of a baker in Windsor, Berkshire, which meant that he began his church career in a town with very strong links to the English monarchy. This seems to have been critical; Walter became a clerk in the court of Edward I and there he met the king’s son, the future Edward II. He quickly became a close friend of both the future monarch (who in 1309 described him as one who, “active in our service from our earliest youth, has came to enjoy our confidence ahead of others”) and of Edward’s lover, Piers Gaveston. As a result, he moved to take an administrative position as keeper of the young prince’s wardrobe.

Reynolds’s successful career, then, was entirely the result of royal favour and patronage. He was provided with the livings of a series of parishes (which he probably rarely if ever visited), which provided him with a good income, and in 1308 became Bishop of Winchester. He was named Chancellor of England in 1310, and Archbishop of Canterbury in 1314. He was sufficiently politically astute to switch sides with remarkable adroitness after Edward was overthrown by his wife and her lover, Sir Roger Mortimer, in 1327, preaching the text ‘Vox populi vox Dei’ (in which he justified the revolution and seems to have approved renunciation of homage to Edward II) only one day after the deposition of his old friend and patron.

Reynolds has an equivocal reputation. For Robert of Reading, he was

a man decidedly unclerkly, and so ill-educated that he was entirely unable to set out the form of his own name … Having ceremoniously received the insignia of an archbishop, he used them as an ox does its horns, in robbing churches and oppressing the religious, indulging in immoderate filthiness of lust.

Edward_II,_King_of_England_(Bodleian_Library_MS_Rawlinson_C_292,_folio_105r)

Edward II – still the only English monarch to be the subject of his own “anal rape narrative”

For John of Trockelowe, on the other hand, the archbishop was a far more benign influence, the “man by whom those tribulations [of the church in England in this period] could best be assuaged.” Modern historians have viewed him increasingly favourably. In the overall judgement of his biographer, J. Robert Wright,

A product of his own turbulent era, Reynolds tried to work with the crown rather than in direct opposition to it, prizing the virtues of moderation, harmony, and stability higher than a reliance on uncompromising standards in which he did not believe. Reynolds desired to see the king and realm at peace, and he used his influence to that end, even when it necessitated a politics based more on expediency than on ultimate principles. What has appeared as indecision to many commentators may in fact have been scrupulous and conscientious deliberation, probably influenced by the king’s changing moods as well as by … consistently cautious advice… Reynolds lived in a world of complex personal interests rather than in one of clear-cut constitutional conflicts. In spite of his evident personal limitations, his Canterbury appointment was consequently a political triumph for both Edward II and Clement V.

Sources

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; J. H. Denton, ‘Canterbury archiepiscopal appointments: the case of Walter Reynolds’, Journal of Medieval History 1 (1975)


[48]

Shanghai Massacre - contemporary image

A 1947 woodcut by Jun Li depicts a later episode in the Nationalists’ “white terror” – the “221 Incident,” a massacre that took place in Taiwan in 1947. Wikimedia Commons

Q: “In 1927 Chiang Kai-Shek boiled hundreds of Communists alive,” claimed George Orwell. Is this actually true? If not, where could he have heard such a report from?

A: The Shanghai massacre, which took place in April 1927, was a fairly significant event in the history of the civil war between Nationalist and Communist forces in China; by killing what were probably fairly large numbers of urban communists in one of the most notably left-wing cities in China, Chiang and his supporters arguably helped tilt the balance of power within communist ranks towards the peasant rebel forces led by Mao Zedong.

Nonetheless, exactly what happened in Shanghai that month, how many died, and how they did so, remains very difficult to establish. The massacre was chaotic, and it was carried out not only by Chinese nationalist forces but also by criminal elements in Shanghai who worked alongside them. No records were kept, no bodycounts were made – historians’ estimates of deaths vary from a couple of hundred all the way up to 10,000 – and the handful of western reporters in the city at the time seem to have had little access to firm details, and to have written nothing at all about any “boilings” at the time. I have searched digitised editions of newspapers published in 1927 in both the US and UK fairly extensively without finding contemporary reports that suggest any such executions took place, and Orwell’s account, rather notably, dates only to 1945.

It certainly does seem to be true, however, that stories of such killings did circulate at a later date. Here it’s helpful to turn to Roy Rowan’s memoir Chasing the Dragon, a book written by a long-lived American foreign correspondent who reported the Chinese revolution for Time-Life. Rowan (1920-2016) was far too young to have reported the Shanghai Massacre when it took place, but he was in the country a couple of decades later, and that put him on the spot in time to pick up rumours of what had actually taken place back then.

Big Ears Du

“Big-Ears” Du – gangster and Nationalist collaborator in Shanghai.

One of the characters that Rowan wrote about was Du Yuesheng, better known as “Big Ears” Du, a gangster who ran much of the sex trade in Shanghai during the 1920s and was leader of an organised crime group known familiarly as the Green Gang. This group acted, at times, as the enforcement arm of local Nationalist leaders, and, according to Rowan, it was “Du’s thugs” who carried out most of the killings in 1927:

Heads rolled in the gutter like ripe plums,” according to an eyewitness [and] a number of Communist railway workers were also cooked alive in the boilers of their steam engines… Du’s reward for masterminding the massacre was the tight hold he still enjoyed on the city’s variety of vices, from the opium section of Nantao, to the waterfront bars of Hongkew, lined with smiling Chinese singsong girl and White Russian ‘hostesses’.

So Rowan, who arrived in Shanghai in July 1946, picked up a story that could plausibly match Orwell’s perhaps-exaggerated “hundreds” of deaths by boiling, written the previous year. Where, though, might such accounts have actually originated from?

I should make clear that there is certainly nothing to absolutely invalidate the idea that this unpleasant method of execution actually was employed in 1927. But with no contemporary accounts suggesting that such killings did take place, it’s worth looking a bit further afield. The first thing to say in this respect is that wild stories about people being boiled alive in China certainly did circulate throughout this period, and were very arguably one fragment of a much broader western Orientalist discourse derived from popular notions of exotic, barbarous Chinese cruelty that dated back at least a century. The infamous French novel The Torture Garden (1899), Bear’s underground Actual Photographs of Chinese Executions (c.1915), and the circulation of images supposed to show the 1904 execution of a criminal named Wang Weiqin by the “death of a thousand cuts”, all drew on (and contributed to) this trope, and one consequence was the circulation of demonstrably unreliable tall stories alleging deaths by boiling in the first quarter of the 20th century. For example, the Russian diplomat Roman Romanovich (Baron Rosen) recorded that stories circulated at the time of the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901) that one of his colleagues, Michael de Giers, had been boiled alive by the rebels; in fact, De Giers survive the uprising to die in 1932. Similarly, the British journalist Arnold Wright, writing in 1908, noted that other accounts (in circulation at the time of the siege of the foreign legations in Beijing, during the rising) confidently reported “the boiling alive in oil of every foreign man, woman, and child in the capital.” Again, no such killings actually took place. Rather, their circulation was attributed at the time to a shadowy figure nick-named “The Shanghai Liar”.

Western troops guard the international settlement

Western troops guard the international settlement in Shanghai, 1927 (Pathé)

So all this background perhaps helps us understand how stories of atrocities in which people were boiled alive might plausibly have begun to circulate as a result of the Shanghai Massacre. But how did George Orwell, who had never visited China, get hold of the tale earlier than did Roy Rowan, who actually was in Shanghai in 1946? As it happens, there is a very plausible, and very fictional, explanation which seems to locate the origins of this specific story in the mind of the renowned French novelist Andre Malraux, whose best-selling La Condition Humaine (translated into English as Man’s Fate) – a book set in Shanghai in 1927 – contains a passage in which a wounded Chinese man

began to mumble. It was too dark now for Katov to make out his features, but he heard his voice, he felt he was becoming coherent. Yes – “… don’t shoot, they throw them alive into the boiler of the locomotive,” he was saying… the sentry was approaching again. Silence, except for the pain.

Exactly where Malraux got this detail from, or how he dreamed it up, is not known. He was in Cambodia – then part of the French colony of Indochina – in 1926, and later claimed to have crossed over into China and experienced the horrors of the civil war period at first hand. But this, according to Anne Lijing Xu, was a fabrication; Malraux was in fact at home in France at the time, and did not first visit China until 1931. Given this, it seems well worth noting that, in the opinion of his biographer Oliver Todd, the China that he portrayed was

neither true in its detail nor false overall, but it is nonetheless imaginary. Malraux cannot quite break clear of a conventional idea of China with coolies, bamboo shoots, opium smokers, destitutes, and prostitutes.”

And exotic methods of execution? One cannot help but wonder.

What matters, nonetheless, is that La Condition Humaine was a colossal success, winning the Prix Goncourt in 1933, and going on to sell in excess of 5 million copies. Given its very wide circulation, it seems more than plausible that Orwell read it, and that some memory of doing so might have formed the basis of his passing reference to the boiling deaths of Shanghai. Certainly no account that I have read takes this story back any further than Malraux, who published in 1933.

Sources

Baron Rosen, Forty Years of Diplomacy (1922); Timothy Brook et al, Death By a Thousand Cuts (2008); André Malraux, La Condition Humaine (1933); Roy Rowan, Chasing the Dragon: A Veteran Journalist’s Firsthand Account of the Chinese Revolution(2004); Harold Schiffrin, Sun Yat-Sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (1968); Oliver Todd, Malraux: A Life (2005); Arnold Wright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China(1908); Anne Lijing Xu, The Sublime Writer and the Lure of Action: Malraux, Brecht, and Lu Xun on China and Beyond (2007).


[47]

Anne

Detail from Holbein’s famous portrait of Anne of Cleves, painted in 1539.

Q: Did Anne of Cleves really hang the famous Holbein portrait in her castle to troll King Henry?

In honor of Broadway reopening in September (and my ticket purchase for October!!) I spent all week listening to Six: the Musical. The chorus for Anne’s song goes:

You, you said that I tricked ya

Cause I, I didn’t look like my profile picture

Too, too bad I don’t agree

So I’m gonna hang it up for everyone to see

And you can’t stop me

Cause I’m the Queen of the castle

I tried some googling and couldn’t find out what happened to the portrait during that time. Is this just a fun line for the show or was the portrait actually hung in Richmond Palace?

A: What a remarkably interesting question – because, oddly enough, it turns out to be extremely difficult to answer. In fact, so far as I can tell, no historian, nor art historian, has ever paid any attention to the problem of what became of Anne’s famous portrait after it was presented to Henry VIII, and before it turned up again among the possessions of a famous collector during the 1650s.

Nicholas_Wotton

Nicholas Wooton, the diplomat who arranged Henry’s marriage to Anne and thought Holbein’s portrait of her accurate.

Because of this, I can’t answer your query definitively, but I can, I think, push things forward a little bit for you, and suggest at least a couple of plausible alternative ideas about what may have become of painting in this missing period. But before we move on to the answer you are looking for, we ought, I think, to begin by re-examining the idea that Hans Holbein’s famous image of Anne of Cleves played an important part in the history of the period because – as the lyrics you cite suggest – it “tricked” Henry into thinking she was far more beautiful than she was.

This certainly is a very familiar story, one that a lot of people who have no real knowledge of the Tudor period have likely heard – and if they have heard it, they’re probably also familiar with Henry’s dismayed dismissal of the woman who journeyed to England to marry him as a “fat Flanders mare”, and possibly even with the notion that Henry was so displeased with Holbein that the German master fell out of royal favour, and was never commissioned by Henry again. But none of this is actually true. Recent historiography strongly disputes the celebrated narrative, and downplays the part that Holbein’s painting played in the disaster that was Henry’s marriage to Anne. Rentha Warnicke, for example, notes that the English diplomat Nicholas Wotton, who accompanied Holbein on his journey to Cleves, and was responsible for much of the detailed negotiation of the marriage terms, considered the painting to be an accurate portrait. Moreover,

when Henry was later divorced from Anne, he complained bitterly about his ministers’ activities, but not about the artist’s honesty or the ambassador’s efforts

…. and Holbein continued to be employed as Henry’s court painter until his death in 1543.

We actually have no contemporary record of Henry’s reaction to the portrait, though we do know that he responded positively to others – when he was shown an image of Christina of Denmark, it delighted him so much he had his court musicians play all day, so he could “feast on the food of love.” And in fact, the idea that the image was inaccurate, and deliberately portrayed Anne as attractive when she was not, was not first reported until the 17th century, which is also the earliest that we hear of Anne described as a “Flanders mare” – the phrase, not even actually attributed to Henry, first appears in Gilbert Burnet’s History of the Reformation in 1679. For all these reasons, there’s no obvious reason why Anne would have responded as she does in the song lyrics, and sought out the painting to display it in her own home. In its day, it was apparently considered unremarkable, a perfectly accurate portrait of its moderately attractive subject.

With all this said, we can turn to the problematic issue of what happened to the painting after it was presented to Henry in the early autumn of 1539. It was, at this point, already technically a royal possession – the king paid Holbein an annual salary to act as his court painter, taking his yearly output of panels and vellums in exchange – though the idea that there was such a thing as a royal “collection” of paintings was not actually formalised until the first half of the 17th century. However, Chamberlain, the author of the first major critical biography of Holbein, noted as early as 1913 that, while the original was by then on display at the Louvre, in Paris,

nothing is known of the painting, or how it came to find a home in France, except that it was at one time in the Earl of Arundel’s possession, and afterwards in the collection of Louis XIV.

800px-Thomas-howard-rubensportrait

Thomas Howard, 14th Earl of Arundel, pioneer collector of art. Portrait by Rubens.

We can trace this reference to the Earl of Arundel a little further than that, since we do also know that Holbein’s painting of Anne was among a group of portraits acquired by a French art collector named Everard Jabach during the 1650s, at a time when Arundel had been forced into exile after the execution of Charles I and found himself forced to dispose of some of his possessions to meet his debts. The most reasonable explanation of the painting’s movements from that point is that Jabach sold it on to the Sun King or his representatives, and that it thus entered the French royal collection, only to be effectively nationalised during the French Revolution. This would explain how it comes to hang in Louvre today.

But who was the 14th Earl of Arundel (1585-1646), how did he come to possess the painting, and why did he choose to dispose of it when he did? The answers to these questions turn out to take us quite a lot closer to resolving your central query, because Arundel (whose actual name was Thomas Howard) was, in fact, more than simply the 14th in a long line of Tudor and Stuart aristocrats. He was also, to quote Lionel Cox and Mary Cust, “the pioneer of art-collectors” – one of the earliest connoisseurs and, indeed, arguably the first to seek out and purchase works of art (and also sculpture and manuscripts) for their merit, and then attempt to assemble them into a coherent collection. On top of that, rather intriguingly, we also need to note that Arundel was a scion of one of the most distinguished families in England, the Howard dukes of Norfolk. He was, in fact, the great-great grandson of Thomas Howard, Third Duke, whose sister Elizabeth was the mother of another of Henry’s queens, Anne of Cleves’s predecessor Anne Boleyn.

We don’t know for certain how Arundel came by the Holbein painting that you’re interested in, but we can make some educated guesses. To begin with, he definitely looked out for works by Holbein. We know this because an inventory of his collection, drawn up shortly after his death and published in Hervey’s Life, Correspondence and Collections, lists more than 40 works by the two Holbeins, father and son. But it’s not clear whether Arundel found and purchased the portrait of Anne of Cleves, or acquired it via inheritance. Some of his collection did come from other members of his family; for example, we know that his grandfather, the 12th Earl, filled both his London home and his country estate at Nonsuch Palace, near Cheam, with pictures, other works of art, and a library which contemporaries considers to be “right worthy of remembrance”. What is almost certainly a partial inventory of this collection survives in the form of a list of works owned by the 12th Earl’s daughter, Jane, Lady Lumley, and kept by her at Lumley Castle. It makes no mention of the Cleves portrait, but this does not necessarily mean it may not have been in the family’s collection at this time, but kept at some other property – the family also owned Arundel House in London, Arundel Castle, and Welbeck Abbey, among a number of very prominent properties. And certainly the 12th Earl would have been in an excellent position to have acquired the Holbein portrait, had King Henry decided that he had no further use for it – he had served both Henry VIII and his son Edward VI as Lord Chamberlain, making him the man responsible for managing the royal household.

Christina_of_Denmark,_Duchess_of_Milan

Christina of Denmark, painted by Holbein. This is the portrait that sent Henry into raptures of love.

There is one other possible chain of transmission that might also account for the presence of the Holbein portrait in Arundel’s collection, and that is that it remained a part of the royal collection well into the 17th century, and thus came into the possession of Charles I. Charles was also a noted connoisseur of art, and he and Arundel were well known to each other; in fact, Cust tells us, they frequently “used to exchange pictures.” This seems to be another distinct lead, since the inventory of works in Arundel’s possession mentioned above, and dated to 1655, mentions not only the Cleves portrait, but another of Jane Seymour and a third, noted in the document as “Duchessa de Lorena grande del naturale,” which is actually the famous Holbein portrait of Christina of Denmark that Henry liked so much – she became, by marriage both Duchess of Lorraine and Duchess of Milan. (The Christina of Denmark painting is now in the National Gallery in London, and if you want to get a better idea of Henry VIII’s taste in women, you could do worse than take a look at it.) At least one other of Arundel’s paintings, then (the Christina), and probably at least two (that and the Seymour), had also once been in the royal collection.

I would have thought that the presence of so many pictures that had once been part of the royal collection among the paintings that Arundel took into exile with him could well be explained by an exchange or series of exchanges of the sort mentioned by Cust; it’s certainly more likely that the Cleves portrait was acquired in this way than that Arundel got hold of it from some other collector. Such people did exist; the Dutch painter and early art historian Karel Van Mander (1548-1606) mentions in passing another collector of Holbeins, a turn-of-the-seventeenth century “gentleman residing near Temple Bar, in London,” who possessed a number of the painter’s works, and Cust conjectures that Arundel may have purchased this man’s collection. But even if he did, it’s far from clear how a gentleman collector, hailing from several rungs further down the social scale than an Arundel earl, might have come to have access he would have needed to the royal collection to have laid hands on the Anne of Cleves portrait.

So there you have it. Arundel owned the painting, and he may have acquired it in the form of an inheritance from his grandfather, who would have purchased it or been gifted it as a result of his service to Henry VIII. Or – more probably, in my opinion – he was given it by Charles I, who in the 1620s and 1630s exchanged numerous paintings in the royal collection with the earl because both men were noted connoisseurs of art.

Neither of these possible chains of ownership runs through Anne of Cleves, and my investigation suggests that there is no reason to suppose she ever had possession of the painting made of her.

Sources

Arthur B. Chamberlain, Hans Holbein the Younger (New York, 2 vols, 1913)

Lionel Cust & Mary Cox, “Notes on the Collections Formed by Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, K. G.”, 5-part series in Burlington Magazine vols.19-21 (1911-12)

Mary F.S. Hervey, The Life, Correspondence & Collections of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel(Cambridge 1921)

Karel van Mander, Het Schilder-boek (Haarlem 1604)

Edith Miller, Records of the Lumleys of Lumley Castle (London 1904)

David Starkey, Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII (London 2003)

Rentha M. Warnicke, The Marrying of Anne of Cleves: Royal Protocol in Tudor England (Cambridge 2011)

Ralph Nicolson Wornum, Some Account Of The Life And Works Of Hans Holbein, Painter, of Augsburg(London 1867)


[46]

Trebitsch Lincoln (centre) as a Buddhist abbott in China

Trebitsch Lincoln (centre) as a Buddhist abbott in China

Q: Did the Empire of Japan seriously try to make conman Ignaz Trebitsch Lincoln the 14th Dalai Lama?

From Wikipedia: “Supposedly after a mystic experience in the late 1920s, Trebitsch converted to Buddhism, becoming a monk. In 1931 he rose to the rank of abbot, establishing his own monastery in Shanghai. All initiates were required to hand over their possessions to Abbot Chao Kung as he now called himself. He also spent time seducing nuns…. After the outbreak of the Second World War, he also made contact with the Nazis, offering to broadcast for them and to raise up all the Buddhists of the East against any remaining British influence in the area. The chief of the Gestapo in the Far East, SS Colonel Josef Meisinger, urged that this scheme receive serious attention. It was even seriously suggested that Trebitsch be allowed to accompany German agents to Tibet to implement the scheme. He proclaimed himself the new Dalai Lama after the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, a move that was supported by the Japanese but rejected by the Tibetans.”

A: For those who aren’t familiar with the name, Trebitsch Lincoln was quite a bit more than just a “con man”; indeed, one of the remarkable things about him, certainly at this late stage in his career, seems to have been his ability to persuade himself that the things he was doing and the things that he wanted were real. His biographer, Bernard Wasserstein – an otherwise pretty sober professor of history at Oxford – prefers the term “political adventurer,” and calls him “one of the most astounding and bizarre figures in modern history.”

Lincoln MP

Trebitsch Lincoln, the short-lived Liberal MP for Darlington, from a – pretty racist – cartoon in Punch that drew attention to his heavy Hungarian accent.

In the course of a long career that began at the turn of the 20th century, Lincoln (1879-1943) – who was born into a Jewish family in Hungary – was successively a trainee actor, Presbyterian missionary in Canada, Anglican curate, British Liberal MP, bankrupt, oilman, tramp and German spy. During the First World War he served a three-year prison term in Britain for fraud; after his release, he left for Germany, where be became head of press for the very short-lived post-war government installed during the Kapp Putsch of 1920, and later a prominent member of the inter-war White International. Indicted for high treason in Vienna, Lincoln fled to China, where he became political advisor to a succession of prominent warlords. He spent the remainder of his life in Asia as an arms dealer, Buddhist abbot, and Bodhisattva, living in Shanghai under the name Chao Kung. All this, as Wasserstein observes, makes Lincoln

the only person ever to have been formally adopted by a major British political party as a parliamentary candidate while still a Hungarian citizen …[and also] the only former British MP ever to serve as a member of a German government.”

Attempting to install oneself as Dalai Lama might have seemed ambitious even for a man of all these many talents, but it was certainly something that might conceivably have been in line with Lincoln’s personality and interests – Wasserstein comments that he had developed “an obsession with the idea of travelling to Tibet” as early as the 1920s. However, the source that Wiki cites for the information you are interested in is not an especially reliable one. It’s a feature published in an Australian newspaper by a former Buddhist monk turned journalist, and it appeared in April 1945, two years after Lincoln’s death and still several months before Japan’s surrender, at a a time when none of those with knowledge of what had happened was actually available for interview. As such, the Australian report seems to have relied more on rumour than anything else to label Lincoln as someone suffering from a life-long “religious mania” and suggest that

When the Dalai Lama died, Trebitsch-Lincoln notified the Buddhist Lamas of Tibet that the old Lama had been reincarnated in him – Ignatius Timothy Trebitsch-Lincoln! The Japanese government and Buddhist hierarchy gave him an eager backing and vehemently confirmed his claim to the Dalai Lamahood. Japan began to press his claim.

But the Tibetans thought otherwise, and found their new Dalai Lama [who was, in fact, the present one, who we’re all pretty familiar with] in the person of a Chinese baby. So Trebitsch-Lincoln committed hara-kiri to save Japanese face, or, more likely, he was “happily despatched by the Japanese themselves.

There is much that is demonstrably wrong with this report. For example, the 14th Dalai Lama was not a “Chinese” baby. And Lincoln certainly did not commit suicide – though his death was in fact rather mysterious, and Wasserstein concedes it is possible he was killed by the Japanese. But it seems to be the only published report that mentions the story you are interested in at all.

Wasserstein’s biography of Lincoln is the the best-sourced and most carefully considered account of his life that we have, so we need to turn to him to try to discern the actual course of events. He begins by pointing out that Lincoln was living in Asia during a period of incredible disruption. There had been tension between China and Japan since the beginning of the 1930s, and full-scale war had broken out in 1937. Furthermore, the death of the 13th Dalai Lama in 1933 was followed fairly closely by that of the second most important Tibetan leader, the Panchen Lama, in 1937, threatening the fragile internal stability of Tibet.

It was, Wasserstein relates, against this background that the British consul-general in Chungking composed a dispatch in September 1938 reporting that

Trebitsch Lincoln is proceeding towards Tibet and that he claims to be, by some extraordinary metempsychosis, a reincarnation of both the Dalai and the Tashi [Panchen] Lamas.

This dispatch, then, appears to be the origin of the story that Lincoln schemed to become the Dalai Lama, but Wasserstein is quick to point out that the original informant, a “Mr Cunningham of Tatsienlu,” about whom nothing else at all is known, had apparently confused Lincoln (then definitely in Shanghai) with an American by the name of Engler who had been passing through his city. We are as certain as we can be that Lincoln himself made no attempt to reach Tibet and, in any case, the boy who would become the 14th Dalai Lama had by that point already been identified as the tulku (reincarnate custodian) of the spirit of the previous 13 holders of that office; he would be formally recognised as such in 1939.

Josef_Meisinger_(1899-1947)

Gestapo colonel Joseph Meisinger – a war criminal who thought Lincoln could be a useful pro-Nazi agitator in Asia

What, though, of the involvement of the Japanese and the Germans in the selection of the new Dalai Lama? It is certainly the case that foreign interference in the process was so commonplace by this time as to be unremarkable; China had laid claim to a major role in the selection of a successor since the 18th century. And Lincoln certainly was known to Police-Colonel Josph Meisinger, the senior Gestapo officer mentioned by Wiki. But Meisinger came onto the scene only four years after the events set out above occurred. In 1937-38 he was still in Germany, where he had charge of the Gestapo office responsible for the investigation of homosexuality and abortions; in 1939 he was in Warsaw, where he ordered the execution of 16,000 Jewish people, a crime for which Poland would execute him after the war. He was not appointed to the Far East until 1941, when he was made “police attache” at the German embassy in Tokyo, and he did not visit Shanghai until May of that year.

Lincoln was well known to be a charismatic and persuasive individual, and he certainly seems to have had an impact on Meisinger. He sent a telegram to Berlin urging that the German government take seriously the “plans” Lincoln had for “China, Tibet and India,” which Meisinger considered “worthy of consideration.” What these plans were, we do not know, but certainly Meisinger’s enthusiasm for Lincoln was not shared by other German officials in the Far East. The Consul-General in Japan, Martin Fischer, appended his own commentary to the telegram, pointing out that Lincoln was a “political adventurer” with no known influence in “lama circles”, and, when the message did reach Germany, there were plenty of people there with memories long enough to remember the Lincoln of the 1920s; one of these, a Foreign Office official named Martin Luther – who readers of historical fiction may recognise as an important character in Robert Harris’s famous counter-factual thriller Fatherland – wrote a strongly-worded memo pointing out that Lincoln was not only wildly unreliable, but also “by birth a Hungarian Jew”. Meisinger’s interest in Lincoln promptly cooled, and Wasserstein does not mention any connection between Lincoln and the Japanese at all.

Did Lincoln proclaim himself the new Dalai Lama? We have no evidence he did so, though it would not, apparently, have been wholly out of character for him to have harboured such a dream. Did the Japanese support that candidacy, or indeed make any effort to meddle in the selection and installation of the 14th Dalai Lama? I can find nothing to suggest as much, and Japan seems to have taken very little interest in Tibet at all during this period; a single Japanese agent, Hisao Kimura, who posed as a Mongolian, is known to have spent 18 months in the country in 1940-1, but, other than that, there seems to be very little to suggest that Japan took any interest in Tibetan affairs.

I note that Wiki does not include Wasserstein’s important and conspicuously well-researched book among the sources for its article on Trebitsch Lincoln; this explains why it carries such an inaccurate account. Regrettably and unfortunately, this seems to be yet another example of the need to treat the material it publishes with caution.

Sources

Daisuke Murakami, “Japanese imaginings of Tibet: past and present,” Inner Asia 12 (2010); Ivan Orlov-Abstrebski, “Buddha threatens the Japanese,” Sydney Morning Herald, 7 April 1945; Bernard Wasserstein, The Secret Lives of Trebitsch Lincoln (New Haven, 1988); Bernard Wasserstein, “Lincoln, Ignatius Timotheus Trebitsch,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography


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The Golden Bough exhibited 1834 by Joseph Mallord William Turner 1775-1851

JMW Turner’s well-known painting The Golden Bough (1834) was inspired by Virgil’s The Aeniad, in which the hero consults an oracle who tells him he can only enter the underworld to meet the ghost of his father if he offers Proserpine a golden bough cut from a sacred tree. The panting shows the Sibyl holding a sickle and the freshly cut bough, in front of Lake Avernus, the legendary gateway to the Underworld. The dancing figures are the Fates; Virgil’s story was incorporated by J.G. Frazer into his retelling of the myth of the sacrificial king.

Q: According to Sir James Frazer, in his famous book The Golden Bough, Iron Age kings were regularly sacrificed after completing a fixed term as monarchs. What do we know about the kings who were supposedly sacrificed, and the people who killed them?

I heard a story about sacrificial Celtic kings or “corn kings” These kings were supposedly sacrificed in times of famine or to placate their gods for food harvests. Apparently they were fed year round and treated like kings only to be sacrificed to appease the gods. Is this true? What real sources cite these kings?

A: The rex nemorensis, as everyone agrees, is a very primitive figure, a remnant from the distant past, when the first settlements of Latin peoples were forming in the Alban hills and probably no more than the odd shepherd had as yet taken up residence on the Palatine [Hill, where Rome now stands]. He was a priest of Diana and a king, whatever that might have meant. He was linked to a tree that was sacred…

When a challenger appeared, identified by his success in obtaining a bough from the sacred tree, the rex was required to fight him to the death. The victor, whether challenger or incumbent, from that moment became, or continued as, Diana’s priest and the King of the Wood. The rex was important (though we do not know precisely how) to the power of Aricia and to Aricia’s pre-eminence within that earliest alliance of Latin communities in the sixth century BCE. We know hardly anything else about his cult; and yet already what we do know far exceeds our evidence for any Italic cult outside Rome, and indeed for most cults in Rome itself.

C.M.C. Green

As Carin Green reminds us, the story that you’ve heard is an old one. Very possibly, it is one of the oldest stories of all, and certainly it’s representative of a set of ideas that have been studied and discussed for more than a century. The question is: was it ever anything more than a story? Did these things happen, and, if they did, how can we be sure about both the events themselves and – much more contentiously – what they meant?

This is far from an easy problem to address. The idea that ancient kings (or proxies for them) were regularly sacrificed as part of a pre-Christian religion that sought power over the natural world and control of its fertility was once very widely believed. The idea was highly influential between around 1915 and 1970, influential enough for the concept of the blood sacrifice of monarchs to crop up in almost every popular retelling of the history of the Celtic period, and to seep out into fiction and film as well. The classic British horror film The Wicker Man (1973) is possibly the best-known example of the latter genre, but the same idea also underpinned the more recent, well-regarded Swedish film Midsommar (2019).

Brody-Midsommar

A still from Midsommar, in which an unwary party of outsiders are lured to a pagan festival in northern Sweden to serve as sacrificial victims for a nature cult.

The problem with all this is a twofold one. The first part concerns our sources, which are scanty and late; this makes it even harder than it usually is to guess which bits of them might refer to real practices and real events. The second part is rather more unique; this particular topic, more than any other I can think of, has been promoted by writers of such eminence that their ideas became a sort of article of faith for many people, academic and lay alike. The sacrifice of kings was first written about in detail by the pioneer anthropologist James Frazer. From there, his ideas were taken up and dramatically elaborated by the very long-lived (1863-1963) Margaret Murray, who – despite starting out as an Egyptologist, and having essentially no qualifications in the field – took up Frazer’s mantle as the English-speaking world’s most famous anthropologist between his death and hers. Murray energetically promoted the concept of sacrificial kings in a series of three books written for the general public which were published between 1921 and 1954.

Sir James Frazer

Sir James Frazer, a man of extreme work habits and verdant imagination

It was Margaret Murray who was responsible for suggesting these sacrifices were organised and carried out by the members of a multi-generational witch cult that was responsible for preserving an “old religion” that antedated Christianity, and which flourished, underground, long into the Christian period. This is an idea that I dissected here some time ago in a response that looked at the best-known of the supposed royal sacrifices written about by Murray, the death of the English king William II (William Rufus) in 1100, and it’s one that serious scholars of pagan religion, such as Ronald Hutton, have roundly dismissed. But Murray’s claims were catnip to the new generation of self-styled witches, led by Gerald Gardner, which emerged in Britain in the 1930s and 1940s and collectively founded the religion we now know as Wicca. Gardner recognised that Murray’s claims offered his brand-new faith the chance to claim continuity with an historical religion of tremendous antiquity and, apparently, considerable power – something that made the claims of Wicca and the Wiccans vastly more impressive and imposing. The result of all this was that the ideas first pioneered by Frazer have not only long outlived him; they have become a core part of the belief systems of large numbers of modern Wiccans and New Agers, who continue to spread them as widely as they can. In the age of the internet, that is pretty widely – certainly widely enough for them to have reached you.

I could write at considerable length about Murray and Gardner, but really everything they said was based on the ideas that Frazer had pioneered – and their elaborations of those ideas are pretty much entirely ahistorical. So it probably makes more sense to return to The Golden Boughand discuss what Frazer’s lifetime of scary work habits turned up in terms of evidence for the reality of sacrificial kings (he was famous for reading and taking notes in several languages for anything up to 15 hours a day, seven days a week – but notorious among later generations of anthropologists for writing about the world he had never actually seen for himself; he practically never left his study).

Frazer devoted most of his long life to tracing, exploring and setting them down in what became, over time, The Golden Bough (1890-1915). This 12-volume study of comparative religion has certainly been more revered than actually read, but it was a foundational influence on several generations of anthropologists; no lesser figure than Bronisław Malinowski, indeed, could write that Frazer’s masterpiece was “in many respects the greatest achievement of anthropology.” Beginning his study with a famous, and highly romanticised, retelling of the legend of the rex nemorensis – the priest-king of Nemi, a runaway slave who reigned as “king of the wood”, but only for so long as he could defeat all those who sought to challenge him in a single combat fought to the death – Frazer expanded his focus to study every aspect of what he termed “the dying god”. This involved the belief that the youth and health of a divine monarch had a direct bearing on the quantity and quality of the annual harvest, and that ritual death of such a king might be (and was) used to redress crises caused by drought and bad harvests, and so restore prosperity to a people.

Frazer’s book includes discussion of the practices of Iron Age celts. According to him, their history offers numerous examples of kings who reigned for fixed periods (which might, in his original, vary from one to nine years, though seven years has become the default figure generally cited today). And, because most of the societies that took part in these practices were agrarian ones, a number of these monarchs were described in terms that made them “vegetative kings” – such as the “corn kings” you’ve encountered.

Margaret_Murray_1928b

Margaret Murray, whose witch-cult hypothesis played fast-and-loose with history, but had a major impact on the way pagan religion was perceived in Britain

Frazer made a number of influential claims in The Golden Bough, and before I go on to discuss the historicity (or otherwise) of the kings you are interested in, it’s worth touching on some of these. First, he stressed how common the theme of a god’s, or a ruler’s, sacrifice is in myth and folklore. For example, the Norse god Odin sacrifices an eye in exchange for access to the well of wisdom; and (for Frazer), Dionysius, a Greek god; Osiris, an Egyptian one; and Tammuz, a Syrian deity, can all be seen as examples or “corn kings” who, in specific myths told of them, die as part of a harvest ritual, to ensure the bountifulness of the crops. Elsewhere, Frazer suggests that the Phrygian god Attis was addressed as the “reaped green (or yellow) ear of corn”; and, most interestingly from your perspective, he devotes significant attention to the figure of Lugh, a king and magician in European mythology who is associated with the sun. The Golden Boughargues that the same figure also appears as “Lughnasad” in pre-Christian England, Ireland and Wales; ultimately, he lends his name to the pagan festival we know as Lammas. In a second important theme in the same work, Frazer argues that the divine king possessed his powers only for so long as he remained perfect and un-mutilated. He discusses some of the precautions taken to prevent this; for instance, in the medieval Welsh story-cycle we know as the Mabinogion, the divine King Math seeks to protect the perfection of his body by always sleeping with his feet in the lap of a virgin.

Frazer is far from the only writer to point these things out. Joseph Campbell also thought there were associations between the concepts of birth and growth, and death and decay; human sacrifice, he argues, was intended to enhance life or stave off decay. Rosemary Sutcliff, the well-known author of historical novels, wrote one titled Mask of the Horse-Lord (1965) in which the hero is a Roman-Celtic king, Phaedrus, who ultimately decides to sacrifice himself for his people after listening (as Barbara Talcroft summarises things) to “a voice from a deeper past than that of Rome, and his solution belongs to the oldest of all traditions.” And the well-known writer and amateur scholar Robert Graves, taking Frazer as his departure-point, discussed Hercules as an exemplar of the “oak king”; according to Graves, some Iron Age monarchs, each cast in the role of Hercules, enjoyed reigns of a very brief duration, six months, after which successive kings were tied to an oak tree at midsummer and then ritually castrated, dismembered and slain, their blood being sprinkled over the people of their tribe, their body roasted and eaten at a ceremonial feast, and their head and genitals floated downriver on a boat to a sacred island; after that, supposedly, the head was sometimes cured and used for prophecy. Graves’s use of sources has been the subject of some significant criticism, and his work made little impression on the scholarly community, but it was much more impactful on a broader audience. In consequence, says Hutton, even today, Graves’s ideas about pagan Celtic monarchy “remain a major source of confusion about the ancient Celts and influences many un-scholarly views of Celtic paganism.”

A final key source for this inquiry into ideas about the Celtic monarchy of this period is G.F. Dalton – like Graves an amateur rather than a professional academic scholar – who during the 1970s published several papers arguing that the Irish high kings of Tara “were killed on a particular day of the year, in a ritual manner, for religious reasons, and at the end of a fixed term of years or of some multiple of this term.” According to Dalton’s reading of Irish history, the central goddess of pre-Christian Ireland was Éire (Éiru), who was an earth-goddess identified with the land itself. She was ritually “married” to a noble mortal, the High King at Tara, and in Dalton’s view each successive Irish king’s inauguration was portrayed in poetry as essentially a marriage feast. “The object of the marriage, we may reasonably assume,” he says, “was to make the land fertile.”

stag

Reconstruction of an ancient cave painting believed to show a shaman in animal costume. This image is often used by pagans as a portrayal of the “horned god” who is one of the main deities worshipped by Wiccans

With all this said, then, let’s look at the historical evidence Frazer and his followers used in an attempt to prove their case that divine kings were ritually sacrificed to bring fertility to the Iron Age Celtic kingdoms they ruled before the advent of Christianity. The examples I am going to discuss here for you come not only from the Golden Bough but from the more extensive lists offered by his followers R.A.S Macalister, in his Temair Breg (1919), and G.F. Dalton, in his papers “The ritual killing of the Irish kings” and “The tradition of blood sacrifice to the goddess Éire”. Dalton compiles these suggestions into a master-list of 14 supposedly historical Irish monarchs whose deaths might be interpreted as resulting from ritual sacrifice, all of whom supposedly died on a particularly significant day – the pagan festival of Samhain, held at the onset of winter, which we know better today as the Christians’ Hallowe’en. That total is, by the way, arguably a remarkably small one, given that the Irish annals purport to trace their Iron Age monarchy back to around 3000 BCE, and so cover in excess of 3,400 years before the advent of Christianity. It represents well under 10 percent of the Irish high kings named in those annals.

Examples taken from this list include:

  • Conary Mōr (Conaire Mór), who after he become high king of Erin (supposedly some time in the first century BCE), enjoyed a reign characterised by bounteous trade, rivers abounding in fish, and plentiful acorns for the swine – what Rolleston summarises as “the fair seasons and bounteous harvests always associated in Irish minds with the reign of a good king.”

  • Tighearnmas (Tigernmas), who supposedly lived in the second millennium BCE and who, the Irish Annals of the Four Masters assures us, died “with three-fourths of the men of Ireland about him, at the meeting of Magh-Slecht, in Breifne, at the worshipping of Crom Cruach, which was the chief idol in Ireland. This happened on the night of Samhain precisely.”

  • Eochaid (Eochu Airem), who was, according to different sources, struck by lightning, or burned to death at a banquet – either by a rival tribal group, or by the fairy-folk.

  • Fergus Blacktooth (Fergus Dubdétach), who reigned for one year in the second or third centuries AD, and then was killed in a battle that took place on Samhain. According to Dalton, this ‘battle’ was a very strange affair. Fergus and his brothers were all killed on the same stone, by the same man, Lugaid Laiga, who is said to have killed seven kings. After killing these three, Lugaid was so crazy with fighting that he tried to kill his own king, Cormac, himself. But Cormac had foreseen this, and dressed his fool, Deilionn, in the royal robes, so that Lugaid killed Deilionn in mistake for Cormac. For Dalton, it is obvious that Deilionn was a mock king, who was invested with the royal robes purely in order that he might be sacrificed instead of the real king Cormac.

  • Finally, Dalton suggests that an Irish legend, ‘The Adventures of Art son of Conn’, may be put beside these. This story concerns a wicked enchantress named Becuma, who marries a king of Ireland named Conn Cetcathach (Conn Cétchathach, Conn of the Hundred Battles – reigned later than most of the others on this list, in the 1st century AD; he was the supposed ancestor of most subsequent high kings). As a result of her depravity the crops fail, and there is a famine. The druids proposed to remedy this via a human sacrifice, the victim being a young man named Segda, who is, Dalton presumes, a substitute for the king himself. According to one version of the story: “When the druids saw the young man with Conn, this is the counsel they gave: to slay him and mingle his blood with the blighted earth and the withered trees, so that its due mast and fruit, its fish, and its produce might be in them.” The most interesting point, Dalton contends, is the detailed description given of the proposed sacrifice. The victim’s blood is to be allowed to sink into the ground. Dalton interprets this as an example of sympathetic magic – moistening the soil brings rain and revives the crops

Now, looking at all this from the perspective of the historian, rather than the ethnographer or the folklorist, there seem to me to be two all-too-obvious things to point out. The first is that none of these supposed rulers is a clearly historical figure. All of them date from the period of roughly 2000 BCE up to the appearance of St Patrick in Ireland, which is typically dated to roughly the first half of the fifth century CE. This means that every one of them significantly antedates any surviving written record we have for Ireland – the Annals of the Four Masters, referred to above, for instance, was not compiled till the 1630s, though the men who wrote it drew on annals which, Irish historians believe, may have been written as early as the 550s. So even these ancient records, assuming that they actually existed, could have recorded only traditions and legends about earlier Irish kings. Really, all the people on Dalton’s list have an historicity approximately equivalent to that of King Lear, a figure who supposedly ruled “Britain” in the eighth century BCE – but whose legend was not actually written down until the twelfth century CE.

The second point to be made about the list is that none of the people on it are unambiguously described as having been ritually sacrificed to protect their people or to save them from dearth. How, we might ask, did Macalister and Dalton conclude that they were, in fact, sacrificial victims? Only because they had read Frazer and were actively looking for examples of the practices outlined in the Golden Bough. Indeed, a reading of Dalton’s papers reveals they are replete with phrases such as the “it is obvious from this that…”, the “it may have been” and the “we may reasonably assume” that I quoted above – “the answer must be largely guesswork…”; “we can conjecture…” and so on. From the historian’s point of view, these sorts of phrases sound loud warning bells, because the people who write them are not evaluating their sources as historians are supposed to – they are example-seeking, and actively going in search of “evidence” to prove a case they are already convinced of. And they ignore the existence of a number of story tropes – the sacred importance of the number seven, the portrayal of fools as sorts of mirrors of the king – that might equally explain the form of some of the old legends.

To take only the example of Eochaid Airem, who is supposed to have reigned in about 100 BCE, Dalton not only ignores the fact that he is a figure from saga, not history – one who lived in a world in which fairies were very powerful and very real, and whose main purpose was to carry out acts that advance an epic story. He also cites three different possible causes of death, not one of which is obviously recognisable as a product of the sort of ritual sacrifice described by Frazer. Moreover, Eochaid’s reign is said to have lasted for 15 years. Dalton expends some energy trying to demonstrate that this figure should actually be read to show a “real” reign of 14 years, which would be a multiple of the mystic seven years he is looking for (2 x 7). There are many, many echoes of this sort of special pleading in the literature I’ve been discussing. Thus Margaret Murray’s attempt to argue that William Rufus’s death was the product of ritual sacrifice wriggles frantically around in an attempt to account for the fact that the death took place not on the pagan festival of Lammas, but on the morning afterwards. She also insists that the king was 42 years old at the time of his death (6 x 7), when, in fact, we simply don’t know when Rufus was born, and ignores the inconvenient fact that he died not after ruling for 14 years, but after a reign of 12 years and 10 months. None of this encourages much faith in the arguments of the Golden Bough brigade.

Thus far, our discussion has revolved around negatives; hopefully I’ve shown there is good reason to suppose that the historical record contains little in the way of evidence to back up the idea that Iron Age Celtic kings were ritually sacrificed in extremely similar ways in the name of a religion that survived the Christianisation of Ireland and the British Isles. In concluding, though, it’s only fair to point out that some modern evidence does possibly point to the sacrifice of significant figures from these communities. This evidence is provided by some of the bog bodies recovered in Ireland over the past couple of decades, at least two of which – the remains known as Old Croghan Man and Cashel Man – potentially fit this particular bill.

Cashel man

The remains of Cashel Man, the world’s oldest bog body, excavated from a peat mire in Ireland in 2011. The upper part of the body was thought to have been placed in a large bag; as a result, it decomposed. The lower limbs, outside the bag and exposed to the anaerobic environment of the bog, survived

These bodies are much older than most of the people we’ve discussed in this response thus far – they date to the period 2,000–1,000 BCE. But, certainly, they belong to people who, if not definitely kings, probably were prominent figures in their communities. Old Croghan Man, in particular, would have been a striking figure; he stood about six feet five inches tall, gigantic for that time, had been reared on an expensive diet that was largely meat-based, had apparently done no manual work (his fingernails were neatly manicured), and died in his prime, aged about 25. Moreover, he had apparently been ritually killed. I covered the mystery of Old Croghan man in an earlier essay, which you can read here; the relevant passage runs:

“Forensic examination shows that he died hard, stabbed through a lung and then decapitated with an axe. After killing him, his executioners chopped his body in half at the diaphragm, and at some point, perhaps while he was still alive, they also inflicted two pairs of unusual wounds on him. Deep cuts almost severed both his nipples, and his arms were vigorously pierced so that twisted lengths of hazel withy could be threaded through from side to side, presumably to pinion him. “

These sorts of details can be, and have been, read as archaeological confirmation of Frazer’s anthropological speculation. The main proponent of these views, Eamon Kelly of the National Museum of Ireland, has written several papers based on these finds that argue in favour of the reality of Irish sacrificial kingship. And it’s hard to be certain that he’s not right about this.

wicker man

Engraving of a wicker man, reported by Julius Caesar to have been used by Celtic peoples to imprison intended human sacrifices prior to their immolation

What can be said, though, in conclusion, is that it’s just as hard to prove that Kelly is correct. We have no written records that date back this far; and while it seems quite reasonable to suppose that Old Croghan Man was killed in some sort of ritual, we can’t definitely link that to the ideal of sacrifice to ensure good harvests, nor even be certain he was not the victim of some other set of circumstances that we simply have no record of, and hence no reference points for. Similarly, while Kelly very interestingly speculates on the reasons why only portions of many bog bodies are recovered – he argues that, after being dismembered, various parts were buried at different spots around the boundaries of their kingdoms as a form of magical protection – it is, once again, impossible to prove what remains a theory; and some of his evidence is based on exactly the sort of wriggly special pleading that Margaret Murray used to deploy, as well. Thus, we simply don’t know what boundaries Iron Age Irish kingdoms had; to make his argument, Kelly assumes they can be traced in the bounds of m