I’ve been enjoying Kim Bowes’ latest book, Surviving Rome, and I’ve blogged a bit about it on my Thanksgiving live blog. The book contributed nicely my thinking about my Roman History class in the spring. I’ll likely include it as a highly recommended book for students to review in the class.
The book examines the economic lives of “the 90%” of the Roman world though archaeology, non-literary texts (especially graffiti, ostraca, and papyrus), numismatics, and human bodies. The book is intentionally short on big picture conclusions (as so many books purporting to deal with economic life seek to offer) and long on the kind of granular detail the entices subtle new readings of material culture, rural life, and the Roman economy.
Rather than proceeding with a long (and probably tedious) review, there were a handful of things that stood out to me:
1. Consumer Culture. Bowes makes a compelling argument that the 90% enjoyed a kind of Roman consumer culture with a wide range of manufactured things in their possession. Metal objects for work, pleasure and adornment, glass plates, lamps, and glasses, ceramic table, cooking, and utility wares, various articles of clothing, and other perishable articles presumably made of wood would have created a world full of things. This means that the 90% had a disposable income and a desire to surround themselves with objects that demonstrated their taste. In short, the poor and middling of Roman society liked nice things too. They were not simply living at the subsistence level, even in the countryside, but engaged in a thriving material culture.
2. Roman Farms. Roman archaeologists know Bowes’s work on the rural landscape and farms with the Roman Peasant Project. In Surviving Rome, she is more cursory, but reminds us how densely populated the Roman rural landscape would have been even in places like northern Gaul and Britain. The number of farms indicated both the intensity of Roman agricultural exploitation of the landscape as well as existence of social and economic networks necessary to support the rural monetary economy and various forms of highly local economic exchange.
What is more important than that, however, is that Bowes definitively rejects any idea of subsistence agriculture in the Roman world. The small to midsized Roman farmer was immersed in a complex economy of trade and exchange, things, and as Bowes argues later credit and coins.
3. Money. Bowes offers a great overview of the ubiquity of money and credit in the Roman world. She begins by reminding everyone that Romans used coins even for small transactions and that small issues — in bronze — were ubiquitous in urban and rural areas. She then expands this to discuss the way in which coins complemented other kinds of payments to allow the 90% to get by. Of particular interest is Bowes’s discussion of credit. Based largely on papyrus records from Egypt she demonstrates how even people of very modest means used credit to support not only their need for sustenance, but also consumer goods. What was remarkable is that many of the creditors were not of much greater social or economic standing than the debtors.
That all said, I do wonder whether there was a market for debt. It was interesting that there didn’t seem to be much of a concern (or at least a particularly prominent concern in the limited sources available) for repayment. It might be because these debts were sold on detaching socially the creditor from the debtor.
4. Roman Bodies. The survey of Roman bodies based on bioarchaeological analysis is a nice survey that emphasizes as much what we don’t know about the health of ancient Romans as what we do know. She demonstrated that many earlier efforts to use bodies to understand Roman health overstated the links between certain skeletal traits and work. In the end, it seems simpler and more accurate (if not more precise) to say that most Romans used their bodies as tools and their bones preserve the signs of labor. Bowes does offer more precise observations from her dataset. For example, she concludes that Romans in cities had greater exposure to childhood diseases and higher childhood mortality, and this produced a more robust adult population. She also demonstrated the variation in diet between rural and urban dwellers with urbanites eating more meat and fish consumption being less tied to location as wealth.
5. Seasons and Families. One thing that I would have loved to understand better is the seasonal variation in the economy. There were glimpses: references to the hungry time (the late winter and early spring months before the harvest), seasonal impacts of malaria on mortality, and such things. One wonders, however, whether there is more here in terms of borrowing (and lending), cash on hand, and times to speculate or scrimp.
At times I also lost track of labor in Bowes’s book particularly at the scale of the family unit. Again there were glimpses: children whose parents gave them as indentured servants when they were very young. For some reason, I assumed that most families kept their labor closer to home and this meant changing quantities (and qualities of labor) over time. I also became curious about the elderly and how and whether they helped families in the 90% survive. Perhaps these things are so well-known (or that they follow such a predictable course) that they do not require study.
These issues are more about what the book is not rather than what the book is, and in that way, they’re a bit unfair. The book is good and worth reading. Check it out.