Papers by Maysam Behravesh
Britain is not "an island entire of itself"; but neither is it "a part of the main". Many Britons... more Britain is not "an island entire of itself"; but neither is it "a part of the main". Many Britons have seen themselves as a "fiercely independent"; nation, uniquely different from "others", even the mainland Europeans with whom they have much in common in terms of race, language, and culture. This is, to a great extent, the result of Britain‘s insular status, which has played a role in shaping the life and history of British islanders by complexifying the British national character and reinforcing a sense of xenophobia. This paper‘s primary objective is to explore two main factors that have wrought a strong influence on the British exceptionalist identity. These factors are 1) its long history of domestic democracy in the form of "constitutional monarchy"; and Parliamentarianism and 2) the construction of a massive British Empire ranging from North America to the Indian Subcontinent maintained by mostly centralized and autocratic rule. ...
The core of Alexander Wendt's theorization of international politics consists in his intellectual... more The core of Alexander Wendt's theorization of international politics consists in his intellectual endeavour to develop a theory of the international system as a "social construction," which lies in stark contrast to the positivist and materialist conceptions of IR as theorized particularly by realists and liberalists. In fact, it is an originally "cultural" theory of international politics explained by different "cultures of anarchy" constructed by states themselves, which contests the "ontological atomism" and "epistemological positivism" both neorealism and neoliberalism as traditional theories of IR share in principle.
Basing itself upon the constructivist approach in International Relations, the paper opens up an ... more Basing itself upon the constructivist approach in International Relations, the paper opens up an argument of how the discursive construction of Iranian and Western identities and interests have influenced the bilateral politico-cultural relations, generating great tensions between Iran and the West. Ever since Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979, the Western powers including the US and UK, have assumed a cynical and suspicious attitude towards Iran, accusing it of exporting terrorism and supporting militant groups and so on; an attitude which was epitomized by George W. Bush's "Axis of Evil" speech in 2001 and gained momentum afterwards. On the other hand and along the parallel lines, the Iranian establishment has taken a paranoid stance on the Western governments, invariably accusing them of conspiring against it and claiming to see the "hidden hand of the global arrogance" and "strangers" behind the internal and external problems of the country....
Iran basically sees ISIS as a military-security threat, but needs to consider it as a social-poli... more Iran basically sees ISIS as a military-security threat, but needs to consider it as a social-political problem too and devise its strategy to confront it accordingly, and this is of particular importance in the border areas where the situation can be ripe for ISIS to form sleeper sells and pockets of sympathy.
Iran is worried about the contagion effect of the Saudi military intervention in Yemen, that is, ... more Iran is worried about the contagion effect of the Saudi military intervention in Yemen, that is, Tehran fears the experience, once successful, may be repeated elsewhere in the Middle East, particularly Syria, hence its stiff opposition and harsh reactions to it.
Given the surprise electoral victory in May 2013 of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, which was a... more Given the surprise electoral victory in May 2013 of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, which was attained on a recurrent platform of reform and change, this article seeks to investigate Iran's reform discourse by looking at how it systematically developed under President Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). Its chief purpose is to delineate the discourse in a retrospective analytical attempt to show why it has proven so resilient and persuasive in theory while briefly explicating the causes of its failure in practice under reformists, which set the stage for the rise to power of populist neo-conservatives marshaled by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005–2013). Divided in two main parts, it thus seeks to tease out the domestic ideology of reform as theorized by Khatami and his men on the one hand, and the foreign policy of détente and dialogue as performed by the reformist administration on the other. In so doing, the article draws primarily on the original Persian sources produced during the respective period and afterward, including Khatami's own writings as well as theoretical formulations and articulations propounded by his political strategists. Finally, it anticipates that Rouhani's “moderation” project can face the same fate as Khatami's “reform” project if the former does not heed the hard-earned historical lessons of the latter, even though it is operating in a different sociopolitical context.
Middle East Conflicts & Reforms (Ed.), Jun 16, 2014
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Papers by Maysam Behravesh