Government (Political Theory)

The relations between religion and politics in general, and more precisely between the Church and the State, remain a major topic of discussion. Jesus of Nazareth said: « Render unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and unto God what is God's». 1 Nonetheless, establishing the limits or indeed the exact frontiers between « Caesar » and « God », that is, between political power and religious power, still remains a rather daring bet, an exercise destined for failure. From one cultural area to another, these relations vary. Sometimes they are ones of fusion, sometimes of separation or opposition, or even of cooperation. In many African countries such as Congo-Brazzaville, for example, certain stands by clergymen or the Church are often still perceived as an intrusion, especially when they seem to challenge unethical behaviors of politicians. We then hear politicians denounce churchmen for coming out of the sacristy to play on a terrain which does not belong to them. But when these same stands are favorable to politicians or to the government, the Church is praised, legitimized, and again takes its « true place » in society. Right from its birth, the Church has evolved in politically organized milieux 2. It has been offered extremely diverse roles and models. It should be able to do everything. For some, the Church should teach men the faith and lead them to eternal salvation; it has no other mission. For others, it should maintain morality and support the established order. A third category

Les relations entre la Religion et la Politique en général, et plus particulièrement entre l'Eglise et l'Etat déferlent encore la chronique de nos jours. Jésus Christ a dit : « Rendez à César ce qui est à César, et à Dieu ce qui est à Dieu »1. Cependant, établir les limites voire les frontières « exactes » entre « César » et « Dieu », c'est-à-dire entre le pouvoir politique et le pouvoir religieux demeure toujours un pari très osé, un exercice voué à l'échec. D'une aire culturelle à une autre, ces relations varient. Tantôt ce sont de rapports de fusion, tantôt de séparation ou d'opposition, tantôt encore de co-opération. Dans de nombreux pays d'Afrique, par exemple, certaines prises de position des hommes d'Eglise sont encore souvent perçues comme une intrusion, surtout lorsque celles-ci semblent contester l'action des politiciens. On entend alors décrier la sortie de la sacristie des hommes d'Eglises pour évoluer sur un terrain qui ne leur appartient pas. Mais lorsque ces mêmes prises de position sont favorables à une formation politique ou aux gouvernants, l'Eglise est louée, légitimée, et retrouve sa « vraie place » dans la société.

In this paper, I aim to show that resemblance based understanding of representation is insufficient to understand representation in non-electoral contexts. Instead of it, I argue that Michael Saward’s representation as claim-making framework can be the new way to examine representation in such contexts, and specifically in deliberative citizen practices. First, I discuss resemblance based conception of representation in the context of deliberative citizen practices, and show how it is insufficient. Second, I introduce representation as claim-making framework and modify it. Third, I examine representation in the British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly using the claim-making framework as an illustration of how we can use this framework. I aim to show that representation is a claim made by organizers, and strengthened by different tools of which resemblance is just one. This claim involves three main actors: the represented, citizen representatives and organizers. While the acts of the represented and citizen representatives do not affect representation, organizers not only determine the selection criteria but also make representations as being claim-makers. In addition, the idea of performatives is used in order to support this argument. In the end, I have three conclusions: First, representation as a concept does not necessarily denote a dyadic relationship. Second, organizers are the source of representation in deliberative citizen practices. Third, any examination of representation in a deliberative citizen practice should move beyond resemblance, and look carefully at the organizers’ decisions and claims.

This talk deals with the contemporary issues about political participation in light of participatory and deliberative democratic practices. It argues that there are lessons to learn from different practices in order to enable citizens to participate in a better way than elections.

This article examines representation in the context of minipublics (i.e. deliberative citizen practices). Their organisation affects their deliberative and democratic qualities one of which is representation. Although descriptive representation is commonly referred to, this article argues that Michael Saward’s claim-making framework is a better understanding of representation to use. It is argued that not only descriptive representation is a result of organisational choices, but also organisers create the missing bond between representatives and the represented by making representative claims. 

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This article aims to better understand accountability in the context of minipublics. It will identify different accountability relations in minipublics. This will reveal that accountability is a more important value to organizers than to the participants and the deliberative accountability of organizers will be highlighted as a desired quality expected from them. In addition, before the conclusion, three points will be raised to broaden our understanding of accountability in minipublics. Firstly, trust-based selection model of principal-agent accountability (Mansbridge 2009, 2014) will be discussed, as it seems to offer us a different perspective on the weak accountability of participants and points at the importance of selection done by organizers. Secondly, it will be argued that the empowerment of minipublics becomes important when we think about whether we want stronger accountability mechanisms in minipublics. Finally, it will be argued that organizers might be held accountable for the decisions made by an empowered minipublic.

This article aims to better understand accountability in the context of minipublics. It will identify different accountability relations in minipublics. This will reveal that accountability is a more important value to organizers than to the participants and the deliberative accountability of organizers will be highlighted as a desired quality expected from them. In addition, before the conclusion, three points will be raised to broaden our understanding of accountability in minipublics. Firstly, trust-based selection model of principal-agent accountability (Mansbridge 2009, 2014) will be discussed, as it seems to offer us a different perspective on the weak accountability of participants and points at the importance of selection done by organizers. Secondly, it will be argued that the empowerment of minipublics becomes important when we think about whether we want stronger accountability mechanisms in minipublics. Finally, it will be argued that organizers might be held accountable for the decisions made by an empowered minipublic.

Near the beginning of an essay published in 2007 on the subject of howif it is at all possibleto fight an asymmetric war justly, Michael Walzer presents one of his more well known cases: the 2002 targeted killing of a group of terrorist militants (al-Qaeda, in this case) in South Yemen by a missile fired from an American helicopter. 1 His case goes as follows. If the exact same attack was to have been carried out in an arena of war, like Afghanistan, and assuming of course the militants were identified by strict (or at least sound) criteria, then it would have easily been acknowledged as an act of war within a warzone, therefore justified.

This book is an expository philosophical and intellectual ‘map’ for young Muslims who may find themselves mesmerized and confused by philosophical, intellectual, and practical aspects of modernity so they may orient their thought to provide their own answers to philosophical and intellectual challenges as a young person in the Modern World. It primarily aims at Muslim youths, presumably undergraduates who face the forces of modernity from their educational and social life. This book is relatively short compared to other Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s works. It is only about 260 pages from cover-to-cover minus the Index section.  In addition, this book is also for those who want to have an overview of Nasr’s philosophical deliberation on challenges of modernity and its possible answers seen from an Islamic perspective. This book is arguably the simplest introduction to Nasr’s thought because it is framed for the viewpoint of the young who is trying to find his or her ways in the Modern World. Thus breadth, clarity and simplicity in terms, topics, and examples can be seen throughout this book and not details, footnotes and nuances. The experience of reading it is akin to having a tour over a certain Islamic philosophical overview as a young person to explore the wealth of past Islamic philosophy and thought. The book aims to prepare the young Muslim minds to intellectually and philosophically respond to modern challenges first in their practical life and then cultivate a discipline of thought and commitment to learn so they could engage in intellectual discourses with regards to fundamental questions of philosophy – theology of tawhid, epistemology of meaning, and metaphysics of meta-reality in later life. This book is also an implicit preliminary exposition against meaninglessness due to exclusivist, positivistic, and empirical materialism that pins its fundamental axioms of knowledge in the domain of the material and observable universe.

Multiple factors may contribute to poverty among Orang Asli , namely, traditional, consumption oriented ways of crop cultivation which depend largely on family labour, inconsistent returns of cash cropping, the presence of middle traders which prevent s their direct access to market, lack of transportation network and information, lack of access to basic infrastructure, low education, insufficient skills and limited opportunities to change. The Territorial Approach to Rural Agribusiness Development (TARBD) envisages eight stages of meeting the twin goal of food security and poverty reduction, viz. 1) planning and initiation by building strategic partnership 2) mobilization through participatory diagnosis and community visioning, 3) formation of participatory market research, 4) participation programmes, 5) evaluation of enterprise options, 6) design and implementation of agro-enterprise projects, 7) support services for enterprise development, and 8) strengthening of local instituti...

This paper analyses the COVID-19 pandemic as a form of metaphysical crisis in addition to its well-known status as a global health crisis. I argue that the general absence of a comprehensive metaphysical outlook of nature has further alienated humankind from a Divine-based cosmology of nature. COVID-19 is certainly part of nature and man too. However, our outlook at 'tackling' the disease is filled with overconfidence that man could overcome nature, thus 'defeating' the disease. This should not be the mental and spiritual state of human beings at present natural crisis. Drawing from Seyyed Hossein Nasr's Man and Nature: The Spiritual Crisis as Modern Man, I argue that a certain arrogance had developed in modern mentality that COVID-19 was just another viral disease-until it engulfed the entire planet. Realizing that man's modern knowledge had been sorely inadequate to contain the disease as they expected, due to general disconnect with the sacred side of nature, they turned to fear, even despair. Present Islamic perspectives should revive the inclusivity between man and nature to reconnect humankind to the sacred aspects of nature. A narrative borne of Islam must serve as communique for those who seek re-connection with nature considering the evolving ecosophy by accounting Michel Serre's Natural Contract to develop a new political ecology.

This book is an introduction to Islam’s legacy of ecological and environmental wisdom prescribed in the Qur’an and in the history of Islamic science and technology. The author attempted to expound the title in question two-pronged: by addressing the spiritual dimension of the environmental wisdom and its scientific-economic counterpart. His main argument centres on highlighting a spiritual vision of nature – in this case, Islamic – that should be embodied and accounted within discussions about ecology and environment based on dialogue. The book is an ideological expansion of Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s seminal work, Man and Nature: The Spiritual Crisis in Modern Man (2007). Specifically, the author emphasizes that the Earth is human beings’ only planetary home and highlights the Quranic take on the proposition. In this revised second addition, it updates the importance of intensifying interfaith dialogues particularly with regards to addressing contemporary environmental issues (i.e clima...

Summary: This book, a collection of essays honoring Muslim scholar-activist Osman Bakar, edited by Khairudin Aljunied, highlights Bakar's contributions to Islamic studies. Featuring renowned scholars and activists, the volume covers two main themes: "The Production and Problem of Knowledge" and "Civilizational Unity and Renewal." The book provides a comprehensive introduction to Bakar's work but omits aspects of his political thought and sacred studies. Furthermore, his activist side is not given enough attention. Despite these shortcomings, the book is a must-read for those seeking to understand Bakar's thoughts, as his ideas offer valuable insights for the study of knowledge, tradition, and civilization in the Islamic world and the region of Borneo.

Who should be recognized as a refugee? This article seeks to uncover the normative arguments at the core of legal and philosophical conceptions of refugeehood. It identifies three analytically distinct approaches grounding the right to refugee status and argues that all three are normatively inadequate. Refugee status should neither be grounded in individual persecution for specific reasons (classical approach) nor in individual persecution for any discriminatory reasons (human rights approach). It should also not be based solely on harm (humanitarian approach). Rather, this article argues, it should be based on political oppression-on persons lacking public autonomy, formally expressed as a lack of legal-political status. The normative foundation for a claim to refugee status lies in the inability of a person to control, amend and seek recourse to the specific situation she faces. It lies in the lack of public autonomy expressed as a lack of legal-political rights. What matters for a claim to refugee status is thus the legal-political disenfranchisement of a person, ultimately leaving her with no recourse to the particular situation she faces other than flight. Refugees, then, are not only those who fear harm or persecution, but those who are politically oppressed.