Papers by Carl-Ulrik Schierup
Migracijske i etničke teme / Migration and Ethnic Themes, Dec 1, 2006
SAžETAK U ovom radu autor razmatra ma•rksistička gledišta o ulozi rezervne armi j•e imigrantske r... more SAžETAK U ovom radu autor razmatra ma•rksistička gledišta o ulozi rezervne armi j•e imigrantske radne snage u odnosu na o< kumulooi•ju kopitala u Zapadnoj Evropi. Teorije
Migración y desarrollo, Jul 20, 2023
Resumen. Se analizan tendencias de la migración global en contextos de procesos de mercantilizaci... more Resumen. Se analizan tendencias de la migración global en contextos de procesos de mercantilización y de auge de un «Estado regulador» neoliberal. Asimismo, se analizan perspectivas referentes a un contramovimiento contemporáneo de, para o con una «precariedad migrante» mundial. Con fundamento en una evaluación de los avances actuales de la investigación acerca de los procesos ideopolíticos que condujeron a la confirmación del Pacto Mundial para una Migración Segura, Ordenada y Regular (gcm), y al posterior Foro Internacional de Revisión de la Migración (imrf, por sus siglas en inglés), los autores formulan una pregunta central: ¿dentro de la gobernanza mundial de la migración qué lugar ocupa la sociedad civil? En ese sentido, se exploran las posibilidades y los tropiezos de la compilación de los «derechos humanos» con relación a las demandas de la sociedad civil.
OUP Catalogue, 2006
The recent predominance of neo-institutional accounts of immigration and migration makes Schierup... more The recent predominance of neo-institutional accounts of immigration and migration makes Schierup, Hansen and Castles' political economy of migration a particularly important contribution to the literature. The authors link, what they refer to as, the dual crisis of social citizenship with the cultural crisis of the nation-state. They claim that there is an integral link between neo-liberalism, globalisation, post-Fordism (at the national and EU levels) and the current crisis surrounding immigration and migration. If this dual crisis represents the focus of the analysis, the larger goal of this study is intended to question how and whether Europe has the institutional, intellectual, cultural and political tools to solve the current immigration 'crisis'. By examining how the challenges of post-Fordism structure integration and exclusion, the study focuses on the political economy, and to a lesser extent, changing public policy in Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden and the EU. These four countries are chosen since they represent the three models of Esping-Andersen's welfare state: the liberal means testing, the conservative-corporate and the social democratic welfare state. Italy is added since it falls between the conservative-corporate and a Southern European welfare state. The strength of this analysis lies precisely in the application of the Esping-Andersen inspired models and the link between welfare state, immigration and the structures of exclusion. The reader is presented with more than simply an examination of immigration; instead, this is a concise study of these four welfare state regimes within the post-Fordist context. At the level of the EU, it is claimed that the move to supply side conceptions of social citizenship exacerbates the exclusion of non-nationals. To be sure, the EU has acknowledged the economic need for immigrants and it has also attempted to institutionalise anti-racism policy. However, in the end, these policies have largely failed since the EU has also fallen victim to market integration, on the one hand, while it has also resorted to a discourse that criminalises immigrants, ultimately focusing on border controls and illegal immigration, on the other. The authors point to cross-national trends, such as the exploitation of illegal immigrants, subcontracting and neo-guestworker models. However, it is also argued that different welfare states structure how immigrants are included and excluded within the current post-Fordist economic environment. For example, in Great Britain, due to both the lower levels of social protection inherent in the liberal means testing welfare state and
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Apr 1, 2011
Critical Sociology, Dec 28, 2020
The special issue contributes to the exploration of transversal solidarities counterpoised to an ... more The special issue contributes to the exploration of transversal solidarities counterpoised to an exhausted neoliberalism on the one hand and a xenophobic populism on the other. It tracks contours of a multifarious countermovement, traversing ‘race’, class and gender, driven by reimaginings of the common and the renewal of democracy. The emphasis is on the understanding of contending urban justice movements, welcoming communities and their liaisons in a multiscale (local, national, transnational) perspective. A collection of theoretically informed papers discusses cases from urban contexts of Europe and the United States, all riveted by schisms of class, ‘race’/ethnicity and gender, occupied by the ‘migration’ issue and challenged by contending movements for social cum environmental sustainability. Exploring examples of social movements and forms of mobilisation in different contexts, the overarching aim is to retrieve options for transversal solidarities transcending identities while focusing on commonalities.
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 1, 2006
pensions in order to facilitate restructuring. Deindustrialization, mass unemployment, and privat... more pensions in order to facilitate restructuring. Deindustrialization, mass unemployment, and privatization have increased structural push, with early exit spreading widely across sectors. Two varieties of capitalism can be observed: early exit is used by firms to adapt to regulated labor markets in Continental coordinated market economies, it is more cyclical and infrequent in Anglophone flexible labor markets, while Japan and Sweden are exceptional cases that integrate older workers.
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 15, 2010
Migration of ethnic minorities in Central Highland region is a big concern of the policymakers as... more Migration of ethnic minorities in Central Highland region is a big concern of the policymakers as well as the social researchers. Based on the analysis of data from two Vietnam internal migration surveys taken in 2004 and 2015, the Central Highland had been a destination area for a majority of ethnic minorities' rural-rural migrants. The study shows that the size of voluntary migrants came to the Central Highland region is strongly decreasing over the last five years. In contrast, there appeared an increasing group of voluntary migrants come out from the Central Highland to other regions, especially the NorthEast , looking for a job, income-earning for their households. The number of rural-urban migrants is increasing while the number of rural-rural migrants is decreasing among the ethnic minorities' migrants. The share of temporary migrants is becoming dominant over the permanent ones in both in-and out-migration in the Central Highland region. The main purpose of the movement is seeking a job, income earning. By analyzing the existing data sets, it shows a significant impact of migrants' education on their decision of movement. The study results may contribute to estimate the migration trend and serve as evidence for the ethnic minorities' policymaking on the period from now to 2030.
American Journal of Sociology, May 1, 1995
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Oct 1, 1991
Ethnic-nationalist mobilisation is the dominant political factor of the Yugoslavian crisis. But a... more Ethnic-nationalist mobilisation is the dominant political factor of the Yugoslavian crisis. But a general 'ethnification' of the political process is a characteristic product of the socialist state system, rather than a perpetuation of past ethnic conflicts. Simultaneously, new 'postcommunist' popular movements and political parties are confronted with dilemmas similar to those faced by the dethroned socialist regimes, in a situation where radical economic reforms lead to impoverishment, to industrial closures and to increased unemployment. The article opposes the notion of a stark contrast between a democratic and liberal Yugoslavian 'north' and a despotic and still communist 'south'. Even ruling post-communist political coalitions in secessionist Slovenia and Croatia face the danger of lapsing into a new type of totalitarianism with incalculable human consequences.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Jul 1, 1990
Abstract This article discusses issues of Swedish immigration and refugee policy. It is argued th... more Abstract This article discusses issues of Swedish immigration and refugee policy. It is argued that several sudden re‐orientations of the official refugee policy during the 1980s are related to the social democratic government's problems in balancing the conflicting claims of employers, unions, humanistically orientated pressure groups and public opinion in general. This is one of the reasons for apparent contradictions between a number of administrative policy measures on the integration of refugees. For example, the recently proclaimed ‘employment line’ in Swedish refugee policy comes into conflict with excessive bureaucracy and the institutional routines established for integration. Finally the author sketches a tentative scenario for Swedish immigration and refugee policy of the 1990s. A proclaimed ‘policy of multiple doors’ may become equivalent to a ‘harmonisation’ of Swedish refugee policy with the current restrictive measures of The European Community towards Third World refugees, combined with a ...
International Sociology, Dec 1, 1995
`America has a negro problem&#39;, the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal stated in the introduc... more `America has a negro problem&#39;, the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal stated in the introduction to his modern classic, An American Dilemma, first published in 1944. Half a century later, the so-called `immigrant problem&#39; is moving to the top of the political agenda of EU Europe. To speak about a European dilemma in this context means to relate established European values of social solidarity and social responsibility to an increasingly ethnicised and racialised social inequality in European cities. How can the dilemma be made transparent? How can we transcend the disjunctures between `creed&#39; and reality? Along these lines, the paper debates potentialities for transethnic alignment in the US and EU Europe exposed to a common condition of globalisation.These ideals differ in no respect from the ideals of that European civilization of which we all today form a part. And therefore our watch word today must be Social Solidarity, Social Responsibility. W.E.B. Du Bois (1900)... in modernity only those institutions can be stabilized that allow for accumulating political experience as well as for continuous appeals to greater social and political justice... But apart from the technological version there is no longer a future-oriented social fantasy in the lands of Europe. Grand narratives of another, better future in politics, social questions, or anything else, are no longer forged there. Redemption is deemed undesirable, and sociopolitical progress ridiculed... The old Europe resembles a corpse whose hair and nails, wealth, and cumulative knowledge are still growing, but the rest is dead. Agnes Heller (1992)
Migracijske i etničke teme, Oct 31, 1986
Denna bok ger en introduktion till den sociologiska forskningen om etnicitet och migrationsfragor... more Denna bok ger en introduktion till den sociologiska forskningen om etnicitet och migrationsfragor i Sverige. Etniska relationer analyseras har fran ett maktperspektiv, vilket innebar att fragor ...
The European Community took, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, a principled stand stressing the ... more The European Community took, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, a principled stand stressing the urgency to defend and further develop the welfare state and its historically established rights of c ...
Migracijske i etničke teme, Dec 31, 1986
Since the mid-1970's the unemployment of immigrants in Scandinavia has constantly been double tha... more Since the mid-1970's the unemployment of immigrants in Scandinavia has constantly been double that of indigenous Scandhnavians. The , punpose of the research ;project •Options of Unemployed Immigrants• is to elucidate structural causes and institutionalized practices : in relation to the high. rates of immigrant U'llemployment in Denmark and Sweden, and to investigate the alterna• tive options of the unemployed immigrants on the labour markets of the two Scandinavian countries. The project investigat es the situation of unemployed immigrants. from Yugoslavia and Turkey, two of the largest immigrant groopes • in both Sweden and Denmar!k. A comparative study of conditions in Sweden and Denmark is eS'pec• ially val•uable on account of the two neighbouring Scandinavian count ries' ma~kedlly different labour ma.nket and unemployment pol.icies. Research is cond•ucted from an interdisciplinary perspective, cornb• ining the theories and methods of social anthropology with those of sociological labour mal"ket studies. Empirical research combines a limited number of local level case studies with statistical investigations on-regional and national levels.
Economic globalization has produced austere social jeopardy in extended parts of post communist E... more Economic globalization has produced austere social jeopardy in extended parts of post communist Europe, with the former Yugoslavia and its successor states as the most conspicuous example. This state is exploited, sanctioned and nourished by authoritarian ethnocratic regimes, and misconceived Western policies may contribute to its persistence. Bringing new perspectives to bear on these crucial issues, this book is essential for all concerned with social reconstruction in the world's increasing number of complex emergencies.
The recent predominance of neo-institutional accounts of immigration and migration makes Schierup... more The recent predominance of neo-institutional accounts of immigration and migration makes Schierup, Hansen and Castles' political economy of migration a particularly important contribution to the literature. The authors link, what they refer to as, the dual crisis of social citizenship with the cultural crisis of the nation-state. They claim that there is an integral link between neo-liberalism, globalisation, post-Fordism (at the national and EU levels) and the current crisis surrounding immigration and migration. If this dual crisis represents the focus of the analysis, the larger goal of this study is intended to question how and whether Europe has the institutional, intellectual, cultural and political tools to solve the current immigration 'crisis'. By examining how the challenges of post-Fordism structure integration and exclusion, the study focuses on the political economy, and to a lesser extent, changing public policy in Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden and the EU. These four countries are chosen since they represent the three models of Esping-Andersen's welfare state: the liberal means testing, the conservative-corporate and the social democratic welfare state. Italy is added since it falls between the conservative-corporate and a Southern European welfare state. The strength of this analysis lies precisely in the application of the Esping-Andersen inspired models and the link between welfare state, immigration and the structures of exclusion. The reader is presented with more than simply an examination of immigration; instead, this is a concise study of these four welfare state regimes within the post-Fordist context. At the level of the EU, it is claimed that the move to supply side conceptions of social citizenship exacerbates the exclusion of non-nationals. To be sure, the EU has acknowledged the economic need for immigrants and it has also attempted to institutionalise anti-racism policy. However, in the end, these policies have largely failed since the EU has also fallen victim to market integration, on the one hand, while it has also resorted to a discourse that criminalises immigrants, ultimately focusing on border controls and illegal immigration, on the other. The authors point to cross-national trends, such as the exploitation of illegal immigrants, subcontracting and neo-guestworker models. However, it is also argued that different welfare states structure how immigrants are included and excluded within the current post-Fordist economic environment. For example, in Great Britain, due to both the lower levels of social protection inherent in the liberal means testing welfare state and Modern Italy
Alla manniskor, oavsett etnisk bakgrund, har sammansatta identiteter. Beroende pa situationen kan... more Alla manniskor, oavsett etnisk bakgrund, har sammansatta identiteter. Beroende pa situationen kan man kanna sig som i forsta hand "kvinna" eller "kurd" eller "arbe tarklass". Vissa identiteter s ...
Idag har stora grupper svart att komma in i eller tillbaka till arbetslivet nar de en gang lamnat... more Idag har stora grupper svart att komma in i eller tillbaka till arbetslivet nar de en gang lamnat det. Langa sjukskrivningar, ofrivilligt deltidsarbete, senare intrade i arbetslivet och otrygga a ...
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Papers by Carl-Ulrik Schierup
embodied in a general neoliberal idea of ‘participatory governance’ in terms of state–market–Civil society partnerships. Invented spaces are in contrast organizational and ideopolitical positions or
counterhegemonic platforms occupied by contestative movements which through their collective action confront the status quo. In the present text invited spaces refer to civil Society groups in their position as participants within intergovernmental and international fora for deliberation on migration management. Invented spaces refer to independent civil society platforms for the development of strategies and action aimed at inclusive social, labour, citizenship and human
rights of migrants.
From this perspective we relate in the following to the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) agreed upon by governments on an intergovernmental conference 10–11 December
2018 in Marrakech and formally adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 19 December 2018.1 Our focus is on civil society’s perceptions of the GCM, and potentials for following up intentions of the compact through ‘invited spaces’ for dialogue with Governments and international organizations on the road from Marrakech.