Thesis by João Miguel Simões
The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, ... more The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, has a symbolic and representative dimension for its owner, institution or functionality. It was born in the last quarter of the 15th century in Castile (Spain), when two important cultural changes took place. One was the Devotio Moderna when new buildings emerged, such as hospitals, colleges and universities, which implied a constant movement between floors by its many users. The other was the conclusion of the Peninsula’s reconquest, when the knights lost political and social importance and reacted by reaffirming their status through the grand staircase built in their palaces.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, ... more The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, has a symbolic and representative dimension for its owner, institution or functionality. It was born in the last quarter of the 15th century in Castile (Spain), when two important cultural changes took place. One was the Devotio Moderna when new buildings emerged, such as hospitals, colleges and universities, which implied a constant movement between floors by its many users. The other was the conclusion of the Peninsula’s reconquest, when the knights lost political and social importance and reacted by reaffirming their status through the grand staircase built in their palaces.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, ... more The grand staircase is an architectural structure that, besides connecting floors in a building, has a symbolic and representative dimension for its owner, institution or functionality. It was born in the last quarter of the 15th century in Castile (Spain), when two important cultural changes took place. One was the Devotio Moderna when new buildings emerged, such as hospitals, colleges and universities, which implied a constant movement between floors by its many users. The other was the conclusion of the Peninsula’s reconquest, when the knights lost political and social importance and reacted by reaffirming their status through the grand staircase built in their palaces.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
Books by João Miguel Simões
Património artístico e cultural do Montijo II, 2012
SIMÕES, João Miguel, História Económica, Social e Urbana de Loulé, Loulé, Câmara Municipal de Loulé, 2012. ISBN 978-972-9064-43-2
SIMÕES, João Miguel, O Convento da Graça, antigo Mosteiro de São Francisco de Loulé, Lisboa, Edições Colibri / Câmara Municipal de Loulé, 2008. ISBN 978-972-772-851-0.
3 -Centro urbano importante desde a Antiguidade, com particular destaque no período islâmico, pro... more 3 -Centro urbano importante desde a Antiguidade, com particular destaque no período islâmico, protegido por muralhas sólidas o que acrescia a segurança dos seus habitantes; 4 -Abundância de água, elemento fundamental no sedentarismo humano, muito valorizado no Algarve devido à sua ausência em grande parte do território;
SIMÕES, João Miguel, A Igreja de Santiago de Estômbar, Lagoa, Câmara Municipal de Lagoa, 2008. ISBN 978-989-8053-12-1
Estômbar localiza-se numa pequena elevação, coroada pela igreja, no cruzamento entre Silves, Port... more Estômbar localiza-se numa pequena elevação, coroada pela igreja, no cruzamento entre Silves, Portimão e Lagoa, na proximidade do Rio Arade, importante via de comunicação para o interior algarvio, desde os tempos da Antiguidade. No século XI, vem referida como "Shombos", uma pequena aldeia sob domínio islâmico onde vivia Shemsa, mãe de Ibn Ammar, proeminente político que ascendeu na Corte de Córdova e que, julga-se, terá aqui nascido 1 . Também é do período islâmico a referência a uma torre no local, chamada de Abenabace 2 , construída pelos muçulmanos durante o período das taifas, possivelmente para proteger Silves de um ataque terrestre encabeçado por um reino vizinho. Em 1189, D. Sancho I conquistou Silves e diversos castelos limítrofes, onde se incluía Estômbar, aguentando esta posição até 1191, ano em que fez doação do seu castelo ao Convento de Alcobaça 3 . A veracidade desta doação, bem como a existência do próprio castelo está actualmente em fase de revisão por historiadores algarvios. No reinado de D. Sancho II e D. Afonso III, a Ordem Militar de Santiago, sob o comando de D. Paio Peres Correia, conquistou definitivamente o Algarve, por volta de 1248-1250, tendo Estômbar desempenhado um papel fundamental na conquista de Silves em 1242 ou 1246. D. Paio Peres Correia mandou uma guarnição conquistar a torre de Estômbar. O Rei mouro do Algarve, Aben-Afan-Al-Mansor, foi em auxílio da aldeia, desguarnecendo a cidade de Silves, falha que foi prontamente aproveitada pelos cristãos que a conquistaram de seguida 4 . Esta manobra ditou a queda final do reino mouro do Algarve que se verificou pouco depois com a conquista de Faro.
SIMÕES, João Miguel, Borba, Património da Vila Branca, Lisboa, Edições Colibri / Câmara Municipal de Borba, 2007. ISBN 972-772-553-3
SIMÕES, João Miguel, História da Mexilhoeira Grande, Lisboa, Edições Colibri / Fábrica da Igreja Paroquial de Mexilhoeira Grande, 2007. ISBN 978-972-772-736-0.
SIMÕES, João Miguel, História da Casa das Varandas, Lisboa, Companhia de Seguros Sagres, 2006. Depósito Legal: 245871/06
SIMÕES, João Miguel, História da Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Borba, Borba, Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Borba, 2006. ISBN: 989-20-0231-8.
Ao editar esta preciosa História da sua vida institucional e do seu enquadramento comunitário, a ... more Ao editar esta preciosa História da sua vida institucional e do seu enquadramento comunitário, a Misericórdia de Borba, integrando-o no já apreciável conjunto de iniciativas para identificação, preservação e valorização do seu património, assume uma posição de pioneirismo que não pode deixar de se anotar e enaltecer.
SIMÕES, João Miguel, Índice do Arquivo Histórico da Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Borba, Borba, Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Borba, 2006. ISBN: 989-20-0232-8.
A noção de um "arquivo histórico" é moderna. Actualmente, entende-se por arquivo histórico um con... more A noção de um "arquivo histórico" é moderna. Actualmente, entende-se por arquivo histórico um conjunto de documentos produzidos por uma determinada instituição que são preservados principalmente por serem um testemunho histórico, uma vez que raramente têm valor administrativo.
SIMÕES, João Miguel, A Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Assunção de Mexilhoeira Grande, Lisboa, Edições Colibri / Fábrica da Igreja Paroquial de Mexilhoeira Grande, 2005. ISBN: 972-772-550-3
Na doação desta vila, D. Afonso V refere que concedeu a Portimão um concelho independente com ter... more Na doação desta vila, D. Afonso V refere que concedeu a Portimão um concelho independente com território próprio e mandou cercar a vila por um castelo 12 . Contudo, pelos capítulos apresentados pela Vila de Portimão às Cortes de 1475 e de 1477, sabemos que o castelo ainda não estava concluído, uma vez que é requerida a sua conclusão 13 . Assim, D. Gonçalo terá contribuído para a conclusão das obras do castelo de Portimão, assumindo o seu papel de donatário da vila, pois sabe-se que o seu brasão encimava todas as portas e postigos da vila 14 . Certos autores consideram o brasão desta família ligeiramente diferente daquele que vemos na pedra de fecho da igreja de Mexilhoeira Grande. Refere sobre este assunto o Padre José Gonçalves Vieira: Este brazão, como consta da armaria da Torre do Tombo a fls. 12 compunha-se de um leão d'ouro armado de vermelho em campo azul com dois I I nos cantos superiores e dois B B nos campos inferiores 15 . Refere o mesmo autor que conhece um exemplar deste brasão encontrado em Portimão: Em poder do Senhor Visconde de Alvor, José Joaquim Serpa, existe um exemplar deste brazão, único conhecido, encontrado nos alicerces de um velho cemitério próximo do antigo postigo da Egreja, ao qual provavelmente pertenciam. Tem o leão picado, mas conserva nitidamente os I I e os B B 16 . [FIG 1] Este brasão tanto poderia pertencer a uma porta do castelo de Portimão como à igreja matriz, embora caso fosse desta última proveniência, comprovaria o interesse dos Castelo Branco em intervir nos templos dos seus domínios, sustentando assim a hipótese de terem intervido na igreja da Mexilhoeira Grande.
• Roteiro Turístico do Município de Borba, Borba, Câmara Municipal de Borba, 2005. ISBN: 972-95124-2-6., 2005
SIMÕES, João Miguel, O Convento das Trinas do Mocambo, Lisboa, Instituto Hidrográfico, 2004. ISBN: 972-8486-25-1
SIMÕES, João Miguel, A Fonte das Bicas, Lisboa, Edições Colibri / Câmara Municipal de Borba, 2002. ISBN: 972-772-344-6
SIMÕES, João Miguel, Odivelas, O Monumento do Senhor Roubado, Odivelas, Comissão Instaladora do Município de Odivelas, 2000. ISBN: 972-98633-6-6
O Monumento do Senhor Roubado em Odivelas 17 de Agosto de 2000 2 A ENVOLVÊNCIA SOCIAL E A IMPORTÂ... more O Monumento do Senhor Roubado em Odivelas 17 de Agosto de 2000 2 A ENVOLVÊNCIA SOCIAL E A IMPORTÂNCIA CIENTÍFICA DO MONUMENTO O monumento do Senhor Roubado encontra-se actualmente na malha suburbana da cidade de Lisboa, zona construída sem qualquer planeamento e com fracas condições de vida, cujo crescimento descontrolado originou a destruição da envolvência do imóvel. Devido aos inúmeros prédios, vias rápidas e viadutos que foram sendo construídos junto ao edifício, acabou por se perder a sua função original: uma capela na bifurcação da estrada que era percorrida diariamente pela comunidade local. As pessoas que viviam no território envolvente da cidade de Lisboa obtinham o seu sustento com a venda de produtos agrícolas na capital. Todos os dias, os habitantes deste vasto território caracterizado pelas quintas, percorriam a estrada real que ligava Loures a Lisboa, ficando conhecidos na capital como nome de "saloios", palavra de origem árabe que ainda hoje sobrevive no vocabulário alfacinha para denominar "homem rústico". O monumento do Senhor Roubado situava-se portanto neste trajecto, diariamente percorrido por dezenas de pessoas. A forma trapezoidal da construção foi adaptada para se enquadrar na bifurcação que esta estrada possuía, a via esquerda ligava à Póvoa de Santo Adrião, Mealhada, Loures e Torres Vedras, enquanto que a via da direita, a actual Rua do Senhor Roubado, ligava à vizinha povoação de Odivelas 1 . Com o fim deste comércio pendular entre a região saloia e Lisboa o monumento perdeu inteiramente o seu significado ficando mal adaptado às exigências da modernidade. A cintura agrícola de Lisboa, uma das zonas mais férteis da Europa, transformou-se em dormitório da capital. As velhas estradas reais que delimitavam o monumento foram ultrapassadas pelas vias rápidas que diariamente recebem um tráfego intenso. No entanto, apesar de degradado, esquecido e mal enquadrado na envolvência, o Senhor Roubado não deixa de ser por isso um dos mais importantes monumentos do Distrito de Lisboa, ou até mesmo do país, já que se trata de uma obra de arte única, intimamente ligada ao local e a um facto que ocorreu em Odivelas há mais de trezentos anos. A comprovar esta afirmação surgem os inúmeros estudos que o edifício recebeu o longo destes últimos cinquenta anos. O primeiro autor que dirigiu a sua atenção a este património foi Vergílio Correia que apenas estudou os azulejos da estrutura 2 esquecendo o resto do edifício. Em 1960, Mário Guedes Leal dedica um artigo 3 ao Senhor Roubado estudando-o pela primeira vez na sua totalidade, sendo todavia um estudo muito descritivo e pouco interpretativo, fruto da escola formalista que vigorava na comunidade científica em toda a Europa nesta época. O próprio autor não esconde esta realidade: "Descrito assim este padrão, no que respeita a sua feição arquitectónica e artística, resta-nos aludir à sua epigrafia, deixando para as pessoas versadas em matéria de iconografia religiosa, o cuidado de tirarem dos elementos sacros que o monumento contém, as ilações convenientes e colherem o conceito que promana da sua concepção mística" 4 . J. Pinharanda Gomes procede de forma oposta e após uma elaborada pesquisa reúne num livro 5 dado à estampa em 1982 um sem número de obras intimamente relacionados com o acontecimento do Senhor Roubado, quer sobre o roubo feito em 1671, quer sobre a construção do imóvel em 1744. Todavia, como os seus objectivos eram puramente sobre história da religião e da cultura da comunidade saloia não analisa o edifício em si. A primeira monografia dedicada inteiramente a este monumento sai do punho de Ana Maria Pessoa em 1989, reeditado em 1997 6 . Perante esta profusão de estudos, não podemos considerar o Senhor Roubado como um edifício mal estudado ou desconhecido. Contudo, existem um sem número de questões que ficaram por responder e às quais contamos trazer algumas luzes. Os vários autores encaram o monumento do Senhor Roubado (construído em 1744) como uma consequência natural e linear de um roubo cometido em 1671, ou seja mais de setenta anos atrás! Se consideramos que a esperança média de vida no século XVII e XVIII era inferior à de hoje, poderemos afirmar com toda a certeza que a geração responsável pela construção do monumento não assistiu ao acontecimento do roubo e dificilmente conheceram alguém que o tivesse vivido. Este ressurgimento do roubo de 1671 em meados do século XVIII não é também um acontecimento isolado já que é por volta desta data que se publicaram inúmeras obras literárias referentes ao acontecimento. O retorno em 1744 da memória do roubo feito em 1671 é um acontecimento nacional com questões mais complexas do que até agora foram consideradas. O monumento do Senhor Roubado não é mais do que um produto deste 3 O Monumento do Senhor Roubado em Odivelas 17 de Agosto de 2000 4 ressurgimento com implicações profundas e não apenas um linear ex-voto de desagravo sobre um acontecimento periférico, momentâneo e local. O ROUBO DOS VASOS SAGRADOS DA IGREJA DE ODIVELAS: 1671 Tentar reconstituir um crime é sempre uma tarefa árdua pois trata-se de um acto cuja intenção era passar despercebido. Reconstituir um crime que ocorreu há mais de trezentos anos atrás é uma tarefa quase impossível, pois tanto as provas, como os intervenientes, como o próprio local desapareceram. Restam apenas os documentos escritos sobre o assunto mas que, além de só transmitirem a opinião dos acusadores e juízes, estão impregnados de toda a propaganda católica contrareformista que aproveitou este caso para fortalecer as suas posições contra os protestantes e os judeus. Todavia, não nos interessa saber se António Ferreira era culpado ou não, mas sim analisar este aproveitamento religioso do sucedido e como isso influenciou a sociedade da época e mais tarde a construção do monumento. Na manhã do dia 11 de Maio de 1671 o pároco da Igreja Matriz de Odivelas deparou-se com a sua igreja roubada e profanada. O sacrário, local mais importante da igreja, havia sido violado bem como roubadas as hóstias consagradas, consideradas corpo e sangue de Jesus. Além deste crime, o ladrão mostrara o mais perfeito desrespeito para com as imagens, principalmente para com a Virgem e o Menino Jesus, já que as despiu. Este acto de desrespeito originou um grande sentimento de revolta, pois foram considerados actos desnecessários que um bom ladrão não cometeria. Os roubos às igrejas eram frequentes, mas os ladrões ficavam-se apenas pelas esmolas e pelos candelabros e outras peças de ourivesaria sem grande importância religiosa. O roubo das sagradas partículas originou de imediato um sentimento contra as religiões que contestam a sacralidade destes objectos, ou seja, gerou-se na população portuguesa a noção de que este crime só poderia ter sido cometido por hereges (protestantes, judeus e muçulmanos) já que são religiões que, apesar de 17 de Agosto de 2000 7 Também em Lisboa começava a haver conflitos entre a comunidade judaica e os cristãos que acusavam aqueles de terem praticado o roubo de Odivelas. O clima social estava muito tenso, como comprova o manuscrito Monstruosidades do Tempo e da Fortuna: "O único indício, que se descobriu então, foi de que uns cristãos novos na manhã do furto, muito ao romper da alva, se embarcaram em um navio Francês (…). Alterou-se não só a Corte, senão todo o reino, amotinando-se muito povo contra os cristãos-novos, o que Sua Alteza atalhou com prometer deitá-los todos fora do Reino" 15 . Contudo, o príncipe regente já tinha tomado providências para manter a paz social. Antes que a população fizesse justiça com as suas próprias mãos contra a comunidade judaica, encontrou-se um culpado, por sinal cristão de nascimento, o que provocou um novo escândalo. Como poderia um cristão ter cometido tal acto? Esta constatação levou a que a ira contra os judeus se tornasse em arrependimento da sociedade que afinal não era tão cristã como julgava: "se fora o que tenho que dizer succedido entre os hereges, se fora o que temos que escutar obrado entre os Luteranos, não causará tanto assombro, mas à sombra de hum Príncipe como o nosso, que Deos guarde, tão christão, nos olhos de huma corte tão cathólica & nas abas de huma cidade tão devota, na visinhança de hum Mosteiro tão religioso, de só imaginá-llo treme o coração, de só querello escrever pasma a alma, de só querer contá-llo se suspende o discurso & não sei se diga que, ou Deos padece ou o Mundo se acaba" 16 .
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Thesis by João Miguel Simões
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
Books by João Miguel Simões
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
This character of ideological affirmation by the grand staircase was adopted by the Hispanic crown, in its palaces built in Castile, namely in Madrid, Toledo and finally in Escorial. The grand staircase becomes a way to state’s political and economic affirmation.
With this understanding, grand staircases was adopted by the banking families of Genoa, precisely the main creditors of Filipe II. It was also adopted by the main states of Europe, mainly by those who intended to assert themselves at the European level: by kings in feudal France, by the contested Holy See, by impoverished Venice, by the new monarchies longing for legitimization (Spanish and Neapolitan Burbons), by the new emerging dynastic families (Savoias in Italy), and by the small states in the very fragmented and unstable German mosaic.
In Portugal, the grand staircase was known, and European models were present. Many Lisbon buildings underwent profound alterations to receive new staircases. The dimension of political affirmation of the stately staircase is, however, assumed with King João V in the Royal Building of Mafra. This huge architectural complex, built between 1729 and 1755, has several staircases that, in conjunction with the analysis of the rooms inside, reveal its real purpose never assumed, never realized and deliberately covered up: a political, administrative and bureaucratic complex that would streamline royal and ecclesiastical administration, converting Portugal into a universal power, based on good administration, on the wealth of Brazil's gold, on its effective pluricontinental implantation and on the economic, cultural, political and religious interdependence of its many, varied and dispersed domains. Despite not being implemented, this building, through its technical office, boosted the construction of others that are attachments, subsequent or even oppositionists.
urban structure, where the Mozarabic Christian community and its church settled. After the reconquest, this neighborhood expanded and formed the great western suburb of Santa Justa and Rufina, economic booster of
the city in the following centuries. Next to the ground of Alcamim, there was a farm that belonged to the 2nd count of Barcelos, having been acquired by the prince D. Afonso (future king D. Afonso IV), which was urbanized. Accompanying the social structure of the tenants and the conditions of their empowerment, we conclude that, on several occasions, the social and economic layers changed abruptly, influencing the typologies, functions and value of real estate.
century, the Fernandine Wall divided it getting a portion inside walls, which was urbanized in the early sixteenth
century, and a portion outside, called Herdade de São Roque (Saint Roch’s estate) urbanized much later, by the
mid-century. The subdivision and urbanization took place quickly and, by analyzing the confrontation, it was
possible to identify each lot and its original owners. Three of these lots have given rise to the current Palace of
the Counts of Tomar, property that has received a great artistic campaign in the nineteenth century, visible in its
monumental staircase, in its interior stucco works, and in the facade of Italian Baroque taste, but preserved in
the interior walls several traces of its initial phase, of the mid-sixteenth century, and of the neighbouring parcels’
absorption process.