The many tributes and appraisals that met Stuart Hall's death in 2014 rightly reinforced his repu... more The many tributes and appraisals that met Stuart Hall's death in 2014 rightly reinforced his reputation as one the most important thinkers within the arts and social sciences since World War II. His continued relevance in Cultural Studies (which he helped to establish), Media Studies, Political Studies, Sociology, and Social Policy is testament to this stature, with Hall maintaining a central position in debates on the nature of multiculturalism, race, and populism. The recent series by Duke University Press, which organizes Hall's work into specific themes, has been an excellent initiative that allows students, scholars, practitioners, and readers alike to access his work thematically. His Selected Writings on Marxism has been edited by Gregor McLennan, who has selected the articles for the collection, placed them into sections, and provides a commentary on each of the sections at the end. For me, the result offers the reader an insight into Hall's "worldview", so to speak, which was informed and understood through his own unique brand of Marxism. This fusion of the development of Hall's theoretical position (Part One) with how such a position can be used to understand the class-ridden complexities of multicultural society (Part Two), and how such a Marxism can be evolved to understand the changing dynamics of his lived reality at the time (Part Three) brings the volume together to great effect. As Hall has generated contrasting multidisciplinary appeal, the selection and rationale of such a volume would naturally differ depending on the interests of the collection's editor. Yet, McLennan follows an important rationale, which I feel makes good use of Hall's development of Marxism, without overstating one area of interest. As such, the first section is organized in a manner that sees Hall dismiss "prepackaged" accounts of Marxism (p. 126) in favour of a focus upon Marx's ontological spirit, seen in works such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, and on the complexities of class struggle. The unpicking of any rigid, dogmatic relation between base and superstructure was thus integrated into Hall's reconstructed understanding of Marxism. Marx's Note on Method, Rethinking Base and Superstructure and The Political and the Economic in Marx's Theory of Classes all stress the shortcomings of mechanical understandings of base/superstructure and class. Moreover, they all exhibit Hall's engagement with French Structuralism, which he viewed as the most advanced of all forms of Western Marxism, but which, ultimately, was unable to shed such packaging. As such, the centrality of Althusser in these articles imbues them with their historical significance, demonstrating the context of Marxist debate at the time
One of the central problems in leftist thought in the twenty-first century has been the ability t... more One of the central problems in leftist thought in the twenty-first century has been the ability to unite its various parts in order to develop some form of wider convergence capable of challenging the post-cold war neoliberal capitalist order. Despite numerous rich critiques of the workings of neoliberal capitalism, political strategy has all too often been recued to a renewal of a dated twentieth-century statist project on the one hand and an ambiguous process of civil contestation on the other. This article builds on recent calls for convergence on the left, particularly between the grand traditions of Marxism and Anarchism, which have seen an unparalleled renaissance in innovative development in the last thirty years. It suggests that an open-ended framework of Gramsci's 'war of position' provides an avenue for this convergence to build forms of political strategy. Whilst Gramscian hegemony has often been understood as one of the problematic concepts within leftist though and indeed one that has often led to divergence, it suggests that inclusive version of the term as applied by Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams remains one in which convergence can develop and thrive.
This article argues that the Brexit campaign and subsequent rise of Boris Johnson to Prime Minist... more This article argues that the Brexit campaign and subsequent rise of Boris Johnson to Prime Minister has seen campaigns and assumptions (such as anti-immigration and anti-multiculturalism) that were previously associated with far-right groups and parties enter the mainstream political discourse. It suggests that this has been due to an organic crisis that has been prevalent within British political civil society since the Brexit vote. A crisis that has seen socialist, free market and popular nationalist projects all stake claims to develop competing visions of post-Brexit Britain and which has been intensified by the success of Celtic nationalism. This article will suggest that Boris Johnson's government is attempting to co-opt such right-wing forces by engaging with much of its rhetoric as he attempts to construct his own post-Brexit reality that is fraught with inconsistencies and contradictions.
This article assesses the emergence of the new groups, organizations and protests that have emerg... more This article assesses the emergence of the new groups, organizations and protests that have emerged since the financial crisis and asks whether we can understand these as a fresh development where diverse movements fashioned through different ideological departure points have moved towards a form of convergence in which a wider hegemonic project can be fashioned, or whether in fact such proclamations are effectively another form of 'wishing thinking' in terms of left-wing renewal is concerned. In line with recently argued work, it suggests that for the left to look to overcome the ideological obstacles that plagued its twentieth century development, it needs to provide a wide/open set of principles that look to contest dominant norms of the neoliberal order that exist at the many levels of civil society. In this way a 'war of position' (to borrow from Gramsci) needs to be forged that looks to avoid charges of 'elitism' and 'fragmentation' that had seen the left to fail as a coherent alternative since the cold war. Whilst the new left has forged forms of contestation at the civil level (for example Occupy and the ESF) and more recently at the Political level (with Sanders, Corbyn and Syriza/ Podermos), it has yet to form a consistent and coherent war of position to neoliberal capitalism.
This short piece suggests that the roots of the successful Brexit vote can be found in the free m... more This short piece suggests that the roots of the successful Brexit vote can be found in the free market purity that was implicit within the ideals behind Thatcherism. Whilst the rhetoric of populist and British (or in many parts English) nationalism were utilised in order to win support, the ideological driving force implicit within many Brexit figureheads rested in the belief that the EU watered down their visions of a harder neoliberal reality. Yet, by stimulating right-wing reactionary forces, they may have created more than they bargained for. I concur with Karl Polanyi that free market liberalism tends to generate the forces of its own demise.
The post-crisis environment has seen a number of poignant developments over the nature of politic... more The post-crisis environment has seen a number of poignant developments over the nature of political and economic continuity. As austerity policies have emerged, a wide collection of resistance has grown which has been marked by civil and political demonstration. The result has been the emergence of a number of different positions from both the left and the radical right which have sought to challenge the centrist political management of the crisis. Following earlier work on the nature of such resistance (Worth in Resistance in the age of austerity. Zed Books, London, 2013b), this article argues that its fragmented nature has led to the failure of the left to develop a coherent alternative to austerity. It also highlights how some Eurosceptic positions on the right have emerged in such a way that they either have followed the Tea Party in advocating a far more market centrist neoliberal position (such as UKIP in Britain) or have looked to sideline economic issues with a reactionary pursuit of anti-multicultural issues. By using a Gramscian understanding of hegemony, the article suggests oppo-sitional groups have lacked a form capable of mustering a successful 'war of position' in challenging austerity. As a result, the main principles of neoliberal governance – market generated growth, deregulation, fiscal prudency – which were seen as untenable in 2008, have re-emerged through the guise of austerity and debt management. Indeed, it can be suggested that neoliberalism has actually consolidated its hegemonic position due to greater debates both on the role that state should play in bailouts and on the fact that through austerity, neoliberalism appears able to survive periods of crisis.
In this article, we argue that despite there being little evidence of an ideological convergence ... more In this article, we argue that despite there being little evidence of an ideological convergence between Marxism and anarchism, such a convergence is not only sorely needed, but also eminently possible. We propose an open discussion on the appropriate terms of such a convergence, the context in which it should take place, and the reasons why it should. We close by showing how our contributors to this special issue open this debate for us in promising ways.
This article reexamines the relevance of 'left nationalism' as a form of progressive response to ... more This article reexamines the relevance of 'left nationalism' as a form of progressive response to globalization, and argues that despite the considerable work that has been done to revise the concept of nationalism in the light of orthodox Marxist criticisms, such moves ultimately fall into the same divisionary trap that dogged the nationalist struggles inherent in post-colonialism.
This article reviews the number of different ways in which critical theory is applied within Inte... more This article reviews the number of different ways in which critical theory is applied within International Political Economy (IFE) and argues that, while a great deal of material claims to he 'critical', much of it fails to fully scrutinize the traditions of reflexivity and critique that are grounded in the critical tradition. While Cox, the neo-Gramscian 'turn' and Frankfurtinspired accounts have made certain advances for the application of critical thought in IPE, these need to be articulated more explicitly, through a set of principles that allow critical thought to aspire towards a more feasible set of results.
Within the study of global politics and global political economy there has been an increase in li... more Within the study of global politics and global political economy there has been an increase in literature within the last few years on the growth of resistance movements geared toward challenging the hegemony of US-inspired neoliberalism. This article questions much of the normative literature that is emerging, particularly from international political economy, on the nature of resistance and the anti-globalization movement. Using the case of Britain as an example, it argues that it is necessary to assess the various parts of the movement before any claim to counter-hegemony or counter-movement can be made. By looking at the various fragmented anti-globalization strategies and struggles that have been articulated within Britain, we also warn that any potential progressive or emancipatory ‘counter’ project is likely to suffer both from potential reactionary forces and from the lack of a clear transformative agenda.
The death of Stuart Hall early this year saw the passing of one of the significant theorists of t... more The death of Stuart Hall early this year saw the passing of one of the significant theorists of the contemporary left, who divided opinion among Marxists in terms of his understanding of hegemony and political mobilisation. This short symposium looks at Stuart Hall's legacy in the light of his death. It contains two pieces that look at his work in particular, and a third demonstrating the relevance of his work on 'policing the crisis' in the context of today's anti-immigration climate.
Gramscian theory has had a profound influence on critical and Marxist thought within Internationa... more Gramscian theory has had a profound influence on critical and Marxist thought within International Relations (IR), particularly in bringing an alternative understanding to the realist concept of hegemony. Despite these developments much Gramscian theory remains developed within the often narrow sub-discipline of International Political Economy (IPE), with Gramscian scholars such as Stuart Hall, Raymond Williams and Ernesto Laclau from diverse disciplines outside of IR largely ignored. This article argues that Gramscian theory needs to be re-thought so that it moves away from the Coxian dominated ontology that it is currently situated within, towards one which both provides a more open theory of global hegemony and engages more with civil societal areas that have often been ignored by those within IPE.
The concept of the 'counter-movement' has had a significant impact within studies in Internationa... more The concept of the 'counter-movement' has had a significant impact within studies in International Political Economy (IPE). In the light of the credit crisis and the growth of growing resentment to the notion of the free market, the idea of the counter-movement has been utilised to understand social reaction to neoliberalism. This article argues that whilst the counter-movement has been used in unique and innovated ways, Karl Polanyi himself used the term largely to refer to a specific period in nineteenth-century British history. This article argues that whilst the counter-movement remains interesting, its application remains open to scrutiny. It questions whether the concept was indeed central to Polanyian economic thought and how much can be given to it in today's contemporary era of neoliberalism. It also suggests that by focusing merely on the counter-movement, Polanyian accounts within IPE are in danger of ignoring much of his wider critique of market economics.
Since Robert Cox's early interventions in the 1980s, the work of Gramsci has been openly applied ... more Since Robert Cox's early interventions in the 1980s, the work of Gramsci has been openly applied to the arena of international politics, often superimposed on to the wider concepts of 'world order' and 'transnational class' formation. While this has produced a great deal of commendable scholarly work, it has equally produced a growing number of critics who have voiced concerns over the viability and feasibility of applying Gramsci's key concepts to the realm of the international. Rather than revisiting these charges, we argue that one of the main problems associated with the 'neo-Gramscian' interpretations of international relations (IR) is that they have tended to develop an ontology of their own and have not pursued a re-reading of Gramsci's actual work to explore a fresh opening towards applying Gramsci to the international. We argue that by re-exploring Gramsci's understanding of 'conceptions of the world' and by re-examining Gramsci's concept of hegemony, a greater scope can be achieved for understanding power relations within global politics.We demonstrate the potential for this by tentatively looking at the role of increasingly popular global evangelical religious groups in the fashioning of hegemonic consent across diverse parts of civil society, arguing that it is such bottom-up studies of societal consent that are required in order for Gramscian theory and research to move beyond their current ontological applications.
This article introduces Rosa Luxemburg's work on dialectics and the international and argues that... more This article introduces Rosa Luxemburg's work on dialectics and the international and argues that its ontological foundations have been neglected within critical International Political Economy (IPE). Whereas other critical Marxists such as Gramsci have played key roles in instigating critical enquiry, Luxemburg's work has largely gone neglected. Although this article acknowledges some serious shortcomings in some of the 'left infantilism' inherent within her work, it nevertheless argues that Luxemburg's dialectical ontology significantly contrasted with the orthodoxy that was emerging from Marxist circles at the time. This article explores some of these and argues that the dialectical method that Luxemburg employed to understanding the international provides us with a new avenue for critical IPE to pursue. In particular, it suggests that Luxemburg's articulation of critique provides us with fresh openings that both compliment and add to neo-Gramscian and neo-Polanyian accounts, and allows us to understand trends and practices within the global political economy in new critical ways.
The many tributes and appraisals that met Stuart Hall's death in 2014 rightly reinforced his repu... more The many tributes and appraisals that met Stuart Hall's death in 2014 rightly reinforced his reputation as one the most important thinkers within the arts and social sciences since World War II. His continued relevance in Cultural Studies (which he helped to establish), Media Studies, Political Studies, Sociology, and Social Policy is testament to this stature, with Hall maintaining a central position in debates on the nature of multiculturalism, race, and populism. The recent series by Duke University Press, which organizes Hall's work into specific themes, has been an excellent initiative that allows students, scholars, practitioners, and readers alike to access his work thematically. His Selected Writings on Marxism has been edited by Gregor McLennan, who has selected the articles for the collection, placed them into sections, and provides a commentary on each of the sections at the end. For me, the result offers the reader an insight into Hall's "worldview", so to speak, which was informed and understood through his own unique brand of Marxism. This fusion of the development of Hall's theoretical position (Part One) with how such a position can be used to understand the class-ridden complexities of multicultural society (Part Two), and how such a Marxism can be evolved to understand the changing dynamics of his lived reality at the time (Part Three) brings the volume together to great effect. As Hall has generated contrasting multidisciplinary appeal, the selection and rationale of such a volume would naturally differ depending on the interests of the collection's editor. Yet, McLennan follows an important rationale, which I feel makes good use of Hall's development of Marxism, without overstating one area of interest. As such, the first section is organized in a manner that sees Hall dismiss "prepackaged" accounts of Marxism (p. 126) in favour of a focus upon Marx's ontological spirit, seen in works such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, and on the complexities of class struggle. The unpicking of any rigid, dogmatic relation between base and superstructure was thus integrated into Hall's reconstructed understanding of Marxism. Marx's Note on Method, Rethinking Base and Superstructure and The Political and the Economic in Marx's Theory of Classes all stress the shortcomings of mechanical understandings of base/superstructure and class. Moreover, they all exhibit Hall's engagement with French Structuralism, which he viewed as the most advanced of all forms of Western Marxism, but which, ultimately, was unable to shed such packaging. As such, the centrality of Althusser in these articles imbues them with their historical significance, demonstrating the context of Marxist debate at the time
One of the central problems in leftist thought in the twenty-first century has been the ability t... more One of the central problems in leftist thought in the twenty-first century has been the ability to unite its various parts in order to develop some form of wider convergence capable of challenging the post-cold war neoliberal capitalist order. Despite numerous rich critiques of the workings of neoliberal capitalism, political strategy has all too often been recued to a renewal of a dated twentieth-century statist project on the one hand and an ambiguous process of civil contestation on the other. This article builds on recent calls for convergence on the left, particularly between the grand traditions of Marxism and Anarchism, which have seen an unparalleled renaissance in innovative development in the last thirty years. It suggests that an open-ended framework of Gramsci's 'war of position' provides an avenue for this convergence to build forms of political strategy. Whilst Gramscian hegemony has often been understood as one of the problematic concepts within leftist though and indeed one that has often led to divergence, it suggests that inclusive version of the term as applied by Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams remains one in which convergence can develop and thrive.
This article argues that the Brexit campaign and subsequent rise of Boris Johnson to Prime Minist... more This article argues that the Brexit campaign and subsequent rise of Boris Johnson to Prime Minister has seen campaigns and assumptions (such as anti-immigration and anti-multiculturalism) that were previously associated with far-right groups and parties enter the mainstream political discourse. It suggests that this has been due to an organic crisis that has been prevalent within British political civil society since the Brexit vote. A crisis that has seen socialist, free market and popular nationalist projects all stake claims to develop competing visions of post-Brexit Britain and which has been intensified by the success of Celtic nationalism. This article will suggest that Boris Johnson's government is attempting to co-opt such right-wing forces by engaging with much of its rhetoric as he attempts to construct his own post-Brexit reality that is fraught with inconsistencies and contradictions.
This article assesses the emergence of the new groups, organizations and protests that have emerg... more This article assesses the emergence of the new groups, organizations and protests that have emerged since the financial crisis and asks whether we can understand these as a fresh development where diverse movements fashioned through different ideological departure points have moved towards a form of convergence in which a wider hegemonic project can be fashioned, or whether in fact such proclamations are effectively another form of 'wishing thinking' in terms of left-wing renewal is concerned. In line with recently argued work, it suggests that for the left to look to overcome the ideological obstacles that plagued its twentieth century development, it needs to provide a wide/open set of principles that look to contest dominant norms of the neoliberal order that exist at the many levels of civil society. In this way a 'war of position' (to borrow from Gramsci) needs to be forged that looks to avoid charges of 'elitism' and 'fragmentation' that had seen the left to fail as a coherent alternative since the cold war. Whilst the new left has forged forms of contestation at the civil level (for example Occupy and the ESF) and more recently at the Political level (with Sanders, Corbyn and Syriza/ Podermos), it has yet to form a consistent and coherent war of position to neoliberal capitalism.
This short piece suggests that the roots of the successful Brexit vote can be found in the free m... more This short piece suggests that the roots of the successful Brexit vote can be found in the free market purity that was implicit within the ideals behind Thatcherism. Whilst the rhetoric of populist and British (or in many parts English) nationalism were utilised in order to win support, the ideological driving force implicit within many Brexit figureheads rested in the belief that the EU watered down their visions of a harder neoliberal reality. Yet, by stimulating right-wing reactionary forces, they may have created more than they bargained for. I concur with Karl Polanyi that free market liberalism tends to generate the forces of its own demise.
The post-crisis environment has seen a number of poignant developments over the nature of politic... more The post-crisis environment has seen a number of poignant developments over the nature of political and economic continuity. As austerity policies have emerged, a wide collection of resistance has grown which has been marked by civil and political demonstration. The result has been the emergence of a number of different positions from both the left and the radical right which have sought to challenge the centrist political management of the crisis. Following earlier work on the nature of such resistance (Worth in Resistance in the age of austerity. Zed Books, London, 2013b), this article argues that its fragmented nature has led to the failure of the left to develop a coherent alternative to austerity. It also highlights how some Eurosceptic positions on the right have emerged in such a way that they either have followed the Tea Party in advocating a far more market centrist neoliberal position (such as UKIP in Britain) or have looked to sideline economic issues with a reactionary pursuit of anti-multicultural issues. By using a Gramscian understanding of hegemony, the article suggests oppo-sitional groups have lacked a form capable of mustering a successful 'war of position' in challenging austerity. As a result, the main principles of neoliberal governance – market generated growth, deregulation, fiscal prudency – which were seen as untenable in 2008, have re-emerged through the guise of austerity and debt management. Indeed, it can be suggested that neoliberalism has actually consolidated its hegemonic position due to greater debates both on the role that state should play in bailouts and on the fact that through austerity, neoliberalism appears able to survive periods of crisis.
In this article, we argue that despite there being little evidence of an ideological convergence ... more In this article, we argue that despite there being little evidence of an ideological convergence between Marxism and anarchism, such a convergence is not only sorely needed, but also eminently possible. We propose an open discussion on the appropriate terms of such a convergence, the context in which it should take place, and the reasons why it should. We close by showing how our contributors to this special issue open this debate for us in promising ways.
This article reexamines the relevance of 'left nationalism' as a form of progressive response to ... more This article reexamines the relevance of 'left nationalism' as a form of progressive response to globalization, and argues that despite the considerable work that has been done to revise the concept of nationalism in the light of orthodox Marxist criticisms, such moves ultimately fall into the same divisionary trap that dogged the nationalist struggles inherent in post-colonialism.
This article reviews the number of different ways in which critical theory is applied within Inte... more This article reviews the number of different ways in which critical theory is applied within International Political Economy (IFE) and argues that, while a great deal of material claims to he 'critical', much of it fails to fully scrutinize the traditions of reflexivity and critique that are grounded in the critical tradition. While Cox, the neo-Gramscian 'turn' and Frankfurtinspired accounts have made certain advances for the application of critical thought in IPE, these need to be articulated more explicitly, through a set of principles that allow critical thought to aspire towards a more feasible set of results.
Within the study of global politics and global political economy there has been an increase in li... more Within the study of global politics and global political economy there has been an increase in literature within the last few years on the growth of resistance movements geared toward challenging the hegemony of US-inspired neoliberalism. This article questions much of the normative literature that is emerging, particularly from international political economy, on the nature of resistance and the anti-globalization movement. Using the case of Britain as an example, it argues that it is necessary to assess the various parts of the movement before any claim to counter-hegemony or counter-movement can be made. By looking at the various fragmented anti-globalization strategies and struggles that have been articulated within Britain, we also warn that any potential progressive or emancipatory ‘counter’ project is likely to suffer both from potential reactionary forces and from the lack of a clear transformative agenda.
The death of Stuart Hall early this year saw the passing of one of the significant theorists of t... more The death of Stuart Hall early this year saw the passing of one of the significant theorists of the contemporary left, who divided opinion among Marxists in terms of his understanding of hegemony and political mobilisation. This short symposium looks at Stuart Hall's legacy in the light of his death. It contains two pieces that look at his work in particular, and a third demonstrating the relevance of his work on 'policing the crisis' in the context of today's anti-immigration climate.
Gramscian theory has had a profound influence on critical and Marxist thought within Internationa... more Gramscian theory has had a profound influence on critical and Marxist thought within International Relations (IR), particularly in bringing an alternative understanding to the realist concept of hegemony. Despite these developments much Gramscian theory remains developed within the often narrow sub-discipline of International Political Economy (IPE), with Gramscian scholars such as Stuart Hall, Raymond Williams and Ernesto Laclau from diverse disciplines outside of IR largely ignored. This article argues that Gramscian theory needs to be re-thought so that it moves away from the Coxian dominated ontology that it is currently situated within, towards one which both provides a more open theory of global hegemony and engages more with civil societal areas that have often been ignored by those within IPE.
The concept of the 'counter-movement' has had a significant impact within studies in Internationa... more The concept of the 'counter-movement' has had a significant impact within studies in International Political Economy (IPE). In the light of the credit crisis and the growth of growing resentment to the notion of the free market, the idea of the counter-movement has been utilised to understand social reaction to neoliberalism. This article argues that whilst the counter-movement has been used in unique and innovated ways, Karl Polanyi himself used the term largely to refer to a specific period in nineteenth-century British history. This article argues that whilst the counter-movement remains interesting, its application remains open to scrutiny. It questions whether the concept was indeed central to Polanyian economic thought and how much can be given to it in today's contemporary era of neoliberalism. It also suggests that by focusing merely on the counter-movement, Polanyian accounts within IPE are in danger of ignoring much of his wider critique of market economics.
Since Robert Cox's early interventions in the 1980s, the work of Gramsci has been openly applied ... more Since Robert Cox's early interventions in the 1980s, the work of Gramsci has been openly applied to the arena of international politics, often superimposed on to the wider concepts of 'world order' and 'transnational class' formation. While this has produced a great deal of commendable scholarly work, it has equally produced a growing number of critics who have voiced concerns over the viability and feasibility of applying Gramsci's key concepts to the realm of the international. Rather than revisiting these charges, we argue that one of the main problems associated with the 'neo-Gramscian' interpretations of international relations (IR) is that they have tended to develop an ontology of their own and have not pursued a re-reading of Gramsci's actual work to explore a fresh opening towards applying Gramsci to the international. We argue that by re-exploring Gramsci's understanding of 'conceptions of the world' and by re-examining Gramsci's concept of hegemony, a greater scope can be achieved for understanding power relations within global politics.We demonstrate the potential for this by tentatively looking at the role of increasingly popular global evangelical religious groups in the fashioning of hegemonic consent across diverse parts of civil society, arguing that it is such bottom-up studies of societal consent that are required in order for Gramscian theory and research to move beyond their current ontological applications.
This article introduces Rosa Luxemburg's work on dialectics and the international and argues that... more This article introduces Rosa Luxemburg's work on dialectics and the international and argues that its ontological foundations have been neglected within critical International Political Economy (IPE). Whereas other critical Marxists such as Gramsci have played key roles in instigating critical enquiry, Luxemburg's work has largely gone neglected. Although this article acknowledges some serious shortcomings in some of the 'left infantilism' inherent within her work, it nevertheless argues that Luxemburg's dialectical ontology significantly contrasted with the orthodoxy that was emerging from Marxist circles at the time. This article explores some of these and argues that the dialectical method that Luxemburg employed to understanding the international provides us with a new avenue for critical IPE to pursue. In particular, it suggests that Luxemburg's articulation of critique provides us with fresh openings that both compliment and add to neo-Gramscian and neo-Polanyian accounts, and allows us to understand trends and practices within the global political economy in new critical ways.
In an age of increased academic specialization where more and more books about smaller and smalle... more In an age of increased academic specialization where more and more books about smaller and smaller topics are becoming the norm, this major new series is designed to provide a forum and stimulus for leading scholars to address big issues in world politics in an accessible but original manner.A key aim is to transcend the intellectual and disciplinary boundaries which have so often served to limit rather than enhance our understanding of the modern world. In the best tradition of engaged scholarship, it aims to provide clear new perspectives to help make sense of a world in flux.
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Papers by Owen Worth