
Sandy Ross
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Papers by Sandy Ross
With this article I hope to spark further debate on building a conceptual toolkit to explore ambiguities, and contribute to increasing interest in non-dyadic gift relations in consumer culture research. 'Ambiguous goods' is not a viable category for thinking about things, people and relations or digital virtual objects. But ambiguity can be a useful way to think about how people and things – whether they are digital, virtual or neither – are related.
Participants' accounts of virtual money practices are linked to moral attributes, sometimes in stark 'good' or 'bad' dichotomies, but also in more nuanced terms. These framings reproduce classifications of people along a continuum with virtuousness at one end and malicious or harmful at the other, passing though various states of possibly moral dubiousness. For respondents, these two judgments go together; people are what they do with money. As a result, respondents decide what 'people like that' deserve. Evaluating someone's money practices means assessing the person. Participants' accounts of Linden dollar practices overlap with explanations of what SL is and how residents should live there. In SL, money is a form of material culture through which appropriate ways of being in the world are debated and reproduced.
This paper examines two limits of a spectrum of self-imposed limits to virtual consumption as explained by players of Final Fantasy XI with the moral limits of arbitrage at one end, and a focus on collective accumulation of wealth at the other. The moral constraints on arbitrage in FFXI are tied to a deeply rooted sense of economic fairplay and a strong – and surprisingly pervasive, given that this research was conducted before the financial crisis – ideology of “fair” rather than “free” markets. Some economic behaviour that is morally questionable, such as price gouging and supply manipulation, is understood not only as market manipulation that detracts from users’ game play experience, but also as a threat to players’ enjoyment of the virtual world of FFXI as a commodity, and their acquisition of digital virtual commodities. Players band together in linkshells (guilds) in FFXI to defeat powerful foes and acquire powerful and highly desirable equipment, or more baldly put, to increase their consumption capacity. Distribution of goods through these organisations can be a fraught affair, but generally, the spoils of conquest are distributed evenly. Though such rewards are individually held, the prestige and power of the organisation is increased as its members acquire increasingly sought-after goods, transforming individual accumulation and consumption into collective achievement.
to provide points of departure and ideas for such alternative configurations. Exploration of lay theories is organised around four key conceptual categories – value, exchange, money and markets – which were suggested by participants' accounts and economic organisation within each field site. Respondents' theories offer polyphonic, heteroglossic approaches to economic life that sometimes diverge substantially from academic conceptualisations. Lay theories examined in this research emphasising plurality and multiplicity – especially with respect to monies – going so far as to suggest a radical reorganisation of economies based on monies rather than markets. When lay theories from each category are pieced together, they reveal a social imaginary of boundless abundance, strong reliance upon practices as ways of knowing about and theorising economic life, and strange parellels with studies of “primitive” cultures.
This dissertation is based on comparative ethnographies of two disparate virtual worlds, FFXI and SL, which offer different slant-wise views of contemporary capitalist, consumer societies. Final Fantasy XI is a proprietary massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) created, owned and maintained by Square-Enix, while Second Life (SL) is a free-form, non-proprietary, three-dimensional virtual world created and maintained in a laissez-faire fashion by Linden Lab. Fieldwork consisted of participant observation, one-on-one interviews, group interviews with FFXI respondents and analysis of fan-made media and corporate texts.
Talks by Sandy Ross
What constitutes a fair price, how prices should be determined, when prices may be acceptably raised or lowered, and to what degree, are framed as both moral and economic questions. For FFXI players, price stability is believed to be essential to maintaining fair access to goods and participation in the virtual world. Without essential consumable commodities, such as arrows, and consumer durables like weapons and armour, players' online adventures would grind to a halt. As the vast majority of economic activity is trade between players, maintaining 'good' prices and avoiding inflationary tendencies is framed as a personal responsibility. Moreover, an overwhelming majority of players are involved in price setting on a daily basis as they buy, sell and browse goods in FFXI's Auction Houses and bazaars. Being knowledgeable about fair prices and exercising good judgement in setting appropriate prices for virtual goods are ways of reproducing and maintaining economic stability and demonstrating responsible economic citizenship in the virtual world. In this context, market knowledge is produced in tandem with, if not through, moral judgements.
Finally, players often support or justify their pricing rules of thumb with examples of economic practices and market logics beyond virtual worlds and video games. This paper also briefly considers some of the parallels and divergences players present between moral and market rules of pricing in actual economies and in FFXI's virtual economy.
Beginning with an 1870 Dominion of Canada $2 bill, and culminating in the 2004 Canadian Journey series $20 bill, this paper asks whether Canada's claim of multiculturalism vis-a-vis First Nations Peoples is indeed supported by nation-building imagery on its own currency. Hudson's Bay Point Blankets were traded between colonisers and First Nations in 19th century Canada. These wool blankets were re-purposed by Aboriginal peoples as garments, ceremonial exchange and prestige goods. On the 1870 $2 bill, the blanket draped across an Aboriginal man's body is an imperialist icon of le doux commerce that 'tames' the 'noble savage'. In the 2004 $20 bill, First Nations are represented by a modern sculpture by a Haida artist, Bill Reid, depicting the creation of mankind, 'Raven and the First Men'. But on this bill is contemporary Aboriginal art and 'traditional culture' – the sculpture depicts a key event in Haida cosmology – presented as truly valuable?
We can move beyond embeddedness and performativity by abandoning purifications and making peace with partiality. I will argue that, like China Mieville’s detective Tyador Borlu, we must step bravely into breach areas, the spaces between disciplines and conceptual extremes. Such an economic sociology is inspired by Donna Haraway’s image of the cyborg, and aims to see and think from multiple perspectives. Economic 'realities' cannot be found through purifications, but can be glimped in these breaches, through extensions and what Strathern (1991:38) calls ‘connections without assumptions of comparability’.
With this article I hope to spark further debate on building a conceptual toolkit to explore ambiguities, and contribute to increasing interest in non-dyadic gift relations in consumer culture research. 'Ambiguous goods' is not a viable category for thinking about things, people and relations or digital virtual objects. But ambiguity can be a useful way to think about how people and things – whether they are digital, virtual or neither – are related.
Participants' accounts of virtual money practices are linked to moral attributes, sometimes in stark 'good' or 'bad' dichotomies, but also in more nuanced terms. These framings reproduce classifications of people along a continuum with virtuousness at one end and malicious or harmful at the other, passing though various states of possibly moral dubiousness. For respondents, these two judgments go together; people are what they do with money. As a result, respondents decide what 'people like that' deserve. Evaluating someone's money practices means assessing the person. Participants' accounts of Linden dollar practices overlap with explanations of what SL is and how residents should live there. In SL, money is a form of material culture through which appropriate ways of being in the world are debated and reproduced.
This paper examines two limits of a spectrum of self-imposed limits to virtual consumption as explained by players of Final Fantasy XI with the moral limits of arbitrage at one end, and a focus on collective accumulation of wealth at the other. The moral constraints on arbitrage in FFXI are tied to a deeply rooted sense of economic fairplay and a strong – and surprisingly pervasive, given that this research was conducted before the financial crisis – ideology of “fair” rather than “free” markets. Some economic behaviour that is morally questionable, such as price gouging and supply manipulation, is understood not only as market manipulation that detracts from users’ game play experience, but also as a threat to players’ enjoyment of the virtual world of FFXI as a commodity, and their acquisition of digital virtual commodities. Players band together in linkshells (guilds) in FFXI to defeat powerful foes and acquire powerful and highly desirable equipment, or more baldly put, to increase their consumption capacity. Distribution of goods through these organisations can be a fraught affair, but generally, the spoils of conquest are distributed evenly. Though such rewards are individually held, the prestige and power of the organisation is increased as its members acquire increasingly sought-after goods, transforming individual accumulation and consumption into collective achievement.
to provide points of departure and ideas for such alternative configurations. Exploration of lay theories is organised around four key conceptual categories – value, exchange, money and markets – which were suggested by participants' accounts and economic organisation within each field site. Respondents' theories offer polyphonic, heteroglossic approaches to economic life that sometimes diverge substantially from academic conceptualisations. Lay theories examined in this research emphasising plurality and multiplicity – especially with respect to monies – going so far as to suggest a radical reorganisation of economies based on monies rather than markets. When lay theories from each category are pieced together, they reveal a social imaginary of boundless abundance, strong reliance upon practices as ways of knowing about and theorising economic life, and strange parellels with studies of “primitive” cultures.
This dissertation is based on comparative ethnographies of two disparate virtual worlds, FFXI and SL, which offer different slant-wise views of contemporary capitalist, consumer societies. Final Fantasy XI is a proprietary massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) created, owned and maintained by Square-Enix, while Second Life (SL) is a free-form, non-proprietary, three-dimensional virtual world created and maintained in a laissez-faire fashion by Linden Lab. Fieldwork consisted of participant observation, one-on-one interviews, group interviews with FFXI respondents and analysis of fan-made media and corporate texts.
What constitutes a fair price, how prices should be determined, when prices may be acceptably raised or lowered, and to what degree, are framed as both moral and economic questions. For FFXI players, price stability is believed to be essential to maintaining fair access to goods and participation in the virtual world. Without essential consumable commodities, such as arrows, and consumer durables like weapons and armour, players' online adventures would grind to a halt. As the vast majority of economic activity is trade between players, maintaining 'good' prices and avoiding inflationary tendencies is framed as a personal responsibility. Moreover, an overwhelming majority of players are involved in price setting on a daily basis as they buy, sell and browse goods in FFXI's Auction Houses and bazaars. Being knowledgeable about fair prices and exercising good judgement in setting appropriate prices for virtual goods are ways of reproducing and maintaining economic stability and demonstrating responsible economic citizenship in the virtual world. In this context, market knowledge is produced in tandem with, if not through, moral judgements.
Finally, players often support or justify their pricing rules of thumb with examples of economic practices and market logics beyond virtual worlds and video games. This paper also briefly considers some of the parallels and divergences players present between moral and market rules of pricing in actual economies and in FFXI's virtual economy.
Beginning with an 1870 Dominion of Canada $2 bill, and culminating in the 2004 Canadian Journey series $20 bill, this paper asks whether Canada's claim of multiculturalism vis-a-vis First Nations Peoples is indeed supported by nation-building imagery on its own currency. Hudson's Bay Point Blankets were traded between colonisers and First Nations in 19th century Canada. These wool blankets were re-purposed by Aboriginal peoples as garments, ceremonial exchange and prestige goods. On the 1870 $2 bill, the blanket draped across an Aboriginal man's body is an imperialist icon of le doux commerce that 'tames' the 'noble savage'. In the 2004 $20 bill, First Nations are represented by a modern sculpture by a Haida artist, Bill Reid, depicting the creation of mankind, 'Raven and the First Men'. But on this bill is contemporary Aboriginal art and 'traditional culture' – the sculpture depicts a key event in Haida cosmology – presented as truly valuable?
We can move beyond embeddedness and performativity by abandoning purifications and making peace with partiality. I will argue that, like China Mieville’s detective Tyador Borlu, we must step bravely into breach areas, the spaces between disciplines and conceptual extremes. Such an economic sociology is inspired by Donna Haraway’s image of the cyborg, and aims to see and think from multiple perspectives. Economic 'realities' cannot be found through purifications, but can be glimped in these breaches, through extensions and what Strathern (1991:38) calls ‘connections without assumptions of comparability’.
As expatriates adapt to different price scales for everyday subsistence goods, this quantity changes from being '5 000 is a used car', to 'five thousand is my grocery bill' or '5 000 is an impossible denomination, five 1 000s is better'. New residents struggle with quantity divisions using different multiples – .01, .05, 0.1, 0.5, 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 100, 500, 1 000, 5 000 – and orders of magnitude that conversion to 'familiar' currency does little to remedy. Currency redundancy also causes confusion; the quantity of 10 rubles exists as both coins and notes. Rarely, old 5 ruble notes supposedly withdrawn from circulation crop up alongside the same denomination in coin. Adjusting to life in rubles involves using different quantities divided into even smaller notional amounts than at 'home' – ten kopeks (0.1 rubles) is less than one cent or one pence – and managing a larger number of denominations as well.
Elizabeth Shove has suggested that climate change policies based on behavioural approaches – the so-called 'ABCs': attitudes, behaviours and change – obscures the extent to which governments, economic institutions and organisations maintain and reproduce unsustainable infrastructures that constrain and sometimes obstruct sustainable choices and practices. This paper considers how such a systems-and-practices perspective might be applied to information and communication technologies. ICT industries produced 2% of global greenhouse gas emissions in 2007, and their emissions have increased at a greater rate than that of the aviation industry, whose emissions are of the same order of magnitude. Yet there have been no protests at new server farm construction sites; there are no climate change camps outside any of the new coal-powered mega-data centres built by prominent social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter.
Organisations like the Global eSustainability Initiative (GeSI) promote of an image of ICTs as environmentally neutral, if not beneficial. However, emissions estimates and projections in the GeSI's Smart 2020 report proceed from Panglossian assumptions about development and adoption of new energy efficiency technologies. Despite the fact that over 75% of carbon emissions produced by an electronic device – from mobile phones to routers and iPods – will be generated by 'consumer' use (which includes industrial consumers, such as data centres), there is very little reflexivity in industry about emissions. Though there is growing awareness of the knock-on ecological effects of our increasingly networked social lives and practices in the global north – Annie Leonard's The Story of Stuff project, and Greenpeace's 'Get Facebook to Unfriend Coal' campaign, for example – most campaigns remain rooted in consumer behaviour rhetorics. This paper also examines how a systems-and-practices approach might contribute to raising awareness and developing effective activist campaigns.
Patients are objects of the medical gaze, and subjects of medical treatment. Chronically ill patients, whose conditions can only be managed, not cured, spend years of their lives under a series of medical gazes, struggling with medical expectations of ‘good’ and ‘compliant’ patient behaviour. Like Estragon and Vladimir, from Waiting for Godot, women with chronic illnesses or infertility can feel trapped in an endless cycle of waiting – for the next procedure, for the next horomone cycle, for the next battery of tests, for results – in which their assigned role is characterised by passive acceptance of treatments, orders and scrutiny. However, when placed such positions, women seek ways to resist, to reassert their agency.
This paper explores the strategies used by infertile women and chronically ill women to reconstruct and exercise agency and control over their treatment, and is based on qualitative research with two online support communities: two self-help groups for chronic pain sufferers in Second Life; and a discussion forum for women experiencing infertility or involuntary childlessness. Attending support group meetings and exploring complementary medicine therapies helps chronically ill women in Second Life turn the stigma of chronic illness inside out, building new, empowering identities and enabling resistance against medical expectations of passivity and abjection. For infertile women, interrogating medical practices, sharing experiences and seeking advice on online forums and use of ‘count down tickers’ are efforts to actively regain some agency from the medical experts.
Markets have become a master category in contemporary economic sociology to which other concepts or categories are subordinate, especially since the field's performative turn (Callon, 1998). An over-emphasis on markets, particularly in high finance, has created an intellectually rich dialogue, but one based on a small slice of economic life. What if there were another way to think about economic organisation, a way that does not center on a conceptual black box – markets – and reflects a wider cross-section of economic life in contemporary Western consumer societies? This is not a call to political revolution, but a suggestion to rummage through economic sociology’s impressive conceptual toolkit and think about using some other tools.
Guyer (2004) suggests that monetary conversions are compasses, they direct our attention to where the economic “action” is, in a Goffmanesque sense. This paper puts Guyer’s observation to the test of a speculative exercise that asks how an economy would look if our point of departure were monies, not markets. Instead of assembling an economy from market units whose connections are not often conceptually clear – an economy consisting of a market for fashion, for currencies, for labour, for strawberries, and so on – such an economy would have clear points of connection and routes of circulation, patterns of behaviour and modes of actions that are empirically observable (and quantifiable) through movements of money. This thought experiment was suggested by lay formulations and theories of economies and economic life – as explored in seven years of ethnographic field work in two virtual worlds – which emphasise the importance of monies in moulding, shaping and organising economic life.
For the purposes of this thought experiment, monies are not a dominant category, but tracking dyes tracing the contours of an economy through exchanges, conversions and other money acts. Drawing on Bohannon and Bohannon’s (1968) spheres of exchange – the uncredited inspiration for Zelizer’s (2004) circuits of commerce – along with Guyer’s (2004) and Graeber’s (2001) re-considerations; and using a broader conceptualisation of monies that embraces monetary proliferation in contemporary consumer societies, I propose a bottom-up assembly of economic life that focuses on economic structures and patterns produced through repeated monetary circulations. When economic life in Western capitalist consumer societies is seen in this way, economic practices and social structures more familiar from so-called “primitive” societies appear in strange, yet quotidian guises. For example, special domains of consumption, generated not by the cosmological or cultural significance of objects, as in kula or potlatch, but created and sustained by consumers’ reliance upon corporate controlled and produced token monies, emerge as an important element of economic life. These ring-fenced economic areas – which produce their own logics of consumption, and their own practices of valuation, exchange and money use – are explicitly held back and separated from markets and market logics.